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Gc M.' 

974. S 







3 1833 01150 4021 


John Franklin Jameson, Ph.D., LL.D. 





Si^'-.. '^ 



r, ■.' 









J 199558 

To the memory of 

a minister among Friends for forty-five years ; 
"a man of strong and earnest convictions; deeply 

interested in public affairs, both national and 

local; active in the work of organizing charities, 

and an enthusiastic laborer for the abolition of 


are dedicated 

these annals of the pioneer Welsh Friends of 
Pensylvania, from many of whom he was descended. 



Arranging Welsh settlement 11-29 

Welsh land companies 33- 42 

Thomas and Jones' land patent 45-59 

Merion adventurers 63- 78 

Families and lands of first arrivals 79- 92 

Families and lands of second arrivals 95-138 

Lloyd and Davies' land patent 141-161 

John Bevan's land patent 163-173 

John and Wynne's land patent 175-193 

Lewis David's land patent 195-203 

Richard Thomas' land patent 207-212 

Richard David's land patent 213-248 

Welsh planters and servants 249-276 

Welsh Friends' pedigrees 279-302 

Annals of the Welsh settlers 305-324 

Welsh Tract affairs 327-416 

Welsh Tract townships 419-493 

Merion, Haverford and Radnor 497-589 

Appendix 591-597 

Index 599 



Merion Meeting House Frontispiece 

Map of the Thomas and Jones tract, in 1683-4 31 

Merion Meeting House 43 

Location of Merion Meeting's land, 1695-1804 60 

A section of Holme's Map of Pa., (circa 1688) 124 

A section of Scull & Heap's Map of Pa., 1750 162 

A section of Read's Map of Pa 174 

Locations of first Meeting Houses 194 

Haverford tp., (1690) , east part 204 

Haverford tp., (1690) , west part 232 

Friends going to Haverford Mo. Mtg 304 

Thomas & Jones' tract, ci?ca, 1700 376 

Holme's Map of the Welsh Tract 416 

The Thomas and Jones tract about 1850 494 

Merion Meeting House 498 

Recent survey of Merion Meeting land 560 

Merion Meeting House 561 






In Pensylvania, there is no more ancient public building 
preserved, that is so intimately associated with the settle- 
ment of the State, in its provincial period, than the Merion 
Meeting House, a stone-built house of God. It is one of 
the very few remaining links suggesting the days of Wil- 
liam Penn, and it is the oldest. 

The march of public improvement and progress is pass- 
ing, leaving it the same House, growing older, but not de- 
caying, of hallowed memories, which was the first perma- 
nent place for public religious meetings of the first settlers 
of the region in which it stands, ever an interesting relict 
of days long passed, of early colonial, or provincial times 
and customs of the greatest of the American common- 

Its oldest part, completed in the year 1695, as its date- 
stone tells, the possible successor of a more modest and 
impretentious Meeting House, stands as a firm, rock-built, 
permanent land-mark, in Lower Merion township, Mont- 
gomery county, at the intersection of Montgomery avenue, 
and Meeting House Road, a short distance from the city 

'Twas on one of those 

"Fair First-day mornings. 
Steeped in summer calm," 

that I made my first visit to this Friends' Meeting. Any 
day it is worth more than the time you will spend on a visit 



there, "for conscience sake," if not out of interest, or cu- 

You will find a large, double iron gate, just west of the 
picturesque and quaint "General Wayne Inn, Established in 
1704," that yields to pressure, for it's never locked, and ad- 
mits you to a clean, rolled gravel driveway leading upwards 
through a well kept lawn to the old building, past the usual 
shelter for horses, for the merciful are merciful to their 
beasts, shaded by tall sycamore, or buttonwood trees, na- 
tive to the soil, ancient you may see, for their girths are 
near twenty feet, which have witnessed the passing to wor- 
ship, or to mourn, of many generations of Friends. 

You will find that the Meeting House seems to stand on 
a natural ele\ation, but the ground is really only a part of 
the level fields about it, and that it is the bounding roadbeds 
that here have been cut down to a plane which gives it the 
apparent elevation. The lawn about the old building has a 
luxurious growth of clover, and is sufficiently shaded by 
trees not so old as those you have passed under, and, on the 
whole, is a restful spot, "far from the madding crowd," that 
has been enjoyed by thousands in days gone by, and is likely 
to be for longer, for there is never any lack of funds to 
keep the place in perfect condition and beauty. 

This lawn on which the old house stands, to one side, is 
of the shape of a triangle, being bounded on two sides by 
the intersecting public roads, while the third, or base, may 
be said, rests on an end of the rectangularly spaced grave 
yard. All about the property is a strong, stone retaining 
wall, which it was necessary to build when the public roads 
were cut down and leveled, topped with an iron fence, 
which gives the grounds a park-like appearance, and, with 
the Meeting House, makes it notable in this locality, to the 
thousands motoring and driving on the adjacent avenues. 

Outwardly you will find the Meeting House attractive in 
appearance for it has some architecturally distinctive 
marks and features, absent in the usually plain, unpreten- 



tious Friends' Meeting Houses, which suggests that its 
builders were men of refined taste, who could design and 
erect a meeting house at once plain and unassuming, but at 
the same time attractive to the senses. Yet, withal, it is a 
little modest stone building that has withstood the elements 
for over two centuries, and so will probably remain to the 
end, an accommodation for all of its congregations, a quaint 
and charming bit of colonial architecture, with its three 
gables, and as a whole, a remarkable one, for it is the only- 
Friends' Meeting House erected into the shape of a T, or 
of a "tau cross," the "crux commissa," which latter design 
is so incongruous with Friends' taste, it must be considered 
an accident that this Friends' Meeting House was built cru- 

In a general description, the Meeting House faces the 
South, and the transept, east and west, a gable pointing 
towards three of the chief points of the compass. In the 
western gable end of the transept may be seen a small stone, 
set into the wall, above a window, with the legend: 





And on the lintel of the window in the Eastern gable may 
be seen the engraved date, "1829." Of these dates, and what 
they indicate, will be told further on. 

A generous "front-door" on the South side of what may 
be presumed to be the stem of the cross, opens on a covered 
wooden stoop, and two side doors are sheltered by the stiff 
hoods common to the Meeting House of early construction. 

Anciently, this may have been an ideal spot for a Friends' 
Meeting House, but now it seems better adapted for a mis- 
sion, since its nearest neighbors are a tavern, "where they 
sell liquor," but a quiet, orderly place, and not unlike the 



road-houses of Engkiiul, and a popular race track. But to 
maintain the religious atmosphere, its third neighbor is 
the great convent liouse and estate of the Sisters of Mercy, 
a teaching order. Between the walls of the convent grave 
yard, where Sisters are buried, and the Meeting House, 
lays the "Friends' Ground," the grave yard of the Merion 
Meeting, protected from trespass by a stone wall, sur- 
mounted by an iron fence. 

Passing through its ever open iron gates, unheeding 
the weather beaten warning, "All Trespassing Forbidden," 
and going up the long, straight gravel walk, bisecting the 
grounds, where 

"Round about, the old Frie'nds sleep. 
Grave women, earnest men," 

you may notice that innovation has reached this long-time 
secluded spot, as it has other Meetings' grave yards, for 
there are inscribed stones marking graves, something the 
Founders and early members of this Meeting would not 
have tolerated. However, these cannot be classed as tomb- 
stones, or monuments, for they are little, modest affairs, 
never taller than two feet which superceded equally low 
head and foot boards to the graves, and' for this reason 
many have sank as if ashamed, so that the grass hides 
them, and the simple legends they bear are difficult to read. 
There are only about 200 graves thus marked, which is but 
a small percentage of the thousands of people here interred, 
one above the other, in two centuries, and, singular to re- 
late, one-third of the stones tell they are in loving remem- 
brance of people who died over eighty years of age, thus 
evidencing, as claimed, that "Quaker habits promote lon- 
gevity." These modest gi-ave-stones tell the barest details 
of the departed ; only their names and span of life, engraved 
on the upper edge, in the strata, and for this reason are soon 
rendered unreadable by the elements of the weather. 

As the majority of the stones tell of Friends who died 
after 1830, it may be presumed it was about that decade of 



the last century, shortly after the Society bscame divided 
into two branches, generally known as "orthodox" and 
"Hicksites," and the latter Friends, who, however, do not 
recognize this appellation, calling themselves simply 
"Friends," got control of this Meeting, they being more lib- 
eral in their views of such matters, when non-Friends, but 
descendents of members of the Society, began to be buried 
here, and the taste and desire for marble marking stones 
prevailed, for the stones recording earlier decease may have 
been erected long subsequent to the event, since they do not 
have the appearance of more age than their neighbors of 
later dates, and there are several that tell of deaths in the 
last decade of the 18th century. 

And it is also notable that such members of the Friends* 
families who served as soldiers in the Civil War, are buried 
here, and bear the little marker-flags placed by the loving 
hands of their living companions, the members of the So- 
ciety of the Grand Army of the Republic on Memorial Day. 
This spot, hallovred by dear and sad memories, may in 
a few years be in the midst of a dense population, the over- 
flow from the city, but now, of a summer's day, only the 
far-off ring of a blacksmith's hammer, or the occasional tap 
of the convent bell, or the quick rush of an "auto," is the 
only commotion that disturbs its continual calm. 

In some respects, this may be like a hundred other 
Friends' Meeting Houses, which called for the lines from 
the Quaker poet, John Russell Hayes: 

"I love the old Meeting; Houses, — how my heart 

Goes out to these dear, silent homes of prayer, 

With all their quietude and rustic charm; 

Their loved associations and pathetic solitude; 

Their tranquil and pathetic solitude; 

Their hallowed Memories!" 

But the old Merion Meeting, and its house has enough 
personality to make it distinguishable. 

No picture of the neighborhood, in which this ancient 
House stands, can be painted better by the pen, to compare 



its site with what it was in the extreme past, than the com- 
mercial statement, the land in its vicinity, which was 
bought from Pcnn for only five ponce an acre, is now being 
sold for more than five thousand dollars an acre, and a mile 
beyond, at Wynnewood and at Ardmore, for fifteen thou- 
sand dollars an acre! Which means, the inhabitants of 
Penn's "City of Brotherly Love," once miles away, and 
whose buildings could be counted on the fingers of one hand 
when the Welsh Quakers pitched their tents here, have 
brought it into sight of the door of the old Meeting House, 
and have thus enhanced the value of tlie land about it. The 
suburban population surrounds it; villages have grown-up 
about it; it has become accessible by steam and electric cars, 
and by well-kept avenues, this ancient, vino-gi-own old stone 
Meeting House, to which Friends for years came afoot and 
horse-back, along the bridle-paths and lanes through the 
wild woods, but whose descendants now roll up to meetings 
in luxurious limousines. 

This Merion Meeting House, as it stands, was not only 
the first place of public worship erected for the original 
settlers of the territory west of the Schuylkill river, dis- 
tant from the limit of the proposed city of Philadelphia, and 
just without its present bounds, by the Welsh Friends, who 
began to remove here in the summer of 1G82, but the first 
• public house of worship or church building put up in the 
Commonv/ealth, and, as may be seen hereafter, it was also 
the first "to'>\Ti hall' erected in it. And I understand it v/as 
the first permanent Meeting House for Friends erected in 

The story of the experiences of the earliest Welsh settlers 
in "Merioneth Town," or "Merion Town," as the district in 
which this Meeting House stands, was at first called, in 
honor of the shire in Wales from which its first settlers 
came, or Merion township, as it came officially to be desig- 
nated, and of the "towns" of "Harfod," or Haverford, and 
Radnor, continguous to it, from the year of first settlement, 



1682, will be told by their extant letters written to friends 
at "home," has none of the thrilling tales of hardship and 
adventure, of "battle, murder and sudden death," that em- 
bellishes, and saddens those of the first comers into Virginia 
and New England, a half-century earlier, nor those of the 
pioneers of the Cumberland Valley, the Valley of Virginia, 
or of Kentucky, when beginning the "winning of the West," 
a half-century later. Nor did these Friends — "those devil- 
driven heretics," as the Rev. Cotton Mather, of New Eng- 
land, called the Quakers in his "Magnalia," — have to suffer 
from the "sharp laws" of Massachusetts, and New Eng- 
land Puritan intolerance, and anj there who did, soon 
found their way to Pennsylvania. 

Writing of these early days, with his facile pen in his 
"Quaker School Boj%" Friend Isaac Sharpless says, "It was 
a venture, as all emigration is, but the results were happy. 
There was none of the suffering of Massachusetts and Vir- 
ginia. The wise arrangement of Penn had made the red- 
men more than friends. The Quaker home, and children, 
were left in perfect security, while the adult attended Quar- 
terly Meeting." 

And the Welsh Friends were hardly forerunners even in 
the land, for the way had long been made clear for their 
peaceful entrance into their purchased lands, and many 
were able to be seated at the very first on old "Indian fields," 
and on clearings made by their predecessors, the Swedes, 
Dutch and early English, who came up here from the old 
settlements on the lower Delaware. But as these choice 
spots were, as we may see, soon claimed by Penn as his pri- 
vate property, their tenure of them was brief. That Penn 
appreciated them highly may be seen from his letter of 
16, 8mo. 1683, to the Free Society of Traders in Pensylva- 
nia, in which he says, "There are also very good peaches, 
and in great quantities, not an Indian plantation without 
them, they make a pleasant drink," hence the "insidious 
punch" of peach brandy and honey. 



The Delaware river country had been opened for fifty- 
odd years to settlers, on both of its lower banks, and consid- 
erable land was being cultivated and farmed, in peace, with- 
out fear, though not comfort possibly, as we understand it, 
when the Welsh Friends removed to Penn's new province, 
where he "would found a free colony for all mankind that 
shall go thither," as his land-sale advertisements stated. 
Therefore, the story of their first years in America is al- 
most devoid of especial interest in respect to what makes 
that of older colonies here so prominent. 

Yet, although it may be only that of domesticity — simply 
the transfer of "home" across the sea, from one peaceful site 
to another, with only discomforts incidental to removal and 
travel, and re-establishment, to enliven it, theirs is the story 
of active participation in the founding of the Common- 
wealth of Pensylvania. 

They had longed 

"For a lodge in some vast wilderness, 
Some boundless contiguity of shade," 

and they certainly were accommodated, these Welsh of 
English nationality, but their settling in Pensylvania was 
not a complete severance from "home," to which kin and 
ancestors still bound them for several generations. 

Although, like the Swedes of the "South River country," 
and the Dutch of New Netherlands, the Welsh of the Schuyl- 
kill, who, however, ceased coming over in any great number 
after the "sufferings" were stopped in their native land, or 
when they learned that Penn had not kept to his promises 
to the early colonists, as will be explained hereafter; were 
engulfed, disappearing as a separate race in a few years, in 
the great flood of English to our shores, and lost their iden- 
tity, and Welsh characteristics, swallowed up by the cos- 
mopolitan development of our country, and even the use of 
their distinctive tongue. * The moral influence and teachings 

*The Welsh language may have been understood, spoken and writ- 
ten and read and preferred by the Welsh Quakers generally in Pen- 


the Welsh members of the religious Society of Friends, "the 
people vulgarly called Quakers," with their Cymric blood, 
.an industrious, hardy race, were instilled into the commu- 
nity of strangers which grew up about them, and in which 
they were finally absorbed, grown into the fibre and woof of 
our great nation, for, there is hardly a present-day family of 
any prominence, or social pretentions, in Pensylvania, or in 
the "West," having colonial ancestry, that cannot claim, with 
truth, an ancestor among the early Welsh Friends of this 
Commonwealth, and they are proud in being able to do so 
for reasons that may appear hereafter. J In this connection 
the late Dr. Levick said in a public address, "The early 
Welsh settlers of Philadelphia, and its vicinity, belonged to 
•a race which has left its impress, in a very marked manner, 
■on the character of its descendants to the present day." 

sylvania, for, as will appear, they desired, and expected that the 
civil affairs of the whole Welsh Tract would be determined by officers 
and juries "of our language." But English was the prevailing lan- 
guage with the Welsh Quakers in the "Haverford and Merion towns," 
as the earliest settlers therein were of the upper, educated class of 
Wales, and were often at London, and among the English. But in 
Radnor Township there were many Welsh who did not understand 
English, for, as lat« as in 1707, the Welsh Episcopalians then peti- 
tioned the Bishop of London to send them a rector who could read 
and speak both Welsh and English. They were the founders of the 
P. E. Church of St. Davids. In other parts, and in the Gwynedd 
settlement, however, the Welsh language and customs obtained dis- 
tinctively for many years, and many of the wills, and documents 
issued by the people of the latter section were in the Welsh tongue, 
as, for instance, as late as 1712, the subscription paper passed around, 
for collecting funds to rebuild the Gwynedd Meeting House, in which 
House ministers had to speak alternately in Welsh and English, in 
the same address. 

JThe Welsh origin for the Pensylvania families of Adams, Apthorp, 
Arnold, Bevan, Cadwalader, David, Davies, Evans, Ellis, Edwards, 
Foulke, Floyd, Griffith, Guinn, Gwynne, Hughs, Humphreys, Howell, 
Hewes, Henry, Harry, Jones, John, Lloyd, Lewis, Morris, Morgan, 
Owen, Price, Powell, Paul, Penn, Pugh, Richards, Rice, Reese, Rob- 
erts, Thomas, Williams, Wynne, etc., can easily be imagined. 



And Mr. Benjamin H. Smith, in an interesting article in a 
recent numlx-r of the magazine of the Historical Society 
of Pensylvania, concerning the lands in Merion of the first 
coming Welshmen, v.-hose sturdy honesty and integrity he 
recognized, says, "they were prominent and respected citi- 
zens in their o\vn country," and "those who came to Pen- 
sylvania took a leading part in the development of the new 
colony, and many of their descendants have borne distin- 
guished names in literature, science, and public affairs." 

Before entering into sketches of the Founders of the 
Friends' Merion Meeting, and of their Meeting House, and 
of the people prominently connected with it in its earliest 
years, and of its present-day members, and the same, inci- 
dentally, of the other meetings composing the Haverford or 
Radnor Monthly Meeting, it should not be uninteresting to 
review some of the events leading up to its establishing as 
introductory to them. 

Immediately after William Penn was in full possession of 
the Roj^al Grant for the territory in America, then named, 
and so v/ritten for fifty years subsequently in public doc- 
uments, and frequently in preserved private letters of the 
Quakers, "Pensylvania," he began to advertise, and can- 
vass for purchasers and settlers for it. He first began his 
■efforts within the Society of Friends, of which he was a 
prominent minister, and well known to thousands, advertis- 
ing his province as an ideal asylum, or home, for them, with 
life there everything they might desire, appealing especially 
to those who were unhappy and dissatisfied, for various 
reasons, more or less serious, with their conditions in life. 

Though it is unnecessary to bring to mind the many, 
many "sufferings" experienced by the Friends when the 
"church people" must have studied Collier's "Art of Inge- 
niously Tormenting," because of dislike to military duties; 
objections to paying tithes to support the "Established 
Church," their pietj', and especially their public worship, 
a matter that was positively forbidden by acts of parlia- 



merit, one of these edicts to suppress "seditious conventi- 
cles," however, it is proper to mention here, as in it are the 
names of Welshmen who removed to Pensylvania, or the 
fathers of others. 

This particular "edict" is dated 20 of May, 1675, and is 
signed by Humphey Hughes and John Wynne, constables. 
But it is not the notice that these Welshmen "met unlaw- 
fully under pretence of religion," and that the constables 
were ordered to "levy on them by way of distress," but it is 
the list of names given in the schedule, accompanying it, of 
those on whom they were to levy the fines, that is of inter- 

"The names of those that unlawfully met together att 
Llwyn y Braner, within ye parish of Llanvaur, upon ye 16th 
day of May, being Sunday, 1675. Oathes being made they 
were present formerly in unlawful meetings within three 

"First conviction on the oathes of Ov/en D'd, and Thomas 

"Second conviction, and warrant of arrest for the Double 
fine, on oath o ■' Robert Evans." 

(Each of these following was fined ten shillings.) 

"John David John, and his wife, of Cilltalgarth. 

Hugh Roberts, and his wife, of the same place. 

Cadwalader Thomas, of the same place. 

Robert David, of the same place. 

Robert Owen, of Vron Goch. 

Elin Owen, of the same. 

John Thomas ap Hugh, of Llaythgywm. 

John ap Edward, of Nanlleidiog. 

Evan Edwards, of Cynlas. 

Peter Owen, of Bettws y Coed. 

Robert John, of Pen maen. 

Margaret John, of same place. 

Hugh John Thomas, of Nanlleidiog. 

His Sonne and daughter. 



Litter Thomas, of Llandervel. 

Jane Morris, of Pen maen. 

Edward Griflith, of Llaetgwm. 

Edward Reese, of Llantgervel. 

John James, of the same. 

William Morgan, of Llanecill. 

Owen David, of Cilttalgarth. 

John William, of the same place. 

Anne, verch David, widow, of Pen maen." 

This schedule, with the order, is preserved among the 
mass of MSS. which the wife and widow of John Thomas 
brought over here in 1683, now in possession of Lewis Jones- 
Levick, Esqr., of Bala, (Philadelphia), who inherited them. 
It came into John's possession while serving as constable^. 
and he endorsed on it : 

"Evan Owen ye son of a widow called Gainor, whose late 
husband was Owen ap Evan, of Vron Goch, was convicted 
by oath to be present at a meeting, though but 9 or 10 years 

Penn's advertisements of his American possessions (he 
was his own sales-agent), readily appealed to Friends of 
every race, but the very first to take advantage of his gen- 
erous and alluring offers, which he well knew how to make 
attractive, for he had had only recently some valuable expe- 
rience in getting settlers for V/est Jersey when attending 
to Friend Billing's embarrassed estate there, and which sug- 
gested to him the scheme of having a great American ter- 
ritory for himself, and selling it out, giving him a perma- 
nent income in quit-rents, were the Friends in Wales. 

But, to go back a little of this story of Welsh interests in 

The principal missionary of introduction of the teachings 
and belief of Friends into Waies was one John ap John, 
cf "Plas Ifa" (Plas Eva, or Plas Evan), at Trevor, a ham- 
let near Ruabon and Wrexham, in Langollen parish, Den- 
bighshire, then a pastoral country, but now given over to 



brickyards. He was born at Trevor Issa, about 1625-30, 
and baptised at the parish church, and became a member 
cf a non-conforming congregation in the parish of Wrex- 
ham, in Denbighshire. In some way, the tenets and teach- 
ings of the learned apostle of Quakerism, George Fox, had 
reached this assembly in fragments. The meager reports 
of the lectures of this eminently successful minister seemed 
plausible and pleasing, but to be better instructed, the min- 
ister of the congregation, the Rev. Morgan Lloyd, sent this 
John, of "Plas Ifa," with a companion, to attend some of 
the meetings and make himself familiar with the precepts 
taught by Mr. Fox, and report them to it. Telling of this 
John ap John, Mr. Fox says he had been a "minister." lie 
was probably of the Parliamentary party, and may have 
been a chaplain at "Bewmarres," or Beaumaris, where he 
lived, in the army in the latter years of the Protectorate. 

The result of this mission is thus noticed by Mr. Fox in 
his "Journal," (p. 123, of London, 1694, edition) : "When 
these triers came down among us the power of the Lord 
overcame them, and they were both of them convinced of 
the Truth, they returned into Wales, where John ap John 
abode in the Truth, and received a gift in the ministry, to 
which hs continued faithful." 

Thus it came about that John ap John was the founder 
of the Society of Friends in Wales. Small Meetings were 
organized everywhere by him and co-laborers, at first se- 
cretlj', but it was not till after the "toleration" act of Par- 
liament was passed, that the Society became regularly or- 
ganized into "Quarterly Meetings," and irregular "Yearly 
Meetings" were held at Swansea, in 1681, and at Redstone, 
near Narberth, in Pembrokeshire, on 5 2mo, 1682. But 
the first Yearly (or Plalf- Yearly) Meeting regularly organ- 
ized according to Friends' rules was held at the house of 
Ellis Morris, at Dolgyn, near Dolgelly, in Merionethshire, 
on 7, 3mo, 1683. In 1684, the Yearly Meeting was at Hav- 
erfordwest, at which William Humphrey, of Llanegryn, 



Merioneth, promised and undertook to write up the "suf- 
ferings" of the Welsh Friends, in the years past. A subject 
so enlarired, subsequently, by Friend Besse, that it is only 
contained in two large printed volumes, since he records the 
sufferings of Friends in all lands. At the Yearly Meeting 
at Garthgynvor, near Dolgelly, in 1G85, there were in at- 
tendance these "gentlemen," who had a part in the found- 
ing of the Merion Meeting. Charles Lloyd and Ricliard Da- 
vies, from Montgomeryshire; Roger ap John, and John 
ap John, and Richard Davies, from Denbighshire. The dele- 
gates to the great Yearly Meeting, at London, in 1GS8, when 
the Welsh Friends were first represented were Ricliard Da- 
vies, representing North Wales, and James Lewis, South 

And of this John the son of John, the late Dr. Levick, of 
Philadelphia, said in an address delivered before the His- 
torical Society of Pensylvania, 13 month, 1893* : "He was 
the Apostle of Quakerism in Wales," and he "was the direct 
agent, under Providence, in bringing about changes which 
resulted in the settlement so largely by Welsh emigrants of 
the Township of Merion." 

And this is the good authority for John ap John, the 
first minister among Welsh Friends, having been the Father 
of the "Welsh Tract" in Pensylvania, and of the variously 
called Merion, Haverford, or Radnor Monthly Tweeting, in 
it, and it was natural that he should head the committee of 
Welsh Friends who first interviev/ed Penn about buying 
some of his land in America, and removing thither, and as 
this was but shortly after he had entered into possession, 
it is possible that John was in Penn's confidence, and had 
the earliest information of the consummation of his bargain 
with the Kjng, and suggested to the Welsh to secure the best 

*Pensylvania Mag-., XVII, 385, etc. 

fSee further as to John ap John in The Journal of the Friends' His- 
torical Society, London, Suppleme'nt, No. 6, 1907. 



The material inducements to purchase his land, and re- 
move to it, that Penn offered, no doubt was made to the 
Welsh Friends through John ap John, and they can be im- 
agined. Surely they were sufficiently attractive, for a com- 
mittee, probably gotten together by John, and repx^esenting 
Monthly Meetings of a half dozen Welsh shires, decided 
upon going to London to interview him personally before 
investing, for the Welsh were ever a cautious race. 

The gentlemen, — who may, or may not have gone in a 
body, — who sought this conference with Penn on the part of 
themselves, and the Meetings of which they were members, 
is the first Roll of Honor connected with "New Wales," 
"Cambria," or "The Welsh Tract," as the lands, in Penn's 
Province, in which they became interested, were variously 
known at first. 

These delegates, on the part of the Welsh Friends, who 
went on this mission, gentlemen all according to land deeds, 
were : 

John ap John, of Ruabon, Denbigshire. 

Dr. Thomas Wynne, of Caerwys, Flintshire. 

Richard ap Thomas, of Whitford Game, Flintshire. 

Dr. Griffith Owen, of Dolserre, Merionethshire. 

Dr. Edward Jones, of Bala, Merionethshire. 

John ap Thomas, of Llaithgwm, Merionethshire. 

Hugh Roberts, of Llanvawr, Merionethshire. 

Thomas Ellis, of Dolserre, Merionethshire. 

Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran, Montgomeryshire. 

Richard Davies, of Welshpool, Montgomeryshire. 

John Bevan, of Treverigg, Glamorganshire. 

Lewis ap David, of Llandewy Velfry, Pembrokeshire. 

There were others, among them Edward Prichard, Wil- 
liam Jenkins, and John Burge, who went to talk with Penn 
about the same time, but the list aforesaid includes the 
leaders in the movement for Pensylvania land (although 
there is evidence that John Roberts and Robert Owen, who 



came over to Pensylvania, were also present) , and who had 
the interview with Penn, in London, in Ma:^, 1G81, of ^rhich, 
unfortunately for the Welsh, no written report was kept, 
and was, as will be explained, the cause of a serious misun- 
derstanding subsequently. 

Of these gentlemen, the three "practitioners in physics," 
and Messrs. Bevan, Roberts, Ellis and Owen, removed to 
Pensylvania and aided in settling the Welsh people on t!io 
lands purchased from them. 

What Penn particularly promised these gentlemen, if 
they would induce the members of their Monthly Meetings 
to buy his land, and settle upon it, other than its fine qual- 
ity, and his liberal guarantee of freedom from certain an- 
noyances they had to put up with in Wales, was shortly, and 
is yet, partly a matter of conjecture and surmise as to its 
details and particulars, for Penn's promises to them were 
only verbally made. But these certain great expectations, 
with which these Welsh gentlemen claimed Penn had lured 
them to America, had vouching only by slender circumstan- 
tial evidence, and hearsay, his English lieutenants and al- 
leged friends in Philadelphia held. Nevertheless, the Welsh- 
men averred, and stuck to it, though little good it did them, 
as we shall see, that Penn's encouragement was, in part, 
they should have their whole purchase, the "Welsh Tract," 
as a "Barony," or State, as it were, within his Province, 
"within which all causes, quarrels, crimes and disputs might 
be tried and wholly determined by officers, magistrates, and 
juries of our language." 

However, this committee having engaged to take and try 
to dispose of by sale to the other Welsh Friends, 40,000, or 
more acres, of Penn's land, returned to their several Month- 
ly Meetings, and reported, and published Penn's "Articles 
of Conditions and Concessions" concerning his Province, to 
which they had subscribed before leaving London, — ideas of 
settlement he had re- written from the "Articles of Freedom 
and Exemption" compiled by the Dutch West India Com- 



pany for a like purpose. So alluring' were tlieir statements, 
based on Penn's promises, fresh in their recollections, they 
had no trouble in getting Friends to subscribe immediately, 
till their sales, and the lands they themselves would take, 
amounted to 30,000 acres, and thus it was that these well 
known, reliable gentlemen, in six Welsh counties, became 
the first Pensylvania real estate agents. 

The men who interviewed Penn, and those concerned with 
them, were nearly all of the highest social caste of the landed 
gentry of Wales, as has been frequently proved in recent 
years on investigation, for it is well known that in Wales 
the upper class readily embraced Quakerism, through the 
teachings of John ap John, one of themselves, while in Eng- 
land the gentry did not, as there converts were confined en- 
tirely to the "plain people" — the small lease-holding, the 
yeomandry, farmers, tradesmen, and shopkeepers, — and tliis 
fact has occasioned the astonishment that William Penn, 
an aristocrat by birth and association, against the wishes 
of his family, became a Quaker. So it may be understood 
that the committee of Welsh Friends were equals and peers 
of Penn, and for this reason he may have readily agreed to 
any propositions they made, though afterwards he certainly 
was most jealous of concessions. 

Surely, he must have been pleased to have the Welsh gen- 
try head his list of grantees, and promise to remove their 
families to their purchases, for it would have a good effect 
on his sales, especially when it became known that the best 
class of the Welsh were going, carrying refinement and edu- 
cation into his Province, for his was a tremendous proposi- 
tion to undertake single-handed, and the countenance of his 
scheme by gentry was a great help to him. 

It was a great disappointment to all, but John ap John, of 
"Plas Ifa," who was indirectly the progenitor of the Haver- 
ford Monthly Meeting, did not remove to Pensylvania. 
Concerning him, the late Dr. Levick said in an address, that 
after a long search he learned that John died on 16, 9mo, 



1697, at the residence of his son-in-law, John Miller, of 
Whitehough Manor, and was buried in Friends' ground at 
Bashford, near-by, in Staffordshire, where no stone, or me- 
morial marks the grave of this first apostle of Friends' 
teachings in Wales. He also learned that in 1712, the 
Friends' Yearly Meeting, of North Wales, desired to collect 
and acquire his MSS. to preserve them, but they could never 
be found. Since Dr. Levick's investigations and death, the 
interest in John ap John, which he started, has continued, 
and the following further data has been discovered of him. 

He married about 1664, Catharine, either daughter of 
John Trevor, of Trevor Hall, and Valle Crucis Abbey, or 
daughter of Roger ap John, of Ruabon. About 1653, Roger 
ap John and John ap John were signers of a positive denial 
that certain Quakers came into Wrexham to gain proselytes 
at their meetings, and that "after a long silence, sometimes 
one, sometimes more, fell into great and dreadful shakings, 
with swellings in their bodies, sending out skreekings and 
bowlings !" 

An extant paper, at the Devonshire House, London, (Gib- 
son Bequest MSS. H, 33), has been discovered, signed by 
John ap John, saying that, in the year 1653, his "under- 
standing was opened." And, "In my Jvgment I have byn 
perswaeded vnto the Establishment & setelment thereof & 
as occasion served, both in Words & praodies J denied ye 
paement of tithys & becos of ye same Denial i cam to siffer 
ye loss of corn, hay, lams, peegs, yieves, kids & mvch thret- 
nings with pikyls and other waes." 

In another paper he mentions his conversion to Quaker- 
ism as follows : "The 2 day of the 5 month, 1673. This time 
20 years Agoee was ye time that I John Ap John was at 
Swart Moore with George ffoox in Lankashire. Yt was ye 
ffvrst time yt I soe Go ffox." 

From sundry mention of him, it is learned that sometimes 
with Mr. Fox, but more often alone, he traveled all over 
Whales, preaching to any that would listen to him. But he 



did not accompany Mr. Fox in England. At Brecknock, in 
1657, he "was moved of the Lord to speak in the Streets," 
which occasioned a tumult. At Tenby, he "went to the 
Steeple House" to speak, which was not unusual at that 
time, as, when the "priest" had finished his services, the 
church could be used by Presbyterians, or Independents, 
but John was arrested and jailed till Mr. Fox got him re- 
leased. At several other places he was arrested for "speak- 
ing through the To'wn," and at his sometime home, Beau- 
maris, he was imprisoned "for public speaking." John also 
traveled through Wales preaching with John Burnyeat, in 
1674, after Burnyeat's second return from America. To- 
gether, they attended a Quarterly Meeting at the home of 
Charles Lloyd, at Dolobran. Bcsse's "Sufferings" of the 
Quakers, of course, tells more of John ap John's experiences 
as a minister among Friends, and his are the earhest in- 
stances of persecution and annoyance in Wales. 

John ap John had only one child, Phoebe, who married, 
8, 3mo. 1689, John Mellor, or Miller, of the manor of 
Whitehough in Staffordshire, at the home of Richard Da- 
vies, in Rhuddalt. John ap John, as above, died at White- 
hough, where he lived after the decease of his wife, Catha- 
rine, who died at Rhuddalt, 9, llmo., 1694, and was luried 
at Trevor. Mr. Mellor died 3, Im, 1718, aged 66 years and 
his wife Phoebe died 22, 8mo, 1734, at Leek, aged 69 years. 
Both buried at Basford. They had six children. 



r t 

^ -Jr 





















The patentees for 30,000 acres of the "Welsh Tract" lands 
granted by William Penn, to whom deeds were made out, 
may be considered self-constituted heads of seven "com- 
panies" for the division and sale of this land to the Welsh 
whom Penn and they hoped would be actual settlers on it, 
were, with the number of acres each "company" had for 
sale, as follows: 

Co. 1. John ap Thomas, of Llaithgwm, Merioneth- 
Dr. Edward Jones, of Bala, Merionethshire. 5,000 

Co. 2. Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran, Montgomery- 
Margaret Davies, widow, of Dolobran 5,000 

Co. 3. John Bevan, of Treverigg, Glamorganshire. 2,000 

Co. 4. John ap John, of Ruabon, Denbighshire, 

Dr. Thomas Wynne, of Caerwys, Flintshire. 5,000 

Co. 5. Lewis ap David, of Llandewy Velfry, Pem- 
brokeshire 3,000 

Co. 6. Richard ap Thomas, of Whitford Game, 

Flintshire, 5,000 

Co. 7. Richard Davies, of Welshpool, Montgomery- 
shire 5,000 

It was one of Penn's earliest intentions to sell his land 
in blocks of 5,000 acres, he having adopted the Dutch plan 
of "patroon concessions." He certainly made his offer 
attractive to the Welsh by this "concession." It may not 
have been stated in so many words, but the purchaser of 
such block was a "patroon" after the Dutch idea, since 
those with whom he divided the land settled with him, in 
his grant, and looked on him as their leader, and it was 



not necesary he should remove to, and reside with them 
on his purchase. 

It may be seen that nine of the party of Welsh gentle- 
men who interviewed Penn, in May, 1681, and engaged to 
take 30,000 acres of land in his province, became con- 
cerned in these "companies," and real estate agents. The 
balance of 10,000 acres conditionally engaged by them 
and others present, was disposed of subsequently by Penn 
himself, or his agents, in small lots to actual settlers, and 
to parties who bought for speculation only, and 10,000 
acres re.served in addition, also in the "Welsh Tract," were 
taken up in a few years by Welshmen, making their total 
purchase of 50,000 acres, the extent of this "Welsh Tract." 

Excepting for names and amount of land, the patents 
to the first purchasers from "William Penn, of Worming- 
hurst, in the county of Sussex, Esq.," were nearly all of 
even date, namely, "the Fifteenth Day of September, in 
the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred Eighty 
and one in the CCCIII yeare of the Reigne of King Charles 
the Second over England". 

But there was an important diiference in the deeds to 
these "iirst purchasers," which turned out to be the cause 
of considerable trouble in after years, as we may see, and 
was particularly disappointing to the heads of "Companies" 
No. 1 and 4, and their grantees. From the deeds of 
"Thomas & Jones," and "John & Wynne" to their grantees, 
it appears that they and others made up by subscription the 
purchase money for the two blocks they took, and that they 
were only "trustees" in the matter of the purchase, and, 
like the other subscribers' purchase money, only interested 
to the amount contributed, whereas the heads of the other 
five "companies" bought on their own accounts, hoping to 
sell off what land they did not wish to retain. But Penn, 
and his representative in Pensylvania, considered all the 
heads of these companies to be "trustees," and treated 
them alike, and if they had not been Quakers there would 



have been much litigation over land claims. As it was, 
Penn's commissi! ners, and the Board of Property, had 
much difficulty adjusting them. -j X.^QC'^SS 

Penn's deeds to the "trustees" cite the date'anJ'^consid- 
eration, the location of the territory, etc., granted to him, 
by Royal Letters Patent, 4 Mnrch 1681, from which he 
conveyed to them the various amounts of their purchases, 
of course, without giving their locations, and the conditions 
and restrictions under which he made the conveyances. 
The consideration being £100 sterling for each tract of 
5,000 acres located in one lot, "if possible, in his province, 
and subject to quit-rent of one shilling for every hundred 
acres of the said five thousand acres att or upon the first 
day of March for ever." 

The deeds to the "companies," as well as those trom 
them to those who bought of them, were long afterwards 
recorded in Philadelphia County, and were confirmed by 
Penn's land commissioners. At first, much to their aston- 
ishment and disappointment, half of the land called for in 
"Welsh Deeds" was laid out to the "first purchasers" in 
the townships of Merion, Radnor, and Haverford, and sub- 
sequently the balance was laid out in the towaiships of 
Goshen, New Town, or Uwchland in the Tract. 

For two years and a half this method obtained, and 
Penn had given no order to survey the 30,000 acre tract 
"bought, so the Welsh could know exactly its bounds, and if 
they lay within their rights. Urged by them to do this, 
Penn gave finally the following warrant for survey, to 
Thomas Holmes, his surveyor general: — 

"Whereas divers considerable persons among ye Welsh 
Friends have requested me yt all ye Lands Purchased of 
me by theos of North Wales and South Wales, together 
with ye adjacent counties to ym as Herefordshire, Shorp- 
shire, and Cheshire, about fourty thousand acres, may be 
lay'd out contiguously as one Barony, alledging yt ye 
number allready come and suddenly to come, are such as 



will be capable of planting ye same much with in ye pro- 
portion allowed by ye custom of ye country, £: so not lye 
in large useless vacancies. 

"And because I am inclined and determined to agree and 
favour ym wth any reasonable Conveniency and privil- 
edge: — I do hereby charge thee and strictly require thee 
to lay out ye sd tract of Land in as uniform a manner as 
conveniently may be, upon ye west side of Skoolkill river, 
running three miles upon ye same, and two miles backward, 
& then extend ye parallel with ye river six miles, and to run 
westwardly so far as this ye sd quantity of land be Com- 
pleately surveyed unto ym. 

"Given at Pennsbury, ye 13th 1 mo. 1684." 
Under instruction . from the surveyor-general, dated 
4. 2mo. 1684, his deputy, David Powel, laid out the tract, 
"in method of townships lately appointed by the Governor, 
att five thousand acres for a township." But it was not 
until 25. 5mo. 1687, that the bounds of the Welsh Tract 
were defined, and publicly known. 

The next item found concerning the "Welsh Tract," 
three years later, is a minute of the Commissioners' meet- 
ing, held "in ye Council Room at Philad'a ye 25th of ye 
5 Mo. 1687". It mentions the "Tract of Land, about 40,000 
acres, w'ch was laid out by vertue of a warrant from the 
proprietary and Governor, bearing Date ye 13th day of the 
first month, 1684, for the Purchasers of North and South 
Wales and adjacent Counties of Herefordshire, Shorpshire, 
and Cheshire, * * * it is bounded: — 

Beginning at the Skoolkill [at the Falls], thence run- 
ning West [by] South West, on the City Liberties, 2256 
Perches [a little over seven miles, along Township, or City 
Line Road] to Darby Creek. 

Thence following up the several courses thereof [i.e. 
Darby Creek] to New Town, 988 Perches [a little over 
three miles], to a Corner post by Crumb Creek. 



Thence down the several Courses thereof [Crum Creek], 
460 Perches, [not quite a mile and a half]. 

Thence West and by South, by a line of Trees, 2080 
Perches [six miles and a half]. 

Thence North [by] North West, by a line of Trees, 1920 
Perches [six miles]. 

Thence East, and by North, by a line of Trees, 3040 
Perches [nine and a half miles]. 

Thence East and by South 1120 Perches [three and a 
half miles]. 

Thence South [and by] South East 256 Perches [about 
a mile and a quarter]. 

Thence East [and by] North East 640 Perches [not 
quite a mile and a half]. 

Thence South [and by] South East 1204 Perches [a frac- 
tion over three and a half miles]. 

Thence East [and by] North East 668 Perches [a little 
over two miles] to the Skoolkill. 

Thence down the several courses thereof [Schuylkill 
river] to the Place of beginning." 

This tract covered 62i/2 square miles. 

So it was not till six years after the Welsh gentlemen 
engaged to take 40,000 acres, that the tract was surveyed 
for them. There is a plot of the tract in the Surveyor 
General's office, at Harrisburg, but it does not agree with 
the bounds given above. The survey included the town- 
ships of Lower Merion, a portion of Upper Merion, Haver- 
ford, Radnor, Tredyffrin, Whiteland, Willistown, East 
Town, Goshen, and part of West Town. 

But in all these years, the Welsh were not idle, nor was 
Penn. All interested were "booming" the land. The 
Welsh trustees had disposed of their trusts, and Penn had 
sold a million acres. 

This was not the only "Welsh Tract" in Pensylvania. 
Subsequently lands were sold to other Welshmen, and we 



had "Welsh Tracts" in Chester Co., and at Gwynedd, or 
'North Wales," and then in New Castle Co. (Delaware). 
The Carolinas also had " Tracts," but with these 
Penn was not' concerned. 

The material side of immigration was made as attractive 
as possible by nicely gotten up pamphlets issued by Penn, 
or his agents, setting forth, in addition to his advertis- 
ing, in glowing terms, the general recommendations of his 
Province and land, the social advantages gained by removal 
there, and the approximate outside cost of it; in detail, 
just how to conduct a farm in the new country and make 
it pay. One of his advertising papers, addressed "to such 
persons as are inclined * * * to the Province of Pensyl- 
vania,"* tells attractively what expense a man with £100 
cash would be under if he bought from him 500 acres, and 
transported himself, wife, a child, and two men servants 
to his purchase. It being understood that "500 acres of 
uncleared land is equivolent to 50 acres of cleared English, 
or Welsh land." 

By taking along to Pensylvania certain small articles, 
cloth, clothes, harness, implements, etc., and selling them 
there the land would be paid for by the 50% profit derived. 
The transportation of the party would cost not more than 
£38.2.6, with new clothes, "Shurtes, Hatts, Shooes, Stokins, 
and Drawyers," a ton of things to sell, and "four gallons 
of Brandy, and 24 pounds of Suger for the Voyage." Ar- 
riving at the purchase in early summer, encamping and 
clearing fifteen acres for plowing, cutting out best timber 
for house, according to directions, planting, erecting the 
log-cabin, and getting in the crops, brings the experience 
of this party up to winter, when the prospect is not pleas- 
ant, as they have only green wood to bum. The barn is 
built, and in the spring stock is bought, and first crop sold. 

*Pa. Mag., IV., p. 831. 



Now, the settler takes "account of stock. " He finds he 
has paid out from his £100, in one year: — 

"To Passage and Cloaths £38.02.06 

"To House and Barn 15.10.00 

"To living expenses one year 17.17.06 

"To Stock ^24.10^00 


His receipts and assets, "per Contr. Creditor," he finds 
as follows : — 

Crop valued at £59.10.00 

House and barn, value, 30.00.00 

Stock, cost, 24.10.00 

Land, with 15 ac. improved, 26.05.00 

Remaining cash 4.00.00 

Total assets £144.05.00 

It may thus be seen the immigrant has had a good first 
year, "on paper." The receipts fi'om crops paid for ths 
fifteen-acre field (the profit of goods brought over having 
paid for the tract) , and for the house and barn. Is it any 
wonder that the humble Welsh willingly removed. 

The directions for building the log house are particular 
as to trees, how to get them ready, etc. It should be "thirty 
foot long and eighteen foot broad," "with a partition, neer 
the middle, and an other to divide one end of the House into 
two small Rooms," and a loft over all, the floor of which 
to be of "clapbord," but "the lower flour is the Ground." 
"This may seem a mean way of Building, but 'tis sufficient 
and safest for ordinary beginners." "An ordinary House, 
and a good Stock, is the Planters Wisdom." 

Only three years after immigrants began coming into 
Pensylvania, there were "evil reports" given out in Eng- 
land "by many Enemies to this new Country," because it 
promised to be a growing colony of non-conformists, and 
because others had other colony schemes they were trying 



to float. Then there were those who could not believe 
Penn's astonishing statements in his advertisements of his 
land, and these were as much to be dreaded as the 

In order to head-off these aspersions against Pensyl- 
vania, Governor Pcnn asked some of the leading- men in the 
Province to give him their opinions of the country from 
personal observation and experience. One, Dr. Nicholas 
More, wrote him, "Green Spring, 13 Sep. 1686," for publi- 
cation it may be imagined, a long, cheerful account* re- 
citing the "evil reports," "as if we were ready to Famish, 
and that the Land is so barren, the Climet so hot, that 
English Grain, Roots, and Herbs do not once come to 
Maturity, and what grows, to be little worth." This he 
pronounced bosh. And he gave prices current here for a 
hundred products and articles, and all possible profits on 

But what would most appeal to farmers, Welsh or Eng- 
lish, was what he wrote of grain crops. He said, "I have 
had seventy Ears of Rye upon one single Root, proceeding 
from one single Com; 45 of Wheat; 80 of Oats; 10, 12, and 
14 of Barley out of one Corn ; I took the Curiosity to tell 
one of the twelve Ears from one Grain, and there was in it 
45 Grains on that Ear; above 3,000 of Oats from one 
single Corn." ["Quaker Oats"?], etc. "But it would seem 
a Romance rather than a Truth, if I should speak what I 
have seen in these things." 

This must have convinced the Welsh farmers. 

In referring thus to Penn's advertising his lands, I do 
not lose sight of the fact that liis Pensylvania scheme 
was "in the course of his pious life," — "continually and 
various ways were employed in promoting the happi- 
ness of mankind, both in their religious and civil capacity," 
and attribute any sordid aspects to it. The advertisements 

♦Pa. Mag., IV., p. 447. 



are only mentioned to show the method pui'sued in trying 
to sell, and to also show that he knew how to "sell without 
samples," and that he was a pioneer in the real estate busi- 
ness, if not in the "mail-order business," and that as an 
all-round business man he was "far and away ahead of 
his time," and would have been the first great "captain 
of industries" if he had had faithful lieutenants, or, if, in a 
word, his whole endeavor had not been a chimera. 

However, his real estate venture throughout was 
"clean." There is no evidence of any scandals connected 
with it. He may have had paid agents to sell his land for 
him, and he may have paid commissions on sales, and the 
"trustees" may have sold some lands at advance prices, 
and some may have bought to speculate, but what of it? 
Such methods then were as proper as they are to-day. 

The "company," some of whose members were the first 
to come over, and have land laid out in the Welsh Tracts, 
was that of John ap Thomas and Dr. Edward Jones. This 
was in August, 1682, a year after Penn's first ship-load of 
colonists had arrived here, and two months before he him- 
self came on ;his first visit to America. There has been 
much told of these very first arrivals in three ships, so it is 
only necessary here to repeat that the first boat-load arrived 
in the Delaware in August, 1681, and the third in the follow- 
ing December, and that the immigrants landed at Upland 
(now Chester) , and remained there, supposing it to be the 
site of the city Penn had said he was going to lay out, till 
after the first surveyor came over, in June, 1682, up to 
which time twenty-three other immigrant ships had 

The surveyor, Thomas Holme, after looking around, 
probably told some one that he was going to recommend 
that the city be located further up the river, at the Swede's 
farm, called Wicaco, for in July there was a great scramble 
of immigrants to that locality. Here Dr. Jones found them 
when he arrived in August, 1682. 



When Penn came in the following October, 1682, he 
found his first English colonists, like squatters, living in 
huts and "caves," on the Delaware, where they supposed 
the city would be laid out, and, as first arrivals, they would 
have the choice lots. This may, or may not have influenced 
him to order his city laid out here, but it was months before 
it was plotted. The site of the new city seems to have been 
known or well guessed at two months before Penn came, 
as Dr. Jones mentions "the town of Philadelphia" in his 
letter, hereafter given, written 13, 6mo. 1682. For this 
reason it has been believed that the Doctor selected or 
suggested the site of the city, and possibly named it, as 
Penn tells it was named "before it was born." 

Now, that we have reviewed the inception, founding, 
and establishing of the "Welsh Tract," on and beyond the 
Schuylkill, wc proceed to consider its first and pioneer 
settlers, "the company of Thomas and Jones" — the builders 
of the Merlon Meeting House. 


'!•■'; 4."" 

5^^ ■'- '- 


Beginning with the Thomas & Jones "Company," and 
land, which was "ye first within ye tract of land in the 
Province" to be laid out, we will consider the companies in 

There are extant documents like confirmatory deeds, each 
having the title, "An Indenture where severall are con- 
cerned," and bearing date of March 18th, others "The first 
day of Aprill, in the four and thirtieth year of our sovereign 
Charles, Second," [1682]. They recite the conveyance of the 
5,000 acres of land by William Penn to John ap Thomas and 
Edward Jones, and that "there have been two severall In- 
dentures, ye one of bargain and sale for one year, bearing 
date ye 16th day of September in the three and thirtieth year 
of his majesty's reign [1681]*, the other bearing date ye 
17th day of the same month and year," both made between 
William Penn and John ap Thomas and Edward Jones. 
And, "that for and in consideration of the sum of One Hun- 
dred pounds of good and lawfull money of England to him 
in hand paid by Jno. T. & Edw. Jones, he did grant [to 
them] the full portion of 5,000 acres of land, * * * ye first 
within ye tract of land in the Province," "bearing date ye 
11th day of July then last past, paying one shilling for every 
one hundred acres of ye said 5,000 upon the first day of 
March forever." 

This deed then recites that "others than John ap Thomas 
and Edward Jones have contributed towards this £100 

*Charles the Second began his first regnal year in 1660, but as it 
was his restoration, his first regnal year was called in documents 
the 12th year of his reign, making his reign date from 30 Jan. 1648-9, 
the beginning of the Cowimonwealth. Therefore, in the above deed, 
the 33 Charles II. was 1681. 



of purchase money," and that "the said John and Edward 
are as Trustees," they being personally responsible for the 
amounts to which the otheis and themselves have individu- 
ally subscribed. That "for £25 which John ap Thomas 
has subscribed, he shall have 1250 acres [one-fourth in- 
terest], and Edward Jones in like proportion, and that the 
residue of the land be of equal goodness." 

These documents are confirmation that 16 September 
1681 was the date of the original grant to John ap Thomas 
and Dr. Edward Jones, or the "Thomas & Jones Co.," which 
for convenience, and because its land was the first laid out, 
and its subscribers the first to arrive here, and founded the 
Merion Meeting, we will call "Company No. 1." 

Company No. 1. There were seventeen Welsh Friends, 
one a woman, who subscribed to the £100 purchase money 
for the 5,000 acres in the Welsh Tract, which John ap 
John and Dr. Edward Jones engaged for them. The names 
of these subscribers and purchasers are preserved in a 
memorandum written by John ap Thomas, found among his 
papers, entitled: — 


"An account of wt sum of money every ffriend in Penllyn 
hath Layd out to buy land in Pensylvania & wt quantity of 
Acres of Land each is to have and wt sum of Quit Rents 
falls upon every one." 

Pounds. Acres. Quit Rent. 

John Tho 25 Os Od 1250 12s 6d 

Hugh Robt 12 10 625 6 3 

Edd Jones 6 5 312 1/2 3 11/2 

Robt Davis 6 5 312 1/2 3 11/2 

Evan Rees 6 5 312 1/2 3 11/2 

John Edd 6 5 312 1/2 3 11/2 

Edd Owen 6 5 312 1/2 3 11/2 

Will Edd 3 2 6 156 1/4 16 1/3 

Edd Rees 3 2 6 156 1/4 16 1/3 

Will Jones 3 2 6 156 1/4 16 1/3 

Tho Rich 3 2 6 156 1/4 161/3 

Rees John W 3 2 6 156 1/4 1 6 1/3 

Tho lloyd 3 2 6 156 1/4 161/3 

Cadd Morgan 3 2 6 156 1/4 161/3 

John Watkin 3 2 6 156 1/4 161/3 

Hugh John 3 2 6 156 1/4 16 1/3 

Gainor Robt 3 2 6 156 1/4 16 1/3 

£100 5000 £2 10 

From this MSS. and from the deeds for this land to the 
subscribers, we have the names, locations of their resi- 
dences, their stations in life, and number of acres bought 
by each of the subscribers to the fund of £100. 

"John Tho". "John ap Thomas, of Llaithgwm, gentle- 
man," took 1250 acres, paying £25. 

"Edd Jones". "Edward Jones, chyrurgion, of Bala," the 
partner in the trusteeship, took for himself only 3121/2 acres, 
paying £6.5.0. 

"Hugh Robt". Hugh Roberts, of Kiltalgarth, gentle- 
man," purchased 625 acres, paying £ 12.10s. 



The following each bought 312i^ acres, each paying 
£6. 5s.: 

"Robt David". "Robert ap David, of Gv^^ern Evel Ismy- 
nydd, yeoman." 

"Evan Rees". "Evan ap Rees, of Penmaen, grocer." 

"John Edd." "John ap Edwards, of Nant Lleidiog, yeo- 

"Edd Owen". "Edward ap Owen, 'late of Doleyserre,' 

The following each bought 156i/4 acres, each paying 
£3. 2s. 6d.: 

"Will Edd." "William ap Edward, of Ucheldre, or Uenel- 
dri, yeoman." 

"Edd Rees". "Edward ap Rees, of Kiltalgarth, gentle- 

"Gainor Robt". "Gainor Roberts, of Kiltalgarth, spin- 

"Will Jones". "William ap John alias Jones, of Bettws, 

"Tho Rich". "Thomas ap Richard alias Prichard, of 
Nant Lleidiog, yeoman." 

"Hugh John". "Hugh ap John alias Jones, of Nant 
Lleidiog, yeoman." 

"Rees John W". "Rees ap John ap William, alias Rees 
Jones, of Llanglynin, yeoman." 

"Tho lloyd." "Thomas Lloyd, of Llangower, yeoman." 

"Cadd Morgan". "Cadwalader Morgan, of Gwernevel, 

"John Watkin". "John Watkins, of Gwernevel, 'bath- 

As the homes of all of these subscribers were in the 
hundred of Penllyn, in Merionethshire, it was natural that 
the township in Pensylvania, where their land lay, should 
be given the name Merion by the surveyor-general, and sub- 



sequently so many settlements in it should be called after 
Merionethshire places.* 

Although the deeds of lease and release from Penn to 
Thomas & Jones for over 5,000 acres, were executed IG and 
17 September 1681, about four months after they had the in- 
terview with Penn in London, the transfers, by deeds, from 
them, of their proportions, to the several subscribers were 
not made till the following Spring, as these latter deeds of 
conveyance (copied into Books C.I and C.ll in office of the 
Recorder of Deeds, Philadelphia), all bear dates between 
28 February and 1 April, 1682, and they were not recorded 
till 22 3mo. 1684, but the confirmative patents were not 
granted till in 1702-1703. These deeds from Thomas & 
Jones have the same witnesses who were some of the others 
of these grantees, excepting, of course, the parties to the 
deed, and are all drawn veiy particularly as to facts, con- 
taining the "tripping clause," to wit: "Whereas besides the 
said John Thomas and Edward Jones, chirurgeon, others 
have contributed some part and proportion of the said sum 
of £100 for and towards the purchase of the premises, and 
whereas, though the said John Thomas and Edward Jones 

*Soine of these Welsh Friends of Merionethshiie, who were signers 
of a marriage certificate, in Imo. 1678-9, at the Penllyn Monthly 
Meeting, it will be seen came over and settled in the Welsh Tract. 

Owen Humphrey. Cadwalader Thomas. 

John Humphrey. John Thomas. 

Richard Humphrey. Elizabeth Thomas. 

Humphrey Owen. Rowland Ellis. 

Rowland Owen, Hugh Roberts. 

John Owen. Edward Vaughan. ' 

Anne Owen. Ellis Rees. 

Elizabeth Owen (bis). Ellin Rees. 

Evan John. Gwen Rees. ' 

Rees John. John Howell. 

Gainor John. Daniel Samuel. 

Humphrey Reynolds. Joseph Samuel. 

Rees Evan. Lydia Samuel. 

John William. Rebecca Samuel. ' 



were intrusted to take the conveyances of all the said prem- 
ises, yet they only intended to have their separate shares 
and proportions of the said 5,000 acres, according to the 
said sum they have laid out as part of the said £100 as 
only Trustees as to the rest of the said 5,000 acres, and for 
that it was also agreed that no benefit or survivorship 
should be taken between them." Mr. Thomas had paid in 
only £25, as mentioned, and Dr. Jones £6.5.0. This iden- 
tifying Messrs. Thomas and Jones as only "trustees," was 
a serious matter to them, as will appear. 

This distribution cleaned up these 5,000 acres, and reim- 
bursed the trustees, Messrs. Thomas and Jones, for the 
£iOO they had advanced to pay Mr. Penn. 

Several of these purchasers did not remove to Pensyl- 
vania, but their land was laid out and surveyed along with 
the rest, and subsequently they sold out to others, who did 
remove and settle on it, or to their fellow contributors, as 
will appear later. 

The earliest mention found, outside of the "trustee's 
deeds," which did not, however, give the locations of the 
lands, which was to be determined "as soon as the 5,000 
acres is laid out," as the deeds state, is in a letter of Dr. 
Edward Jones, dated "Skoolkill River, ye 26th of ye 6mo. 
1682," wherein he mentions the 2,500 acres on the Schuyl- 
kill as "ye Country lots." From the wording of the Doctor's 
statements, in this letter, given elsewhere, it would seem he 
thought his company's land, or at least the half of it, 2,500 
acres, should have been laid out in "ye to^^Tl lot," (in Phila- 
delphia) "called now Wicoco." The earliest location of the 
land on a map was on that of Pensylvania, made by the 
surveyor-general of the Province, Thomas Holme, which he 
began to compile after Penn's first departure fi'om Amer- 
ica. But it is here only in outline, and indicates the land of 
"Edward Jones and Company 17 Families." Next, there is 
the unsatisfactory original draft of the lands included in 
this Welsh Tract, preserved at Harrisburg, which desig- 



nales the land of "Edward Jones and Company, containing 
2,500 acres, being 17 devisions." and then Powell's rough 
draft of the 2,500 acres, on the "city liberties's" line, and 
the Schuylkill river. Although a block of 5,000 was bought, 
it was told at the time to Dr. Jones, that because of the 
great demand for land in the Schuylkill neighborhood, by 
Penn's order only half of this amount could be laid out 
there. This, as will appear, was a cause of much dissatis- 
faction, as only part of purchase would be near the city, 
and the balance, away off in the wilds of Goshen, where the 
city of West Chester has grown up. 

It is written on this extant draft or plot, preserved at 
Harrisburg, made by a deputy surveyor, David Powell, of 
the half of the total purchase made by Thomas & Jones, 
which lay on the west side of the Schuylkill, from above the 
Falls and up the river, that the first, or rough survey, was 
made bj^ Charles Ashcom, on warrant from Mr. Powell, 
dated 24, 6mo. 1682, and that another rough survey was 
made on warrant "from ye Gov'r, date 22d 1 mo. 83." 

From the Thomas & Jones deeds to each other, and from 
them jointly to the other parties to this purchase, comes the 
knowledge that the lots, of whatsoever size, when conveyed, 
were numbered, and only the number of a deed and the 
amount of acres going with it were given to the first sur- 
veyor, who laid them out accordingly, so the various gran- 
tees in this transaction had no part in selecting their land, 
and it was a lottery in what position, as to the others in 
this "company," the land would be laid out. The only stip- 
ulation on this point in the deeds was, it shall be "land of 
equal goodness vdth the residue, or as shall fall out by lot." 
This was very likely not a satisfactory arrangement, and 
may account for the many exchanges and sales between 
these lot holders soon after coming into possession, and get- 
ting acquainted with the quality and lay of the land. 

Mr. Powell's mem. on the final and extant plot, dated 
■"20th of ye 3d mo, 84," says, "According to A War't from 



Capt Thomas Holmes, Survey'r Genrall, Bearing dat the 
24th of ye 1st mo. 84, directed unto me for the Subdividing 
of 2,500 Acres of Land for Edward Joans & Company upon 
the west sid of Slcoolkool above fals Contageous unto the 
City Liberty. I therefor Laid out and Subdivided the said 
quantity of Land, 25th of 1st mo. at the bcfor mentioned 
place, and unto every man by proportion as by these sevrall 
figure doth now at large Apecr with their bounds and 
courses enterd in ye sd figur by a skale of 80 perch in an 
inch. Da Powell." 

In a general way, these 2,500 acres were bounded at first 
as follows: North, "Vakant Land," East "Skoolkool" river. 
South, "The Citty Libarty," and West, two tracts of Charles 
Lloyd and Thomas Lloyd, or Company No. 2. 

This first draft of the sub-divisions of the "Thomas & 
Jones" land is here reproduced. The dimensions of the 17 
lots may be given correctly, but the map certainly is not 
drawn to "skale of 80 perch in an inch." It has been worked 
out that "the areas of the several lots aggregate 2,444^4 
acres," which was a fairly good survey of 2,500 acres at 
that time, though the area by modern survey would amount 
to about 3,200 acres. The charges for making the first sur- 
vey for Dr. Jones was over £25, but he hoped "better orders 
will be taken shortly about" the bill, and he would not have 
to pay so much. But from his own account, he was lucky 
in getting the work done so soon after he arrived, as there 
were hundreds demanding surveys. To correct this first 
hurried survey of Mr. Ashcom, in 1682, the draft of Mr. 
Powell was made in 1684, naming the owner in 1682. 

In all of Penn's deeds to the first Welsh companies and to 
other settlers, and in their deeds to their grantees, there is 
a safe-guarding clause that protection is guaranteed against 
Indian claims to the lands conveyed. This was because Penn 
had not yet purchased the land from the Indians as he pro- 
posed doing. 



After his arrival here, in October, 1C82, he began at once 
to enter upon treaties with the Indian chiefs for the pur- 
chase of their domains, taking for granted they were the 
proper ones to pass the titles, so as to extinguish their 
rights, and make good the deeds he had issued. The boun- 
daries of the tracts the Indians resigned were, of course, 
vague, as were the original surveys made of the lands for 
Penn's grantees, since the stations were natural objects. 
As to the land bought by Thomas & Jones, and then cccupied 
by it, and some of the other tracts beyond the Schuylkill : 

1683, June 25, William Penn bought from Chief Wing- 
bone, whose "autograph" is extant, all his rights and claims 
to the land lying on the west side of the Schuylkill, begin- 
ning at the Lower Falls, and "up the river," and "back- 

1683, July 16, William Penn brought from the chiefs 
ramed Secane and Idquoquehan, all the land lying between 
the Schuylkill (at Manayunk) and Chester Creek, and as 
far up the Schuylkill as Conshohocken Hill. 

On 22 December, 1701, the minutes of the Commis- 
sioners of Property record that grantees of John ap Thomas 
and Dr. Jones tract were the first of the Welsh to have 
their deeds confirmed to them, when there was a possibility 
of losing their lands, of which elsewhere. 

Those who appeared, and to whom warrants of resurvey 
■were issued at this time, 1701-2-3, their lands being made 
up partly of the original purchases, and what was acquired 
.subsequently : — 

"To Hugh Roberts for 549% acres in Goshen, 482 thereof 
[bought] of Jno. ap Jno's. 

"To Robert Roberts and Owen Roberts 200 acres each, in 

"To Edward Reese 20514 acres, in Meirion. 

"To Edward Jones' Survey on 200 acres in Goshen, and 
& Resurvey on 151^ in Meirion, and 153 in Goshen. 



"To Edward Jones, Jiin'r, 3061/^ acres, half in Meirion^ 
i/o in Goshen. 

"Robt^/t David, 27414 acres in Meirion, and 234i/o in 

"Richard Walter 100 acres in Meirion. 

"Richard Rees als Jones, 137i/o in Meirion, and 75 in' 

"To Cadwallader Morgan 202 acres and V- in Meirion. 

"To John Roberts, malter, 306 acres and V-, % thereof 
in Goshen, V4 in Mfeirion. 

"To Hugh Jones 768 and V^ acres in Meirion. 

"To Griffith John 194 acres. 

"To Rob't William 7614 acres in Goshen. 

"To Ellis David 151 acres and %. 

"To Thomas Jones, Robert Jones and Cadwallader Jones^ 
1225 acres, 1/2 thereof in Meirion, and 1/2 in Goshen, left 
them by their father, John Thomas, the original Purchaser.. 

"To John Roberts, Cordwainer, of Goshen, 7814 acres; 
in Goshen." 

Only seven of these were original grantees in the tract. 

From the Commissioners' "Minutes of ye Welsh Pur- 
chasers," we find further as to the distribution of the land 
of the original contributors, and who got some of this- 
tract : — 

Hugh Roberts had by deed, dated 28 February, 1681-2^ 
from Thomas & Jones, 625 acres, laid out, on warrant of 
1683, half in Merion and half in Goshen township. He also- 
by deed, 17.6.1694, bought of William Edward 76 1/2 acres,. 
and by deed, 1 April, 1682, from John Watkin, 156 acres.. 
He had in all 842y2 acres net. He gave 200 acres out of 
the 625 acres to his son Robert Roberts on his second, 
marriage, in 1689, and 200 acres out of the balance of the 
625 acres and what he bought of Edwards, to his son Owen 
Roberts on his marriage in 1696. He also sold 100 to 
Edward Griffith, and 100 to Robert William, and 100 to 
Thomas Griffith. He further bought 156 acres "of J. Walk " 



[John AValkcr'Tj, and sold 74 acres to Abel Thomas. Re- 
ported, that he had sold 776i/> acres, and had only 67% 
acres remaining-. The land he sold to Messi's. Edward and 
Thomas Griffith, and Robert William, lay in Merion town- 
ship, and also all but 67% in same place. 

William Edward, who bought 153y- acres, through 
Thomas & Jones, with a questionable light to certain "lib- 
erty laiid," sold 76 acres, as above, and 76 acres in Goshen 
township, to Robert William. 

Edward Rees had deed, 1.2mo. 1682, from Thomas & 
Jones, for 1561/2 acres, plus, as supposed, some "liberty 
land." He sold 76 acres in Goshen township to Ellis David. 
Of the balance, ISy.i acres and 125 acres he bought from 
Thomas Lloyd, being out of the purchase of Charles Lloyd 
and Margaret Davies, and two acres from Dr. Jones, all 
20514 acres located in Merion township. 

Edward Jones, the doctor, as above, took for himself 
only 3121/2 acres, which came out only 306i/t acres on 
survey. He sold two acres as above and had 151 1/1 acres 
left in Merion, and 153 acres in Goshen township. Later, 
he bought 200 acres in Goshen from Richard Thomas. 

Edward Owen, by deed 1 April, 1682, bought through 
Thomas & Jones, 3121/2 acres. By deed, 1.1.1694-5, he sold 
150 acres in Merion to Robert David, all he had there. The 
balance of his land lay in Goshen township. 

John ap Edward, by deed 18.1.1681-2, from Thomas & 
Jones had 3121/2 acres; half was located in Merion, and 
rest in Goshen township. His son, Edward Jones, inherited 
all in 1686-7. 

Robert David, by deed 18.1.1681, from Thomas & Jones, 
received 3121/2 acres, located half in Merion, half in Goshen. 
He sold, by deed l.lOmo. 1694, 25 acres of his Merion place 
to Richard Walter, and had remaining 281 acres, to which 
he added I5614 acres, bought, by deed 18.5.1683, of Evan 
Rees. He also had 150 acres from Griffith Owen. After 
deductions and allowances and additions and sales, he had 




274'/;; acie.s in Merioii, and 234i^ acres in Goshen. Richard 
Walter bought as above from Robert David, 25 acres and 
75 acres. These parcels lay in Merion township. 

Recs Jones,- by deed 18.2.1682, bought througli Thomas 
& Jones, 156'/t acres in Merion. He sold 50 acres to Cad- 
walader Morgan, and by his will bequeathed his land in 
Goshen to his sons John and Evan, and 100 acres to his 
son, Richard Rees Jones, who bought from "John Roberts, 
oordwainer," 37 Va acres (part of the Thomas & Charles 
Lloyd land), which land "the said Thomas [Lloyd] be- 
queathed by will to the said Jno Roberts, his nephew." So 
Richard Rees Jones held 137i/. acres in Merion township. 
He also held 75 acres in Goshen to\\mship, granted to him 
by his Uncle, Evan John William, by deed, which lot was 
a portion of the Richard David purchase. 

Thomas Prichard bought through Thomas & Jones, ISGVi 
acres. By his deed of 16 July, 1684, he conveyed the same 
to Rees Jones, who then had 306i/> acres. 

Cadwalader Morgan bought, by deed, 1.2mo. 1682, from 
Thomas & Jones, 156y2 acres. He sold 76iA acres in Goshen 
to "John Roberts, malter," and retained balance in Merion 
township. He increased his Merion holdings with 50 acres 
bought of Rees Jones, and 76i,{. acres in Merion, which he 
had by deed 18.4.1684, from John William, so had 2021/2 
acres in Merion township. 

Gainor Roberts, spinster, bought by deed, 1.2.1682, from 
Thomas & Jones, 156 acres. One-half lay in Merion, and 
"John Roberts, the malter, held balance, in Goshen town- 
ship. John Roberts, malter, had 75 acres from Gainor 
Roberts, 75 acres from Cadw. Morgan, by deed of 7.7.1687, 
and on this date he bought 75 acres from Hugh Jones. So 
he held 3061^^ acres, one-fourth in Merion, balance in 

"Thomas Lloyd (not the Presid't)," was a grantee, by 
deed of 1 April, 1682, from Thomas & Jones, for 156 acres. 
He bequeathed his land to his nephew, "John Roberts, 



coi'dwainer," who sold of his inheritance 37Vi acres to 
Richard Jones, and 37'/o acres to Griffith John, of Merion. 
So he held 78 1^ acres in Goshen township. 

Wilham Jones' son, John William, inherited of the 
Thomas and Jones tract, 156 '/j. acres, thi"ee acres was his 
estimated share of the "liberty land," as in each case of 
this amount, "liberty land," when allowed always reduced 
township holding. He sold all his land ; to Cadwalader 
Morgan 761/., and balance to Edward Rees, who sold to 
Ellis David. 

John Watkins received by deed, 1 April, 1682, from 
Thomas & Jones, 156i/i acres "less 3 acres of liberty land." 
He sold all to Hugh Roberts, by deed dated 23.4.1684. 

Hugh Jones received by deed, 18 March, 1681, from 
Thomas & Jones, 156'^ acres. He sold John Roberts, 
maltei', 761/, acres. He and his son held the rest, in Merion 

Evan Rees received by deed, 18 March, 1681-2, from 
Thomas & Jones, 3121/2 acres, "less 614 ac. of liberty land." 
By deeds dated 18.3.1683, he sold out to Robert David and 
Griffith John. The latter bought I5614 acres from Evan 
Rees, and 38 from "John Roberts, shoemaker," of Goshen 

But these conveyances are given more fully in the 
sketches that follow of these original grantees. These 
transfers of land are of much genealogical interest, for 
they give the names of newcomers, and approximate the 
time of arrival here. 

There is plenty of evidence in the Philadelphia county 
land records, as may be seen, that the early Welsh Friends 
made many changes in their holdings in the twenty years 
following their removal here. Some increased their aci'e- 
age, some decreased to strengthen the balance, some sold 
out entirely and settled elsewhere outside of Merion. The 
land transactions were freqently before the Board of Land 
■Commissioners for adjustment and settlement. It found it 



necessary finally, foi- its own better understanding of the 
situation in the Welsh "Towns" to learn as near as possible 
in whose names was the land Penn had granted them. In 
this matter, the Board, in its Minutes, under date of 22nd 
lObr 1701, recorded: 

"Order issued the 1st inst. for taking some Measures to 
regulate the Welsh Tract ; some of the Chiefs of that Nation 
in this Province having met and concerted the Methods to 
be taken in order to the Regulations, it was agreed : That, 
in as much as the Welsh Purchasers of the Propr'ry were 
by large Quantities of acres in one Pair, by Deeds granted 
to one or two Persons only, under which several other Pur- 
chasers had a Share, the Gen'l Deeds of one Purchase 
should be first brought in with an acc't of all other Persons 
who had a Share in such Purchase, also an account in whose 
possession the Respective Lands of every under Purchase 
now are." 

"As for the Merion land holders in 1701, "the Propr'ry 
Deeds to John ap Thomas and Edward Jones for 5,009 
acres was brought in with all such necessary acc'ts". 

From their statement we learn that about 1,884 acres 
of their patent was not located in Merion township, but 
in Goshen township, and that the following number of the 
original Welsh Friends and descendants only held land in 
Mterion township, the total of their holdings being about 
3,000 acres. Newcomers holding about 445 acres. 

The Merion holders and acreage being, about January, 
1700, n. s.:— 

"Robert Roberts, 200. 

"Owen Roberts, 200. 

"Edward Rees, 2051/4. 

"Edward Jones, 15iy^ and 353 in Goshen township. 

"Edward Jones, Jr., 1581/^ and 158% in Goshen township.. 

"Robert David, 274i/i and 2341/2 in Goshen township. 



"Richard Rees Jones, 137Vo and 75 in Goshen township. 

"Cadwalader Morgan, 202y^. 

"John Roberts (Pencoid), 76V2 and 230 in Goshen town- 

"Hugh Jones, 76814. 

"Thomas Jones, Robert Jones, Cadwallader Jones, 612V^ 
(left to them by their father, John ap Thomas) ; and the 
same amount in Goshen." 

Othei- land owners in Merion township, at this time, were 
Richard Walter, 100 acres; Griffith John, 194 acres, and 
Ellis David, 1511A acres, and in Goshen township, Hugh 
Roberts, 67 acres; Robert William, 76I/4 acres, and John 
Roberts, the shoemaker, 78Vi acres, who sold inherited 
land in Merion to "John Roberts, Gent." 




The following information concerning the aforesaid 
Welsh Friends, the "first purchasers," "ye first within ye 
tract of land in the Province" to have their land beyond 
the Schuylkill laid out, the first settlers in the Welsh Tract, 
and in Merion township, the founders of ^the Merion Meet- 
ing, has fortunately been preserved, and gi.thered together 
from many sources, more or less reliable. 

The sketches of these founders are not only of biographi- 
cal and genealogical interest, for they show the gradual and 
sure development of Merion, and of the Welsh Tract, now 
the "garden spot" of Pensylvania, if not of America, and 
incidentally the part taken by them in laying the foundation 
of the Commonwealth. 

These first four sketches are of the four Welshmen and 
Friends, and their families, who were the first to remove 
here from Wales, and arrived at Upland (Chester), on the 
Delaware, 13 August, 1682, namely, Dr. Edward Jones, 
William ap Edward, Edward ap Rees, and Robert ap 

Dr. Edward Jones. He was described as "chyrurgion," 
and removed from Bala, in Merionethshire, and was the 
founder of "Merion in the Welsh Tract." Nothing is pre- 
served of his ancestry, or antecedents. He filed with the 
Merion Preparative Meeting, or the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting, on 8. lOmo. 1704, according to its minutes, an ac- 
count of himself and wife, and of their life before coming 
over, as all other members did, but such accounts have dis- 
appeared from the Fi'iends' archives. His fame was as the 
one who selected the land to be settled upon by himself and 
his confreres, and as the founder of the most important 
settlement in "New Merion." 



As told already, he was one of the Welsh gentlemen who 
visited William Penn in London, in M'ay, 1681, about buy- 
ing some of his land, and how he was one of the adventurers 
and trustees, with John ap Thomas, for 5,000 acres, taken 
up by "Edward Jones & Co.," located part in Merion, on 
the Schuylkill, and part in Goshen township, because Penn's 
agent heie, according to instructions from Penn, of course, 
would not survey or lay out so large a tract in one place. 

Where Edward ap John, or Edward Jones, studied medi- 
cine has not been discovered, but it may be supposed he 
had nodical skill as a barber-surgeon, and practiced his 
profession among Friends in and about Bala, from whence 
he came, and later in Merion and Philadelphia. 

He and his party, "40 souls," were the first of the Welsh 
Friends to remove to Penn's Province. The names of all 
who composed Dr. Jones's party cannot now be determined, 
and it is only positively known that on this trip of the ship 
Lyon there were as passengers Dr. Jones and his wife, and 
two small children ; William ap Edward, and his second 
wife, and two children by his first wife;. Edward ap Rees, 
and his wife, and three children, and Robert ap David, 
and his wife, and one child, and that they were the "first 
class passengers." 

These four men were the only ones of the seventeen 
"shareholders," purchasers of the land Thomas & Jones 
engaged, who made the first settlement in Merion. This 
accounts for sixteen souls, and the others of the forty were 
farm-hands and servants. 

Dr. Jones, and his party of first Merion settlers, sailed 
from Liverpool, in the latter part of May, 1682, in the ship 
Lyon, Captain John Compton, master, and arrived at Up- 
land, now Chester, in the Delaware, 13. 6mo. (August), 
1682, two months before William Penn's first arrival. 

Among the papers of his "partner," John ap Thomas, 
brought to America by his widow, is preserved a letter 
written by Dr. Jones to him, whom he had left very ill at 



honit', thirteen days after reaching his destination. Some 
extracts fium this interesting letter have been give aViove, 
but as it was an account of the experience of this first party, 
as well as the Doctor's earliest opinion of his new home, Ills 
letter is given in full. It was wiitten apparently after the 
men of the party had gone oi;t to inspect the tract assigned 
to them on the wes! side of the Schuylkill, at and above the 
Falls, where subsequently they took their seats close to- 
gether, and camped with their families, till their comfoit- 
able log houses were built, for it was mid-summer, and 
therefore no great hardship at first. 

An account of another family tells that these first comers 
"dug caves, walled them, and dwelt therein a considerable 
time, where they sufiered many hardships, in the beginning, 
— the next season being wet and raining about their barley 
harvest [time]." 

It is unfortunate that the Doctor's first letter he refers 
to has not been preserved, or did not reach John Thomas. 

This second letter is addressed in this quaint manner : — 

"These ffor his much esteemed friend Jolm ap Thomas 
of Llaithgwm neer Bala in Merionethshire, North Wales, 
to be left with Job Boulton att the Boult and tun in Lumber 
Street London, and from thence to William Sky Butcher 
in Oswcstrie, to be sent as above directed and via London — 
with Speed." 

"My endeared fr'd & brother, my heart dearly salutes 
thee, in a measure of ye everlasting truth, dear fr'd, hoping 
that these few lines may find thee in health, or no worster 
yn I left thee. 

"This shall let thee know that we have been aboard 
eleaven weeks before we made the land, (it was not for 
want of art, but contrary winds,) and one we were in 
coming to Upland. 

"Ye town [the future Philadelphia] is to buylded 15 or 
16 miles up ye River. 



"And, in all this time, we wanted ncilhc-r meate, drink, 
or water, though several hogsheds of water run out. Our 
ordinary allowance of beer was 3 pint^ a day, for each 
whole head, and a quart of water; 3 biskedd a day, & .some 
times more. We laid in about a half hundred [weight] 
of biskedd, one barrell of beere, one hogshede of water, — 
the quantity for each whole head, & 3 barrells of beefe for 
the whole number — 40 — and we had one [barrel of beef] 
to come ashoare. 

— "A great many could eat little or no beefe, though it was 
good. Butter and cheese eats well upon ye sea. Ye re- 
mainder of our cheese is little, or no worster; butter & 
cheese is at 6d per lb here, if not more. We have oatmeale 
to spare, but it is well yt we have it, for here is little or 
no corn till they begin to sow their corn, they have 
plenty of it. 

"The passengers are all living, save one child yt died of 
a surfeit. 

"Let no frds tell that they are either too cM, or too young, 
[to come over], for the Lord is sufficient to preseive both 
to the uttermost. 

"Here is an old man about 80 years of age ; he is rather 
better yn when he sett out. Likewise here are young babes 
doing" very well, considering the sea diet. 

"We liad one tun of water, and one of drinke, to pay for 
at Upland ; but ye master [of the ship] would faine be pd 
for 13 or 14 hogsheds yt run out by ye way, but we did not. 
And about 3 quarters of Tunn of Coales we pd for. We 
laid in 3 Tun of Coales, and yields no profit here. . 

"We are shoi't of our expectation, by reason that ye 
town [future Philadelphia] is not to be builded at Upland; 
neither would ye Master bring us any further [than Up- 
land], though it is navigable for ships of greater burthea 
than ours. 



"Ye name of ye town lots [where they imagined, for 
.some reason, the city would be laid out, as the site was not 
positively decided till after Penn's arrival] is called now 
Wicoco. Here [at the- supposed town-site] is a Crowd of 
people striving for ye Country land, for ye town lot is not 
divided [that is the future Philadelphia was not yet laid 
out in lots, and was not until the following \vinter], & 
therefore we are forced to take up ye Country lots [first]. 

"We had much adoe to get a grant of it [that is, a war- 
rant to locate and survey the land, from Penn's deputy, 
.young Markham, directed to the official surveyor, Thomas 
Holme, or Holmes, wiio had been here only about six weeks, 
and was filled with engagements]. But it Cost us 4 or 5 
days attendance [on the oflicials] besides some score of 
miles we travelled [forth and back to the Falls of Schuyl- 
kill and to the sun^eyor], before we brought it to pass 
[before the site was selected]. 

"I hope it [the Thomas & Jones lands, and its location] 
will please thee, and the rest yt are concerned, for it hath 
most rare timber. I have not seen the like in all these 
parts. There is water enough besides. 

"The end of each lot will be on a river, as large, or larger 
than the Dye, at Bala. It is called Skool Kill River. 

"I hope the Country land [the land the Doctor selected] 
will within this four days [be] surveyed out. [It seems 
that Ashcom, a Deputy Surveyor, made a rough survey of 
this land on 24 August, but probably had not returned when 
the Doctor wrote this on 26 August.] The rate for sur- 
veying 100 Acres, twenty shillings. But I hope bettei'3 
■orders [terms] will be taken [made] shortly about it" 
[the charge]. 

At this point there is a long pai-agraph in Welsh (the 
major part of the letter being English), and so written to 
make his remark secret and private, as the Doctor's letter 
was to be carried to England by the man he referred to, 
ithe captain of the ship in which he came over : — 



"We liked him, the Captain, well enough when eating our 
own victuals; but beware of his provisions [a warning to 
Mr. Thomas, or any who might sail with him], because it 
was only bread and salt meat, with little beer, and foul 
water usually. But he made a great fuss over me and my 
wife, and over most of those who could talk with him [in 
English]. There is another Captain living in the same 
town [Liverpool], and passengers [some of Penn's first 
colonists] from Carmarthenshire came over with him on 
his provision, and they spoke well of him, but they paid 
him £4. 10. 00 ; early [for young] children, under 12 years 
of age, 52 shillings, and got plenty to eat, and good drink. 
The name of this good man is Captain Crossman. It is 
cheaper to furnish our own provisions than to pay £4. 10. 

"I think most of the things [dry goods, utensils, imple- 
ments, etc., brought over to sell to colonists] will not be 
sold until you come over, because so many things had pre- 
viously been brought here." 

All these suggestions may have been useful to others 
coming over. He suggested to bring for sale some white 
fustian, serges to make clothes, men's hats, saddles, bridles, 
shoes, etc. "Blue flannel is most called for here, but all 
colors are used," he wrote. "Don't bring much white flan- 
nel with you. Stuff dyed blue we like best." 

"Compel the master of the ship to come to the town of 
Philadelphia with your goods [it appears from this, and 
Penn said, the town received its name before its site was 
selected]. I had to pay to the other [another] party 30 
shillings for hauling the things up. and be sure to pay for 
carrying your luggage, and everything else that you start 
with, to the Captain." 

Then continuing in English : — 

"The people [about where the tract lay] generally are 
Swede, which are not very well acquainted [with our lan- 



"We are amongst the English which sent [send] us both 
venison, and new milk, & the Indians brought [bring] ven- 
ison to our door for six pence ye quarter.* 

"And as for ye land, we look upon it a good & fat soil, 
generally producing twenty, thirty, & fourty fold. [This 
may mean that in the tract were old Indian fields of this 
<iuality, or I'eputation. ] 

"There are stones [for houses] to be had enough at the 
falls of the Skool Kill, that is, where we are to settle, & 
water enough for mills. But thou must bring Mill-stones, 
and j'e Irons that belong to it, for Smiths are dear [in 
•charges here]. (This was a useless suggestion, as may be 
seen elsewhere.) 

"Iron is about two and thirty, or fourty shillings per 
hundred. Steel about Is. 6d. p. 1. 

"Ye best way is to make yr picken axes when you come 

*That is, they were then stoppi'ng "in town," and had not yet moved 
out to "ye country lots," with the squattors on the site where they 
supposed "ye town" would be laid out, who were living in dug-out 
<;aves, on the bank of the Delaware, or in lean-to shacks. Near the 
"Thomas and Jones grant, was Peter Cock, a Swede, who had about 
•200 acres, west of Mill Creek, i.e., Cobbs Creek, in Rlockley tp., Phila. 
Co. Lat«r the Swansons became neighbors across the Schuylkill, 
having been forced to exchatige their land on the Delaware, for 
"the city's site, and take land on both sides of the Schuylkill, from 
Fairmount to the Falls. The one Englishman in this neighborhood 
■was William Warner, who, with his son, held three large tracts of 
land, extending from the Schuylkill half-way to Cobbs Creek, along 
•the future Haverford Road. It is presumed that War'ncr came here 
liy the way of New England, and bought land from the Indians, 
or the poorer Swedes. On 3 April, 1678, the Upland Court con- 
firmed 100 acres to him, and on I June, 1681, he was an applicant 
4o this Court for further confirmations of purchases. After Pen'n 
«ntered into possession, Mr. Warner became a member of young 
<3ov. Markham's Council, 3 Aug., 1681, and on 13 Sep. following, 
lie became a justice, and was a member of the first assembly held in 
Thiladelphia, 10 March, 1683. Ho called his land, which lay in the 
"'City Liberties," in Penn's time, "Blockley," from the place of his 
mativity, in Worcestershire, and it gave name to the township in 
■which it lay, extending to the present 52d Street. 



over, for they cannot be made in England; for one man' 
will work with ym as much as two men with ours. 

"Grindle Stones yield good profit here. 

"Ordinary workmen hath Is. 6d. a day [wages]. Carpen- 
ters 3 or four shillings a day. 

"Here are sheep [belonging to the settlers on the lower 
Delaware river], but dear — about twenty shillings a piece. 
I cannot understand how they can be carried from England. 

"Taylors hath 5s. & 6s. a day [wages]. 

"I would have you bring salt for ye present use; — here 
is coarse salt; sometimes two measures of salt for one of 
wheat [in exchange], and sometimes very dear. 

"Six penny, & eight penny nails are most in use. 

"Horse shoes are in no use. 

"Good large shoes [for people] are dear. 

"Lead in small bars is vendible; but guns are cheap 

"They plow, but very bungerly [here], & yet they have' 
some good stone. 

"They use both hookes and sickles to reap with. 

"Time will not permit me to write much more, for we- 
are not settled. 

"I [send] my dear love, and my wife's unto thy selfe and' 
thy dear wife, and the rest of my dear friends, H. Ro.,^ 
Rich: P., Evan Rees; J. ap E., EHzabeth Williams; E. &- 
J. Edd., Gainor R., Ro.: On., J.: Humphrey; Hugh J. Tho.^ 
and the rest of fr'ds as if named. 

"I remaine thy Lo' friend & Bro while I am, 

"Edd Jones." 

"My wife desires thee to buy her one Iron Kettle, 3s or 
3s. 6d., 2 paire of shoes for Martha [a little child], and one' 
paire for Jonathan, let them by strong and large [which 
confirms they had only two children at that time] ; be sure 
and put all yt goods in cases, if they be dry, they keep well,, 
otherwise they will get damp and mouldy [on the voyage]. 

This is ye 2nd letter, Skool Kill River. 

Ye 26th of ye 6mo. 1682." 

- [70] 


Dr. Jones, and his companions, Edward Reos and William 
Edwards, (or the surveyor, Ashcom, assi^ed the lots to the 
partners in this purchase, as Dr. Jones gave him the num- 
ber of acres each bought) selected adjoining lots in their 
tract, he having laid out to himself hei'e 156'/;. acres (and 
the same amount was divided between the other two), 
which upon Powell's resurvey, he made 153'/i acres, sup- 
posing three acres were to be in the Liberties. It was a 
narrow strip, extending from the river into the back coun- 
try, 788 perches, or about two and one-half miles, and 
beyond the present Montgomery avenue, the successor of 
the Lancaster road. The remainder of Dr. Jones's pur- 
chase was laid out in Goshen township (about West Ches- 
ter) subsequently. 

Dr. Jones had two tracts in Goshen of 125 acres and 400 
acres, made up of his original purchase, and of land he 
bought of "Edward Jones, Jr." and Richard Thomas. 

"Edward Jones, Jr.," (son of John ap Edward), having 
procured a resurvey on 306i/. acres in two tracts of 153^4 
acres, one in Goshen township, the other in Merion tovm- 
ship, one parcel was 20 acres over, and the other 28 short, 
it was ordered 20. 2. 1703, that patent for the whole be 
issued to "Edward Jones, the elder," to whom "Edward 
Jones, Jr.," had sold. 

On same date, Edward Jones, Sr., it appears had 150 
acres in Merion township, and 153 acres in Goshen town- 
ship, -aid 200 acres more in same township, which he had 
purchased of Richard Thomas. 

Of these properties, he sold, in 1707, to Robert Williams, 
300 acres, and the balance, in 1720, to Ellis Williams. Dr. 
Jones also owned 160 acres in Bleckley township on the 
old Lancaster road and the Merion line. 

From his confinnation patent for this Merion land, 
where he resided over fifty-five years, dated 22. 4mo. 1703, 
after the third, and final, survey, it would seem that he 
had bought from his adjoining lotholder on the South, Ed- 



ward Owen, the back half of his purchase of 150 '/i acres, 
and had sold the front half of his own first selection, and on 
this date, had added 188 acres, purchased from Edward 
Jones, Jr. (adjoining his purchase from Owen), which land 
lay ou the Haverford and Merion road, going East from 
near the Merion Meeting House, and extends over the 
Pensylvania Railroad at Narberth. His deed for his orig- 
inal purchase, dated 1 April, 1682, was from John Thomas, 
and was witnessed by John and Robert Lloyd, Griffith and 
Reece Evan, and William John. 

Dr. Jones was honored with the appointment of a Justice 
of the Peace in the Welsh Tract, and was chosen as one 
of its representatives in the Pensylvania Assembly. 

According to Penn, in his long letter addressed to the 
London members of the Society of Free Traders of Pen- 
eylvania, dated at Philadelphia, 16. 6mo. 168.3, "Edward 
Jones, son-in-law to Thomas Wynne, living on the Sculkil," 
was a good farmer. As Penn says : "He had with ordinary 
cultivation, for one grain of English barley, 70 stalks and 
ears of l)arley." , 

The Doctor died at his Merion home, in February, 1737. 
His burial is recorded on books of the Merion Meeting: 
"Edward Jones, Doctor, aged 80 years," 12mo. 26. 1737. 

Friend Thomas Chalkley, of "Chalkley Hall," in Frank- 
ford (Philadelphia), in his "Journal" records: "The 2Gth 
of the 12mo., 1737, being the first day of the week, there 
was buried at Merion, Edward Jones, aged about 92 (sic) 
years. He was one of the first settlers of Pensilvania. a 
man much given to hospitality, a lover of good and virtuous 
people, and was beloved by them. I had a concern to be at 
that meeting before I left my home at Frankford, and 
before I heard of this Friend's death. There were many 
hundreds at his funeral." 

His will, signed 27. 3mo. 1732, was proved at Philadel- 
phia, 2 August, 1738, witnessed by John Roberts and 
Esther Thomas (marked). He was described as surgeon, 



and aged and infirm. He named his .sons Jonatlian, Edward, 
Evan, Tliomas and John Jones, the youngest son, and de- 
sired that Jolm sliould continue to feed, clotlie, and support 
hi3 brother Thomas. His wife Mary was to have his estate 
during her life, and tiien it was to go to .son John. He gave 
son-in-law, John Cadwalader, some land in the center of 
Philadelphia, and negroes to each of the Cadwalader girls, 
Mary, Rebecca, and Hannah, and one to each grandson, 
Thomas Cadwalader, and IMartha Roberts. He named 
daughters Martha, Elizabeth, and Mary, and appointed 
his wife, sons Jonathan, Edward and Evan, and John Cad- 
walader, executors. 

Dr. Jones married, possibly in Denbighshire, Mary, a 
daughter of Dr. Thomas Wynne, also one of the Welsh 
adventurers for Penn's land ("Company No. 4"). It is 
not known when she died. She probably survived her hus- 
band, and it is supposed she was buried in the ground of 
the Merion Meeting. Of her it is said (see "The Philadel- 
phia Friend," XXIX, 396, which dates her decease 29. 7mo. 
1726, which is, of course, an error) : "She was an approved 
minister among Friends, and zealous for the promotion of 
the truth." Of their eight children* named in the Doctor's 
will : — 

* Among the present day descendants of Dr. Edward Jones are: 

Mrs. Robert R. Corson. 
Mrs. Howard Comfort. 
Dr. George Smith. 
Frank Foulke. 
Abraham L. Smith. 
Benj. Hayes Smith. 
Rodman Wister. 
Alex. W. Wister. 
Edward Browning. 
Mrs. Jawood Luke'ns. 
Mrs. Arthur V. Meigs. 
Mrs. Charles Richardson. 
Mrs. George B. Roberts. 

Mrs. William Cresson. 
Mrs. James Yocum. 
Mrs. Richard Day. 
Dr. Richard Foulke. 
Mrs. Ch rles L. Bacon. 
Mrs. Charles W. Bacon. 
William Wynne Wister. 
Mrs. Richard A. Tilghman. 
Dr. Owen Jones Wister. 
Mrs. Israel J. Wister. 
Robert Toland. 
Charles Follen Corson. 
Dr. Joseph K. Corson. 



Martlia Jones, for whom lier father asked, as above, two 
pair shoes be forwarded from Wales, just after her arrival 
here. She married, seventeen years after coming here, at 
the Merion Meeting House, on '26. lOmo. 1699, the young 
school teacher, John Cadwalader** who it is supposed 
had been living at her father's house for two years. He 
died 16. 2mo. 1747. 

John Cadwalader, although he was never a land owner 
in Merion, but because of his relationship to many of the 
families here, and his marriage among them, Merion has 
ever claimed him as belonging there by rights. 

The exact date of his birth has not been preserved, but 
he was born about the year 1677-78, probably at Kiltal- 

**Some descendants of John Cadwalader, who are also descendants 
of Dr. Edward Jones: 

Mrs. Henry B. Robb. 

Mrs. Edw. Fenno Hoffman. 

Mrs. John Hone. 

Mrs. Samuel Chew. 

Mrs.William Pearsall. 

Mrs. John Steinmetz. 

Mrs. S. Bevan Miller. 

Mrs. Roland L. Taylor. 

Mrs. Fred Rhinelandor Jones. 

Mrs. John Travis. 

Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, 1707-1779. 

Col. Lambert Cadwalader, 1732-1813. 

Gen. John Cadwalader, 1742-1786. 

Gen. Thomas Cadwalader, 1795-1873. 

Judge John M. Read, 1797-1874. 

Col. George A. McCall, 1802-1868. 

Judge John Cadwalader, 1805-1879. 

Gen. George Cadwalader, 1806-1879. 

John Cadwalader. 

Dr. Charles E. Cadwalader. 

Richard M. Cadwalader. 

John Lambert Cadwalader. 

Mrs. William Greene Cochran. 

Mrs. Samuel L. Shober. 

Mrs. Archibald McCall. 
Mrs. William Schley. 
Mrs. Philemon Dickinson. 
Mrs. Richard F. Stevens. 
Mrs. Henry J. Rowland. 
Wm. Cadwalader Schley. 
Mrs. William Woodville, Jr. 
Mrs. Arthur S. Johns. 
Mrs. Charles W. Ross. 
Mrs. George N. Schrew. 
Hai-mon Pumpelly Read. 
Mrs. Garret D. Wall Vroom. 
Mrs. Samuel Meredith. 
Mrs. John Read. 
Samuel Reese Meredith. 
Admiral Cadv.'alader Ringgold. 
Mrs. William Henry Rawle. 
Travis Cochran. 
William Cochran. 
George Cochran. 
Arthur Potts. 

Mrs. Samuel E. D. Hankinson. 
Mrs. John Graham. 



garth, Llanvawr, Merionethshire, where his father lived. 
iJe brought his certificate of removal from the "Pembroke 
Quarterly Meeting-, dat-ed in 1697, which states he had at- 
tended school there. He probably came over soon in this 
year, and lived in the family of some relative on the Schuyl- 
kill, till he received the appointment as a teacher in the 
Friends' Public School, in Philadelphia, which he had, on 
motion of Griffith Owen, in the Philadelphia Monthly Meet- 
ing, 29. Imo. 1700, who recomm'nded him as "a person fit 
for an assistant in the school." 

Having received this appointment, he probably moved 
into town, for in' July, 1705, he was admitted as a freeman 
of the city. In 1718-33, he was a chosen member of the 
City Council, and of the Pensylvania Assembly, in 1729, 
in which body he served till his decease, intestate, on 23 
July, 1734. 

He purchased 200 acres of land in "Ughland," Chester 
county, on warrant from the Land Commissioners, paying 
£12. 10s. per 100 acres on 22. 9mo. 1715. 

Joimthan Jones, eldest son, who came over with his par- 
ents, and for whom his father desired that a pair of strong 
and large shoes be sent from Wales, although he was only 
two years old. He was born at Bala, Merionethshire, on 
3. llmo. 1680; died 30. 7mo. and was buried at the Merion 
Meeting "House, 8. 8mo. 1770, aged 90 years. His will, dated 
19 May, 1768, was proved at Philadelphia, 1 September, 

Jonathan was given some of his father's estate, and 
bought from his brother-in-law, Evan Owen, the plantation 
of about 450 acres, which included the seats subsequently 
called "Wynnewood," and "St. Mary's," East of Ardmore, 
and North of the Pensylvania Railroad, which, it being a 
part of the Charles Lloyd tract, Thomas Lloyd had con- 
veyed by deed, dated 5. 6mo. 1691, to Robert Owen, who 
settled it on his son, Evan Owen. 



Jonathan Jones married at the Merion Meeting Gainor 
Owen, b. 2G. 8mo. 1G88, daugliter of Robert Owen, of Mer- 

This union of scions of two of the most important fam- 
ilies of the Welsh Tract, natm-ally brought to the wedding 
a great concourse of English and Welsh Friends, as may be 
judged by the signers of their extant marriage certificate, 
which is of longer form than now used, beginning: — • 
"Whereas, Jonathan Jones, son of Edward Jones, of 
Merion, in ye Welsh Tract, Chyrgeon, and Gainor Owen, 
daughter of Robert Owen, late of ye same place, yeoman, 
deceased, having declared their intention of mairiage with 
each other before several Monthly Meetings of ye people of 
God called 'Quakers, in ye Welsh Tract aforsayd," etc., 
"Now these are to certifie to all whom it may concern, that 
for ye full accomplishment of their sai 1 intentions this 4th 
day of ye 8th mo in ye year 1705, they ye sayd Jonathan 
Jones & Gainor Owen appeared in the publick meeting of 
the said People, and others met together, at the public 
meeting place at Merion aforsayd & ye Jonathan 'Jones tak- 
ing ye sayd Gainor Owen by ye hand did in solemn manner 
openly declare that he took her to be his wife, promising 
to be unto her a faithful and loving husband until death 
separate them & then and there in ye sayd assembly ye sayd 
Gainor Owen did in like manner declare that she took ye 
sayd Jonathan Jones to be her husband & promising," etc., 
The names of the signers are given elsewhere. 

They had eleven children, of these: — Mary, m. Benjamin 
Hayes; Edward Jones, d. unm.; Rebecca, m. John Roberts, 
Jr., of "Pencoyd"; Owen Jones, (m. Susanna Evans,)* who 

*Owe'n Jones, 1711-1793, a provincial treasurer of Pensylvania, 
and a "Tory," m. 30. 3mo. 1740, Susanna, daughter of Hugh and 
Lowry Evans, of Merion, had Jane, m. Caleb Foulke; Lowry, 7». 
Daniel Wister; Owen, 1745-1825, d. s. p., Susanna, m. John Nancarro; 
Hannah, m. Amos Foulke; Rebecca, m. John Jones, rf. s. p., Sarah, m. 
Samuel Rutter, and Jonathan, 1762-1821-2, father of Col. Owen Jones, 



received 350 acres from his father, and added about 120 
acres by purcliase from brother Jonathan, — his possessions 
included much of Wister's "St. Mary's," and "Wister's 
Woods," and Wynnewood, which hud been the estate of 
his brother-in-law, Evan Owen, and is still, in part, occupied 
by descendants; Ezekiel Jones, Jacob Jones; and Jonathan 
Jones, Jr., who received about 120 acres at Ardmore from 
his father, some of which was owned by the Glenn family, 
but is now divided among many newcomers. 

Elizabeth Jones, wife of Rees Thomas, Jr., of "Roae- 
mont" plantation, in Merion. 

Mary Jones. 

Edward J oiks, Jr., of Blockley township. By gift from 
his father he had some of his father's land, along with the 
other sons. His will, signed in the presence of Martha 
Palmer, John Winne (marked), and Jonathan Hood, 14 
November, 1730, was proved 30 September, 1732, by wife 
Mary. He names children Aquilla, Penelope, Salvenas, 
Beula, and Prudence ; his brothers, Jonathan and John ; his 
father-jn-law, William Palmer; Brother-in-law, John Cad- 
walader; Trustees, Jonathan and John Jones, William 
Palmer, and John Cadwalader. 

Thomas Jones, named in his father's will, 1732, and was 
probably an invalid. 

Evan Jones. He m. first, Mary Stephenson, of New York, 
and m. secondly, a daughter of Colonel Matthews, of Fort 
Albany, New York. 

M.C., deceased, whose son, J. Awbrey Jones, d. s. p., at "Wynne- 
wood," which property reverted, by the latter's will, eventually to 
the Toland family of Philadelphia, which was distantly related to 
him through the m. of Robert Toland and Rebecca, daughter of John 
Price Morgan, and his wife, Susan, daughter of Lowry Jones and 
Daniel Wister, aforesaid. 



Jolin Jones, of Philadelphia. He received from his fath- 
er's estate the farm of 188 acres, bought of "Edward Jones, 
Jr." (son of John ap Edward), as above. This was included 
in the following sale: 

By deed dated 15 October, 1741, "John Jones, late of 
Lower Merion, and of Philadelphia, yeoman, (youngest 
son of Edward Jones, late of Merion, Chyrurgeon, de- 
ceased), and Mary, his wife," conveyed "to Anthony Tunis, 
late of township of Germantown, now of Lower Merion," 
402 acres of land, "late estate of Dr. Edward Jones," for 
£812 Pensylvania money. The abutting properties on 
this land were owned by John Roberts, Hugh Evans, Rees 
Price, Richard George, and Thomas Davids. "The Road," 
the old Lancaster pike, was a prominent bound, that is, 
this property lay "along the Road dividing this land from 
Edward Price's, south and west, to the Meeting House 
Ground, thence by the same, south and east, by the Road 
to Haverford, south and west, by Rees Price's land." 



Of the three other gentlemen and their famiUes who 
accompanied Dr. Edward Jones, and were founders of the 
Merion Meeting, namely: — 

Edward ap Rees, or Edward Price, 
Robert ap David, or Robert Davis, 
William ap Edward, or "vVilliam Edwards, 
there is preserved the following information. They were 
all, of course. Friends, and members of the Penllyn 
Monthly Meeting, and resided in the old country in the 
same neighborhood, near Bala, wheie they were free-hold- 
ers of land, and gentlemen farmers. 

Edward ap Rees, or Rhys, or "Edward Frees," and "Ed- 
ward Price," as he is variously known (whose descendants 
assumed the surname "Price"), was a yeoman, and a min- 
ister among Friends, and a founder of Merion Meeting, 
came with his wife and two children, in Dr. Jones's party, 
from Kiltalgarth, Penllyn, in Merionethshire. He was the 
son of Richard Rhys (ap Grywvi^h), of Tyddin Tyfod, in 
Merioneth, whose will, signed 26 January, 1685, was proved 
at the St. Asaph registry, and brother to Jane, wife of 
Cadwalader Morgan, and to Hannah, wife of Rees John 
William, all first settlers of Merion. 

On request he filed with the Merion Preparative Meeting, 
of the Haverford Monthly Meeting, on 2. 12mo. 1704-5, 
according to the minutes, an account of his parentage, his 
home, marriage, education, &c., which unfortunately has 
not been preserved, or cannot be found. 

His first Merion land, about 76 acres, which he had by 
deed, dated 1 April, 1682, recorded 11. 4mo. 1684, witnessed 
by John Lloyd, Robert Lloyd, Griffith Evan and Reece Evan, 



was not located on the Schuylkill, but back of the purchase 
of William ap Edward, and between the lands of Dr. Jones 
and Hugh Roberts. 

By deed dated 5. 5. 1691, he acquired 125 acres of the 
land of Governor Thomas Lloyd, part of Charles Lloyd's 
purchase from Penn ("Company No. 2"), which adjoined 
his original land on its west end, and also two acres from 
Dr. Jones, and received, on resurvey, a confirmatory patent, 
dated 1 January, 1703-4, for all his land, then amounting 
to 190 acres here. In 1707, he purchased 222 acres from 
Robert Roberts, north of his Lloyd land, and 10 acres on 
Mill, or Cobb's creek, in Blockley township. 

The balance of his original purchase, or his Goshen land, 
76 acres on Chester creek, and 78 acres which he bought, 
in 1697, of John William, of Merion (who in 1 mo. 1717-8, 
had patent for 400 acres on a branch of French creek), he 
sold, by deed of 9 January, 1708-9, to Ellis David, whose 
son, called David Ellis, held it in 1735. 

Edward Rees resided on his first purchase, some of which 
lay on both sides of the Lancaster Road, which remained in 
his family for two centuries, in a stone house, erected about 
1695, standing till recently northwest of the Merion Meet- 
ing House. 

He was, of course, one of the organizers and first mem- 
bers of the Merion meeting. On the northeast corner of 
his land, and near a path, across his land, succeeded by 
the old Lancaster road (or Montgomery avenue), was the 
site selected as best, and most convenient for the public 
meeting house of the Merion Friends. He sold, for a 
nominal sum, one-half acre, and by deed, dated 20. 6mo. 
1695, conveyed it to the trustees of the Merion Peculiar, or 
Preparative Meeting, Messrs, Robert Owen, Edward Jones, 
Cadwalader Morgan, and Thomas Jones, but it is uncertain 
whether the stone Meeting House, then probably nearly 
completed, was erected on this lot, or it was land added to 
the graveyard. 



Edward Recs was a man of education, and considerable 
property, as the inventory of his personalty, t^iken after 
his decease, shows he owned Bibles and other books of 
history, in Welsh and English, and considerable cash in his 
house. Like some others of these early settlers, he re- 
visited his Welsh home, v/hen advanced in years, with Ben- 
jamin Humphrey. He was buried at the Merion Meeting 
House, 6. 13. 1728. His will, signed G January, 1727-8, was 
proved at Philadelphia, 23 November, 1728. Overseers,. 
Jonathan Jones and Samuel Humphrey ; witnesses, Robert 
and Jon. Jones. 

He was twice married. He married first in Wales, 
Mably, or Mabby, daughter of Owen up Hugh levan, and 
niece of "Thomas ap Hugh, gent," of Wern Fawr, Merion- 
ethshire, and married secondly, in 1713, Rebecca, daughter 
of Samuel Humphrey (ap Hugh), of Haverford. She sur- 
vived him, and died without issue; her will signed 18. 3. 
1732, proved 19 January, 1733; she named as executors, Elhs 
Price, brothers Daniel and Benj. Humphreys, and sisters 
Ann Hogg, of New Castle, and Lydia ; gave money to school 
at Haverford. 

By his first vdfe, who came over v/ith him, and was 
buried at the Merion Meeting House, 23. 8mo. 1699, he had 
one son and two daughters: — 

Rees Price, mentioned as "Rees Recs," in his father's 
will, b. 11. llmo. 1678. His father conveyed some land to 
him, by deed of 7 August 1708. He married three times. 
His children were: — (named in their grandfather's will) 
Edward Price; Mary, m. Rees Harry; and Margaret, to. 
first, Paschall ; to. second, William Montgom- 
ery; issue by both husbands, and, it is said, Jane, John, 
and Ellis Price. 

He TO. first, at Radnor Meeting, 6. lOmo. 1705, Sarah, 
daughter of David Meredith, of Radnor. 



He m. secondly, at Haverford Meeting, 9. lOino. 1718, 
Elizabeth, daug-hter of Ellis Ellis, of Haverford, and his 
wife, Lydia, daughter of Samuel Humplireys aforemen- 
tioned. She was buried at the Haverford Meeting House, 
12mo. 5. 1733-4. Ellis Ellis' will, signed 13. 6. 1705, proved 
6 April, 1706, names wife and son Thomas only. Overseers ; 
Rowland Ellis, John Richard, Rees Price, and Benjamin 

He m. thirdly, at Haverfon' Meeting, 10. 3mo. 1737, 
Ann Scotharn, a widow, of Darby. 

Rees Price was the second landlord of the Blue Anchor 
tavern, on Dock Creek (now Dock street), Philadelphia, 
where Penn landed on his fust visit to his city, when the 
tavern, standing by the public landing place, was a little 
house, 22 feet on Dock (Street) creek, and 12 feet on 
Front Street, and was kept by Mr. Guest. 

His descendant, Esther Price, vi. at Merlon Meeting, 
16. lOmo. 1834, Benjamin Hunt, and this, it is claimed, was 
the last marriage at this Meeting. 

Catlianne Price, d. an infant, and was buried on her 
father's land, in Merion, 23. 8mo. 1682. This was the first 
death and burial in this little settlement, at the Falls of 
the Schuylkill, two months after arrival here. 

Ja7ie Price, b. 11. 9mo. 1682. This was the first birth in 
this settlement, three months after arrival, according to 
her transmitted birth date. She was buried at the Merion 
Meeting House, lOmo. 13. 1769, the record saying: — "Jane 
Mares, widow of George Mares. Born on the banks of 
Schuylkill in a Stone Hut in 1683. She was the Daughter 
of Edv/ard Rees, after called Edward Preist, and then 
Price." She m. first, Jonathan Hayes, d. before 1727, and m. 
secondly, George Marris, or Mares. 

Robert ap David, or Robert David, and Davis, as his 
descendants were called, was living at Gwerneval (Gwer- 
evol) Ismjaiydd, Penllyn, Merionethshire, when he pur- 



chased from Tliomas & Jones 312 '/^ acres, paying £6. 05. 00, 
-and decided to remove to tiiis purchase in Penn's Province. 

He was apparently a young married man, with one 
child, when he and hig wife joined Dr. Jones's party at 
Liverpool, about the middle of May, 1682, and took passage 
in the "Lyon," for America. Arriving, in health, like the 
others of the party, in August he went up the Schuylkill 
with them, and settled on his land here, which on resurvey 
amounted to 148 '/2 acres here, the balance of his purchase 
being subsequently laid out in Goshen township. 

He may have been the Robert David, "of Tuyn y nant, 
Merioneth, who filed Certificate from the Men's Meeting, 
Penllyn, dated 18. 5mo. 1683, with the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting, and had sent for it, which was signed by Robert 
and Evan Owen, Richard Price, Morris Humphrey, Thomas 
Prichard, Evan Rees, Reece Evan, Roger Roberts, Hugh 
and Edward Griffith, Griffith and David John, and William 

His land on the Schuylkill, which had been assigned to 
him by the surveyor, extended back from the river only 
386 perches, to the land allotted to and taken up by John 
ap Edward, and succeeded to by "Edward Jones the 
younger." Here he resided as a gentleman farmer for fifty 
years, the balance of his life. He died in October, 1732, 
and was buried at the M'erion Meeting House. 

By deed, dated 1. 1. 1694, he added to his farm, by pur- 
chase from Dr. Griffith Owen, the ISS'/j acres, extending 
inland from the river 690 perches to Lloyd's land, and 
adjoining his original purchase on the North, which was 
the original purchase of Edward Owen through Thomas & 
Jones. Of this tract, Robei't sold in the same year, 25 
acres to Richard Walter. 

By deed dated 20. 5. 1683, recorded 28 October following, 
Robert David bought 156yj acres (76yo acres of the lot 
being unimproved land in the Thomas & Jones tract), 
from Evan Rees, the Penmaen grocer, for £3. 2. 6. Wit- 



nesses, Hugh Roberts, John Owon, EiUs Davis, and Maurice 
Davies. The receipt for the purchase money is in Latin. 
This hind he exchanged for tlie same amount with Gainor 
Roberts, which latter land he also sold to Richard Walter, 
(with the 25 acres which adjoined it,) by deed of 1 Decem- 
ber, 1694. Mr. Walter had his purchase resurveyed, and 
received patent, dated 8. 4. 1703, for 117 acres. The land 
is all near and on the old Lancaster road, near the City 

Robert David's holdings in Goshen township, on Chester 
creek, were at one time, 346 acres, made up of 234'/^ acres, 
his original purchase, and SSy^ acres bought of Richard 
Thomas, Jr., and 23 acres allowed him by the Commis- 

His final patent, dated 20. 5. 1703, for his Merion land, 
called for 280 acres and for his Goshen land, 346 acres, 
although on 12. 2. 1703, he claimed only 275'/) acres in Mer- 
ion, and 243 acres in Goshen, or 509V^ acres. 

Robert David, of Merion, bequeathed all his estate to his 
only son, Thomas Davis, by his will, signed 26 April, 1732, 
witnessed by Robert Evans, Rees Lloyd, and Robert Jones, 
and proved 18 October, 1732. He mentions his wife, Eliza- 
beth, and daughters Elizabeth and Jane, and gi-andchil- 
dren (Jane's children), and Elizabeth, Jane and Robert, 
David, kinswoman Margaret Roberts, and his brother Ellis ; 
gave some money for the graveyard at the Merion Meeting 
House; and named as executors his wife, and daughter 
Elizabeth, and as trustees, John Cadwalader, Robert Rob- 
erts, and Robert Jones. His wife, "Elizabeth Davis" 's will, 
signed 4 June, 1734, present Thomas and John Cadwalader, 
was filed 31 July, 1734, mentions son Thomas Davis, daugh- 
ter Elizabeth Davis, executrix; mentions grandchildren 
Robei-t Roberts, Elizabeth Evans, and Jane Roberts. 

The brothers, William ap Edward, and John ap Edward, 
it has long been supposed, both came over in Dr. Jones's 
party, arriving here in August, 1682. William, there is 



good evidence, certainly did come with the Doctor, but 
John did not, as we shall see. 

They were sons of Edward ap John, a free-holder, of 
Cynlas township, in Llanddervel parish, Merionetshire, 
and who lived near Bala, and was buried, according' to the 
register, at the parish church, on 1 March, 1667. He had 
two other sons, Evan Edward, who came over before 1704, 
and Thomas Edward, of Llanllidiog, in Llanddiervel, 1686. 

William ap Edward, a yeoman, was described as of 
Ucheldri, and of Nantlleidiog, and Cynlas, and he was 
sometimes known as "William Bedward," ap and ab being 
interchangeable. His descendants assumed the name 
"Williams." A more particular account of him and his 
brother, John, we are unable now to learn, as the account 
of himself and brothers, John and Evan, and their families, 
and old home life, filed with the Merion Preparative Meet- 
ing, by William, 2. Imo. 1704-5, has disappeared from the 
Meeting archives. 

William ap Edward was twice married, and in May, 1682 
with his second wife, Jane, and two daughters by his first 
•wife, Katharine, he embarked for America, with Dr. Jones's 
party, on the "Lyon," and with others of this company 
settled on his purchase on the Schuylkill, in the Fall of 
1682. Here he lived about ten years only, and sold his 
76V2 acres in Merion, on the Schuylkill, by deed dated 17. 
'6. 1694, to Hugh Roberts, whose land adjoined his on the 
North, and removed to a tract which he purchased in the 
Liberty Lands, or Blockley township, surveyed 23. 2. 1692, 
and confirmed by deed to him, 27. 10. 1693. A part of the 
-village of Overbrook is on his land. 

His Blockley land was made up of the 100 acres of "Lib- 
-erty Land," which he bought, (said to have been the same 
-claimed, on account of the purchase of 5,000 acres, by Thom- 
.as & Jones), and 30 acres on account of the original pur- 
•chase of 1,000 acres by William Jenkins, and 20 acres on 


account of Jonah Easting's purchase of 1,000 acres, and 
this tract of about 150 acres seems to have been all he 
owned in 12mo. 1701. This land, where he lived and died, 
subsequently was included in the great estate of the George 
family — the families intermarried — and "Overbrook 

By deed of 21 January, 1703, he conveyed his 75 acres,. 
on Chester Creek, Goshen Township, to Robert William. 

William ap Edward's will, dated 29 December, 1714, was. 
proved by his wife, at Philadelphia, 29 January, 1714-5. 

He mentions his son Edward, daughters Mary, and Eliz- 
abeth, wife of Thomas Lloyd, Katharine, and Sarah, gives, 
money to the Merion Meeting, and appoints as overseers,, 
his son Edward, and William Thomas Lawrence, Henry 
Lawrence, and Thomas Lloyd, and friends David Jones, 
and Thomas Jones. Witnesses: — James Hinton, Jenkin. 
David (marked), and Abel Thomas. 

He was buried at the Merion Meeting lOmo. 31. 1714,. 
(John George was also buried here on this day). His wife,. 
Jane, was buried here, aged 93 years, on 8mo. 3. 1745. 

He 7n. first, Katharine Robert, d. in 1676. She was a sis- 
ter to the Friends' minister, Hugh Roberts, and Gainor 
Roberts, both of the Thomas & Jones purchasers' colony,. 
and had by her, two daughters, namely, 

Elizabeth Williams, b. 14. 3. 1672, who came over with her 
father. She m. Thomas Lloyd, "not the President," who was; 
one of the original purchasers from Thomas & Jones, but; 
resided about a mile North of the village of Bryn Mawr. 

Katharine Williams, who came over with her father, and! 
d. s. p. 

He m. secondly, about 1681, Jane, daughter of John ap) 
Edward, (who, of course, was not his brother), a farmer- 
near Bala, and had by her, who came over with him, four 
children : — 



Sarah WiUrams, b. 20. 8mo. 1685, in Merion. She m. 
Thomas Lawrence, son of David Lawrence, and his wife, 
a daughter of Thomas Ellis. 

Edward Williams, only son, b. 7. 12mo. 1689; he received 
from his father his Blockley land ; will proved at Philadel- 
phia, 21 February, 1749. He was very particular as to be- 
quest to his wife, leaving her "a clothes-press in the par- 
lour," and his "white mare and colt, and new blue-plush 
side-saddle." He m. Eleanor, daughter of David Law- 
rence, of Haverford. Issue: Joseph, father of Rebecca, 
m. Amos George; Eleanor, m. Joseph Bond, and Sarah, 
VI. Edward George) Daniel, Sarah (wife of Joshua Hum- 
phreys) Edward and Jane (wife of Evan Thomas). 

Ellen Williams, b. 19. 4mo. 1691, m. Henry Lawrence. 

Mary Williams, b. 11. llmo. 1694, m. Richard Preston, 
of Haverford. 

John ap Edward, the brother of William ap Edward 
aforesaid, was another of the parties to the "Thomas & 
Jones tract," but he did not come over with him in the Dr. 
Jones party, arriving in August, 1682, as supposed. In the 
testimony before Penn's Commissioners, of Dr. Jones, in 
June, 1702, taken in the matter of a servant of the late 
John ap Edward claiming his "time" was up and desiring 
to be relieved from further servitude, the Doctor declared 
that this servant man "came to this Province about the year 
1683, as the servant of John ap Edward," and there is 
evidence that John brought over four servants, therefore, 
if John ap Edward and servants came over with the Doctor 
in 1682, I think he would have so stated, and not have put 
his arrival "about the year 1683." Nor did John ap Ed- 
ward come over in the party of Hugh Robert, bound for the 
Thomas & Jones tract, because his will is dated 16 October, 
1683, when he was very ill, and the Roberts party was then 
at sea, having sailed in September, 1683. The referc^^ce 



in John's will that he had brought servants over, is proof 
that the will was written here after arrival. Nor should 
I imagine that he arrived in 1683 after Roberts arrived, for, 
being ill in October, he would hardly have sailed in time 
Lo arrive "about the year 1683." Therefore, I judge that 
John ap Edward arrived here, in some party coming out to 
Philadelphia, between August, 1682, and October, 1683. The 
two witnesses to his will were probably servants, possibly 
his, as the names of only two of his, a man and a maid, 
have been found. 

When John ap Edward arrived, he found his land laid out 
for him. He had, as we have seen, contributed £6. 5. 0. to- 
wards the fund to buy 5,000 acres of Penn's land through 
Mr. Thomas and Dr. Jones, and that his share amounted to 
312V2 acres, for which he received the deed, dated 18 April, 
1682. When Ashcom roughly laid out the Thomas & Jones 
purchase into lots, 24 August, 1682, he assigned, by order of 
the surveyor-general, only half of this purchase (as v/as the 
treatment of all the other Welshmen, much to their 
disgust, for they had been given to understand, and it wr.s 
not absurd, that the purchaser of each lot would have all 
of his land in one place), 156i/i. acres to John ap Edward, 
who found it laid out about 1 1/5 mile from tne Schuylkill 
river, and the balance was a right to the same amonnt to 
be laid out in Goshen towTiship, miles away, which was 
not a pleasant surprise for a practical farmer, one that 
would expect his farm should be in one tract, or at least, in 
contiguous parcels. However, as this was the misfortune 
of the other Welsh farmers, John accepted his allotment. 

On Powell's map of the Thomas & Jones tract, John is 
credited with only 153Vi; acres, as Powell supposed he was 
entitled to three acres of Liberty Land, and that his land 
stands in the name of "Edv/ard Joans, Jun'r," wlio was his 
son who succeeded to it on the decease of his elder brother. 
As this draft was made by Powell in 3mo. 1684, Evan, the 



Jieir, and his father were then both dead, and Edward, a 
minor, was the heir apparent. 

When John ap Edward came over, he brought with him 
four servants, possibly, three men, farm hands, and his 
wife's maid. He found his land, though far from the great 
natural highway, the river, of quality equal to any other's, 
as was the bargain, and much better than most of it, for 
we know it lay in the beautiful, rolling country near our 
Merion settlement. He apparently lived only long enough 
to see one crop gathered. From his will it may be known 
that he was a shareholder in the Free Society of Traders 
in Pa., and was a prosperous man, and a Friend, and a 
founder of the Merion Meeting. 

His will, dated 16. 8mo. 1683, when he was "weak of 
body" ; witnessed by Gabriel Jones and William Morgan 
(probably servants), was not proved until 8. 2mo. 1686, by 
his brother, "William Edward, of Merion." 

To his eldest son, Evan Jones, he gave the 312'/.! acres, 
which he had "purchased from William Penn." 

To his youngest son, Edward Jones, he gave "the land 
•due me for bringing over of servants, 200 acres," [that is, 
he brought four servants, receiving the usual allowance of 
fifty acres for each], and in addition his interest, or shares, 
"in the Society Trade of Pensylvania," [i. e., Free Society 
of Traders], valued by him at £5. 

He gave to his daughtei', Elizabeth, £15 "of English 
money," with two feather beds, and bed clothes belonging 
to them, two brass pans, two pewter dishes, and one large 

The balance of his personal estate, and his interest in the 
servants, he desired to be sold to pay his debts, and if any- 
thing remained, he desired his sons to have it. 

He gave ten shillings to "my nephew John Evan." 

He appointed "my beloved brethern Evan and William ap 
Edward, and my trusty friends Hugh Roberts, 
David Davies, John Roberts, and Hugh John Thom- 



as," to be his executors, (although none but Wil- 
liam was in this country, but he had reason to 
expect they would come), "to whose care I leave my 
children," as they were minors at that time. He desired 
that the monthly meeting decide what it was best to do with 
his estate sliould both of his sons die young, and without 
issue. As this will was written a month, or more, before 
the presumed time of organizing the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting, he may have expected it, or referred to the Bur- 
lington Monthly Meeting, which covered the meetings then 
in Pensylvania. 

"My maid, Mary Hughs, [or Hughes] the sum 
of two pounds at the expiration of the time of her appren- 

The executed will has not been preserved, but there is a 
copy of it on file, which shows he marked his will with 
simply a large E. In the package of testamentary papers 
connected with the settlement of his estate, at the office of 
the Register of Wills, Philadelphia, is the original rough 
draft of the will, unsigned, and undated. Also the original 
inventory of his personal estate, made as it says by Thomas 
Ellis, Hugh Jones, and John Roberts, on "the 3 day of the 
first month 1683-4," which is evidence that John died be- 
tween 16 October, 1683 and 3 March, following. 

It seemsthat all the personal property was sold in a lump 
per inventory, after John's death, and that the appraisers 
filed a copy of the inventory on 20 February, 1702-3, when 
the heir, Edward, became of age, to show the sum derived 
from the sale, and stated : — "The Inventory was cast up 
and found to be £63. 15. 9, according to English money, 
which being reduced to pensilvania money is £79. 14. 8. 
five pounds of English money being allowed to the buyer 
of the said Inventory by the trustees, [which made the sale 
net] £73. 9. 8." 

The value of the unexpired time of the servants is 
given: — "The Soms of the Servants being £30. 15. 0." 



which is in addition to the aforesaid valuation of the per- 
sonalty. From the inventory, we learn that John was 
well supplied with agricultural and household implements, 
bedding, clothing, and- some grain, cows, and horses, and 
harness, and that there were sold his pair of spectacles, 
children and women's clothing, pewter, a gun, powder, four 
powder horns, fishing tackle, "leathen dresses," and "lethern 

There is also preserved the receipt of Elizabeth Jones, 
endoi'sed "no part of the record," that is of the original 
testamentary proceedings, "Received from William Ed- 
ward administrator of the Estate of my Father, John Ed- 
ward, the Summe of fifty pounds, seven Shillings currant 
silver money of Pensylvania, in full of all bequests and Leg- 
aceys bequeathed to me by my sd father in his last will & 
testament bearing date of sixteenth day of the eight month 
in the year 1683, and in full of the shars that befell me of 
my deceased bi'other Evan Jones his estate, and I do acquitt 
and discharge the said William Edvi'ard his heirs, of all 
trusts and Legaceys, dues, debts, and demands from the 
beginning of the world to this day, 22 of 3mo. 1699." She 
wrote her name "Elizabeth Jones," and was then twenty- 
eight year of age, and apparently unmarried. The wit- 
nesses to this receipt were the same as those to the copy 
of the inventory mentioned, namely, Hugh Jones (marked), 
Thomas Jones, and Robert Jones. 

The name of the wife and mother of his children of John 
ap Edward has not been found. She was apparently de- 
ceased when he made his will. His descendants assumed 
the name "Jones." Of his issue: — 

Evan Jones, eldest son, b. 2. 2mo. 1677, mentioned in his 
father's will, died young and unmarried before 3mo. 1684. 

Edward Jones, second son, and youngest child, b. 5. 8mo. 
1681. He succeeded to all of his father's land when he be- 



came of age, in 1702-3. According to a note, he had his 
father's will copied into the records. 

By deed, dated 13. 2mo. 1702-3, he conveyed all of the 
lands of his inheritance to Dr. Edward Jones, of Merion, 
giving "Receipt of Edward Jones, of Philadelphia, only 
son of John ap Edward, deceased, and nephew of William 
ap Edward, of Blockley," dated 23 January, 1702, Recorded 
in Philadelphia County Deed Book, No. C. IL, fo. 198. His 
Merion tract of land extended from about the old Lancaster 
Road (Montgomery Avenue), across the Pensylvania 
Railroad between Merion station, and the borough of Nar- 

Elizabeth Jones, first child, h. 18. 12mo. 1671. She m. 
after 22 May, 1699, John ap Robert ap Cadwalader, or 
"John Roberts," of the Gwynedd settlement. They were 
the founders of the Roberts family of "'Woodlawn" plan- 
tation, in Whitpain township, Montgomery county, Pen- 

Sarah Jones, b. 8. llmo. 1673, not named in her father's 




The second party of Welsh from Merionethshire, mem- 
bers of the Penllyn Monthly Meeting, who were purchasers 
of land in the "Thomas & Jones Tract," to remove here, 

Hugh Robert. Cadwalader Morgan. 

Edward Owen. Hugh John. 

William John. Katherin Thomas. 

Gainor Roberts. 

This is the party generally known as "Hugh Roberts's 

They came over in the ship Morning Star, of Chester, 
Thomas Hayes, master, sailing from Mosson, in September, 
1683. After a voyage of two months, uneventful, except- 
ing for several burials at sea, they arrived in the Delaware, 
and at Philadelphia, 16-20 November following. 

There was a large passenger list, outside of the Roberts' 
party, in which there were 50 souls, or more, including 
servants, Welshmen and their families, coming over to 
settle somewhere in the great Welsh Tract, who all may 
have come under Proud's description: — "Divers of those 
early Welsh settlers were persons of excellent and worthy 
character, and several of good education, family, and 

Of the most noted of those coming in this vessel, at this 
time, were John Bevan ("Company No. 3"), and his family, 
and party; John Roberts, of "Pencoyd"; Thomas Owen, 
who came to open-up Rowland Ellis's land; Rees Thomas, 
a future man of affairs in the Welsh Tract; Ralph and 
William Lewis; the Humphreys, Richard, John, and Sam- 
uel, the noted men of the Friends' Haverford Meeting; 



Griffith John ap Evan, Robert ffloid, WilUam Morgan, Evan 
John, brotl'.er of Rees John William, of Merion, etc., all 
became land owners, prosperous farmers, "good men and 
true," in townships of Merion, Haverford, or Radnor, and 
elsewhere in the V/elsh Tract. 

Hugh Roberts, Hugh Robert, or "Hugh ap Robert, of 
Kiltalgarth, yeoman," headed the second party of settlers 
from Merionethshire bound for the Thomas & Jones tract. 
In his immediate party, were his mother, his wife, his 
sister, Ganior Roberts, five children, and four servants. 

Hugh Roberts was a man of education, a pleasant writer, 
and an eminent minister among Fi'iends, whom he joined 
in 1666, and many sketches of his ministerial life have 
appeared in Friends' pubhcations. 

But little is now known of his ancestry, excepting th?t 
he was the son of Robert ap Hugh, or "Robert Pugh, gent," 
of Llyndedwydd, a leased farm, near Bala, and the lake, 
in Penllyn, Merioneth, by his wife, Katherine Roberts, 
who, then being a widow, accompanied her son to Pensyl- 
vania, and was buried at the Merion Meeting, in 1699. She 
was the daughter of William ap Owen, of Llanvawr parish, 
in Penllyn, . where Hugh Roberts resided when he set out 
for America. 

Katharine Robert, of Llaethgwn, widow, and her daugh- 
te>', Gaynor Robert, of Kiltalgarth, spinster, both brought 
Certificates, dated 18. 5mo. 1683, from the Men's and Wo- 
men's Meeting, Penllyn, and signed by the same Friends, 
namely: — Robert, Ellin, and Janne Owen, Richard Price, 
Evan Rees, Reece Evan, Elizabeth William, Elizabeth John, 
Gainor John, Hugh and Edward Griffith, Cadwalader Ellis, 
Thomas Prichard, William Morgan, Roger Roberts, David 
John, Margaret John, Margaret David, and Margaret Cad- 

Hugh Roberts, being so prominent a Friends' minister, 
in North Wales, suffered annoyances, fines, and imprison- 



ment. He brought a certificate of memliership, for himself, 
wife, and family, from the Men's Meeting, Penllyn, Mer- 
ioneth, dated 2. 5mo. 1683. 

Some members of this Men's Meeting at this time were: 

Robert Owen. ' Hugh Griffith. 

Evan Owen. Edward Griffith. 

Richard Price. Morris Humphrey. 

Cadwalader Ellis. Thomas Prichaid. 

Evan Rees. David Jones. 

Rees Evan. William Morgan. 

Ellis David. Griffith John. ; 

Thomas Ellis. Roger Robert. 

Rowland Ellis. Owen Humphrey. 

Nearly all of these were signers of Mr. Roberts's certifi- 
cate, in which he was described as of Llanvawr parish, 

He soon became well known in America as a travelling 
public minister, and in 1688, and 1697-8, made missionaiy 
visits to North Wales. On this last trip, he kept an inter- 
esting journal of his travels, beginning on 15. 12mo. 1697, 
which took him to England and AVales by the way of Mary- 
land and Virginia, which is still extant. 

This interesting journal, printed in full in the periodical 
of the Historical Society of Pensylvania, begins: — "In the 
year 1697, the 15th of ye mo. I set out from home to visit 
Friends in England and Wales, Samuel Carpenter and 
John Ascue accompanying me to Mai-yland." Pie held 
meetings en route, and in Maryland visited Mordecai Moore, 
Samuel Galloway, David Rawlins, the Widow Blackatoi^, 
"who was no Friend.' From her home, where he stopped 
two days, he went to the Rapahannock river, alone, 
through the woods, on foot, "to one Captain Taylor, who 
was very kind to me." Thence "to a friend, George Wilson, 
a place where I had been before." "Here I had a very open 
Meeting amongst ye people of ye world." Then to New 
Kent county, "Where there is a meeting of Friends," and 



next day to a Monthly Meeting at Curies on James river, 
"met dear James Dickinson," "And I went to Edward 
Thomas at James river, Charles Fleming coming along with 
me," and attended a Quarterly Meeting at Tenbigh. Then 
visited Alexander Llewellyn. "We travelled that same day 
46 miles, besides keeping ye Meeting, and it was not hard 
for lis to do it because ye Melting love and power of God 
was sot over all." From this Welsh settlement, Mr. Rob- 
erts went over the James river to Walter Bartlet's, "and so 
on to Sevenech, where I had a good meeting at j-^e Meeting 
House." Visited to homes of Henry Wiges, William Cook, 
Richard Ratcliff, Daniel Sanburn, and John Coopland, and 
held a Meeting at Chuckatuck. Went to the homes also of 
William Scot, Leven Buffstin, Elizabeth Gallowell, and 
Elizabeth Hollowell, having Meetings at each house, "from 
thence on board ye ship, which was to ye mouth of James 
river, where ye Fleet met, we stayed on board 15 days 
before we sailed, and had several Meetings from ship to 
ship, and upon ye 7th day of ye 3d month we sailed." Next, 
he saw land on 17. 4mo. and arrived at Plymouth on 22. 

Resuming his travels, Mr. Roberts visited many Friends, 
and places in England, and at Bristol, "we met our dear 
friend William Penn, and were not a little glad to see one 
another." Entering Wales, he visited many Meetings, one 
at "Trefrug, where John Bevan liveth, and glad we were 
to meet one another." Together, they made the rounds of 
many Meetings, at James Lewis's, Rediston; at Owen 
Bowen's, near Carmarthin ; at James Preece's, City Boom. 
In Radnorshire, he visited Roger Hughes; at Lanole, Ed- 
From North Wales he travelled to many places in South 
Wales, then back to Merionethshire, in the North, where 
ward Jones, David Powel, Thomas Goodin, near Llwyn-du. 
'Tenllyn where I was born and bred," and visited there his 
he visited Lewis Owen, near Dollegelley, then to Bala, and 



■old friend, Robert Vaughan, and then made another pil- 
^image through Wales. 

On his return here, he brought over a large party of 
people from Merioneth, and North Wales. But many died 
at sea. He arrived at Philadelphia 7. 5mo. 1698, and settled 
the surviving emigrants, some in Merion, and others at 
•Gwynedd, of which settlement he is considered the founder. 

Half of Hugh Roberts's original purchase from Thomas 
& Jones, by deed dated 28 February, 1681, recorded 16 
April 1684, v^'itnessed by Daniel Jones, Robert Owen, Wil- 
liam Jones, Reece Evan, Thomas John, and William Apedd 
(ap Edward), was laid out for him before his first arrival, 
on the Schuylkill. This parcel of land, surveyed 306 acres, 
was along the side of the estate of the widow of his dear 
friend, John ap Thomas, and like hers, extended back to the 
lands of Thomas Lloyd, the Governor. 

For no other reason, as no evidence has been found in 
either case, than because he was a minister, it is assumed 
that the Merion Friends held all their Meetings, before the 
present Meeting House was erected, in 1695, in his house, 
and that the early weddings took place in the home of the 
Widow Thomas, because her house was most convenient, 
and more cheerful. However this may be, there is no docu- 
mentary proof for the assumptions, and the preserved rec- 
ords of the earliest functions in Merion are described as 
taking place in the "public Meeting House." 

The Pensylvania land records of his day show that 
Hugh Roberts was a land speculator, as well as a minister, 
to the day of his death. But space permits only to tran- 
scribe a few of his land transactions, especially those con- 
nected with the the neighborhood of the Merion Meeting 

In addition to his original purchase of 3121/2 acres in 
Merion, he bought the Merion share, 761/2 acres (about the 
present Overbrook), of John Watkins, 23. 4mo. 1684. By 
-deed of 1. 4mo. 1688, he bought from the Commissioners, 



200 acres, in Merion, for which he had warrant to survey, 
and 100 acres "liberty land." Of this 300 acre lot, 100 acres 
he had bought for, or did sell to the Widow Thomas, which 
sale was confirmed to her sons, Thomas and Cadwalader, 
22. 12. 1702. By deed of 17. 6mo. 1694, he purchased hia 
brother-in-law's, William Edwards's, original purchase, 
761/2 acres, adjoining his land, on the Schuylkill. 

The aforesaid 100 acres of "liberty lands," were in right 
of the Richard Thomas purchase from Penn, and lay on 
Indian creek and the Mill Creek, (now Cobb's Creek). 
When Penn was here he sold to Hugh 200 aci'es of liberty 
land, on the west side of the Schuylkill river, for which 
he was to pay £150. He gave Penn £60 cash in hand. On 
26. llmo. 1701, he asked for further time, as he could not 
raise the balance due. The Commissioners ordered him to 
furnish good bond, and they would give him an extension 
till 29. 7mo. next. 

Hugh Roberts also bought of Peter Young 500 acres, 
and of Francis Cook 400 acres, that is 900 acres of the 
original tract of John & Wynne ("Company No. 4"). This 
purchase lay in Blockley and Merion townships, and in 
other places. Of his Merion lands, he sold 295 acres to 
Cadwalader Ellis, and 335 acres were confirmed to his 
executors, by a patent, dated 26 March, 1706. 

Of his Blockley purchase above, 200 acres became the 
seat called "Chestnut Hill," along the old Lancaster road, 
which his youngest son, Edward Roberts, inherited. Part 
of this tract is now included in Fairmount Park. In 1721, 
a portion, that including what is known now as "George's 
Hill," in the West Park, was purchased (300 acres alto- 
gether) from said Edward by Edward George (son of 
Richard and Jane George, who came from Llangerig, in 
Montgomeryshire, about 1707-8), whose descendants, Jesse 
and Rebecca George, gave it to the city forever for a park. 
Mr. Roberts also had 300 acres in Radnor in 1717. 



Hugh Roberts had at one time altogether 1349% acres in 
Merion, and tracts of land in the townships of Duffryn 
Mawr, and Goshen, on Ridley Creek, some of which he dis- 
posed of to Cadwalader Ellis. 

Hugh Roberts, it has been said, died at the house of John 
Redman, in Long Island, New York, when on a visit, in 
6mo. 1702, and his remains were brought over from Long 
Island and buried at the Merion Meeting House, on the 
20th. August, "after a large meeting was held." 

But a letter from Judge Isaac Norris, to Jonathan Dick- 
inson, dated 11. 6mo. 1702 ("Penn-Logan Correspond- 
ence"), says: — "Dear Hugh Roberts is, we think, very near 
his end. I was to see him on First-day, and then took a 
solemn and tender farewell, his soul being resigned, earn- 
estly desiring and expecting his change; as in his life he 
was a preacher of Love, so now, in his latest moment does 
he continue to be so." 

Therefore, it is most probable that he died at home, in 
Merion. The entry on the Merion Meeting minutes is 
"Huj;h Roberts departed this Life 6mo. 18. 1702." 

His will, signed 20. 5mo. 1702, was proved at Philadel- 
phia, 7 December, 1702. He names his children, and dis- 
tributed about 1200 acres in Merion, and 1100 acres in 
Goshen township, a meadow called "Clean John," &c. He 
bequeathed £5 to the Merion Meeting. He mentioned his 
servants, namely, two men, Morris Robert, and John Rob- 
ert, and boys, Griffith and Morris. He named as trustees, 
John Roberts (of "Pencoid"), Cadwalader Morgan, Griffith 
John, and Griffith Owen. Witnesses: — Samuel Bowne, 
Griffith Owen, and Samuel Jennings. 

Hugh Roberts was twice married. He m. first, Jane, 
daughter of Owen ap Evan Robert Lewis, of Fron Goch, 
in Merioneth. She was a sister of Robert Owen, of Merion. 
She came to Merion with him, and brought the certificate 
above mentioned, and died 1. 7mo. 1686, and was buried at 
Merion Meeting House. He m. secondly, 31. 5mo. 1689, at 



the Llwyn-y-Braner Meeting, in Penllyn, Merionethshire,. 
when on a visit, Elizabeth vch. John, or Elizabeth Jones. 

His six children, all by his first wife, Jane Owen, who> 
was of Royal Descent, assumed the surname "Roberts-" Of 
them : — 

Robert Roberts, b. 7. llmo. 1673. By his father's will, he 
and his brother Owen received jointly his Merion land. 

On 26. Imo. 1706, this land was patented to them, in two 
tracts, of 222 acres, and 31 acres each, and by deed of 16 
October, 1707, "Robert Roberts, of Maryland," conveyed 
his 222 (220) acres, which lay along the Lancaster road 
(Montgomery avenue) from the Meeting House to the Gulf 
road, and 10 acres, called "Clean John Meadow," on the 
"Upper Mill Creek," to Edward Rees, 

Robert Roberts was twice married, and is supposed to. 
have removed to Maryland, and died there. He m. firsts, 
Catharine Jones, and m. secondly, Priscilla Jones. 

Ellin Roberts, b. 4. lOmo. 1675. 

Owen Roberts, second son, b. 1. lOmo. 1677. He inherited 
some land from his father, as above, but entering on mer- 
cantile life in Philadelphia, was never a Merion planter^ 
There was in 1716, an "ould Grave Yard" on his Merion 
property, from which bodies were removed to the ground, 
of the Merion Meeting. He was the worthy son of his 
father, and was honored by being made the high sheriff of 
Philadelphia county, 1716-23; the treasurer, 1712-16 j. 
collector, 1716-23, a member of the city council, 1712, and 
of the Assembly, 1711, &c. 

He owned 231 acres, of the east end of his father's orig- 
inal land, and by deed of 14 October, 1726, his relict, Ann,, 
then residing in Nantmell township (Chester county), con- 
veyed the same to Jonathan Jones, of Merion. 

His will, signed 31. Imo. 1706, witnessed by Griffith John,. 
Evan Owen, John Roberts, and Robert Jones, was proved at 



Philadelphia in 1723. He named brother Edward, and ap- 
pointed trustees, brothers-in-law Evan Bevan and Robert 
Jones, with uncle John Roberts and Griffith John. He m. 23. 
Imo. 1696, Ann, daughter of John Bevan, one of the early 
settlers of Merion, who died after 1723. Issue, six children. 
His infant son, Owen Roberts, was buried at Merion Meet- 
ing, 7mo. 25. 1707, but he had another Owen, 6. 23. 8. 1711. 
Other children were Hugh Roberts, b. 30. 5. 1699. John 
Roberts, b. 12. 8. 1701, m. Mary Jones, and Awbrey Roberts, 
b. 24. 4. 1705. 

Edward Roberts, third son, b. 4. 2mo. 1680. He received 
the "Chestnut Hill" place from his father, in 1702, but re- 
sided in Philadelphia, where he was a member of the City 
Council, in 1717, and Mayor, in 1739-40, having served aa 
alderman, and a justice. He used for his seal "a rose, un- 
der a crown, between two human hearts." His will was 
proved 6 May, 1741. 

He m. first, Susanna Painter, buried at the Merion Meet- 
ing House, lOmo. 3. 1707, daughter of George Painter, and 
m, secondly, Martha Hoskins, and m. thirdly, Martha Cox. 
He had four children: Hugh, Jane, wife of William Fish- 
bourne, Mayor of Philadelphia 1719-21; Mary, and Eliza- 
beth Bond. 

William Roberts, b. 26. 3mo. 1682 ; d. in 1697. 

Elizabeth Roberts, b. in Merion, 24. 12mo. 1683, named in 
her father's will. 

Edward Ov/en was residing in Dolserey, or Doleyserre, 
Merioneth, and described as "Gentleman," when he bought, 
by deed, dated 1 April, 1682, 312i^ acres through Thomas 
& Jones. He was a son of Robert Owen (ap Humphrey), of 
Dolserey, by his wife, Jane, a daughter of Robert Vaughan, 
of Hengwrt. 

Edward Owen came over in Hugh Robert's party in 1683, 
and found his land laid out on the Schuylkill, 1531/i acres, 



adjoining that of Dr. Jones, and the balance in Goshen tp. 
He probably never resided on this estate, as he sold it to his 
brother. Dr. Griffith Owen, by deed dated 9. Imo. 1684-5, 
and according' to it, was then living on Duck Creek, in New 
Castle Co. (Delaware) . His Goshen rights he also conveyed 
to this brother, who had the land laid out, subsequently, on 
Chester Creek. 

Dr. Griffith Owen, with his wife, Sarah, who survived 
him, son Robert, d. before 1717, and two daughters, Sarah 
and Elinor, and seven servants, from Prescoe, in Lanca- 
shire, came over (with his parents, and brother Louis Owen, 
who settled in New Castle Co.), in the ship Vine, of Liver- 
pool, sailing from Doleyserre with a large party bound for 
the Welsh Tract, and arrived at Philadelphia 17. 7mo. 1684. 

Besides the land he had fom his brother, which Dr. Owen, 
by deed dated 1. Imo. 1694-5, conveyed to Robert David, 
whose land adjoined, the Doctor bought some from Richard 
Davies and John ap John, and the Land Commissioners (of 
wiiich Board he was a member in 9ber, 1701), in Goshen, 
and had 775 acres, in one tract, which was confirmed to him, 
by patent dated 13 Dec. 1703. The Goshen Meeting House 
was built in the center of this tract, on land donated by the 

Dr. Owen died in Philadelphia in 1717, aged 70 years, and 
was one of the earliest physicians here, others being Dr. 
Edward Jones, Dr. John Goodson, Dr. Thomas Wynne, and 
Dr. Graeme. His will, signed 3 Jan. 1717, proved 6 Jan. 
named wife and children, Edward, Griffith (both became 
"practitioners in physick'' in Philadelphia), John (a mar- 
iner), Sarah, wife of Jacob Jonathan Coppock, and Ann, 
wife of John Whitpaine. Son-in-law William Sanders, 
and "daughter-in-law, Mary, wife of Samuel Harriot." 

William ap John, or William Jones, a yeoman, and wid- 
ower, was residing in Bettws, in Merioneth, when he be- 
came a purchaser of 15614 acres, in the Thomas & Jones 
tract, for £3. 2. 6. Witnesses to his deed, dated 1 April, 



1682, being John Lloyd, Griffith Evan, Robert Lloyd and 
Reece Evan. 

He came over in the "Morning Star" with the Hugh Rob- 
erts party, in 1683, bringing his children, and found IQVz 
acres laid out for him on the Schuylkill, He had about the 
same amount assigned to him in Goshen tp. There seems 
to be no proof that he ever resided on his Merion land, as 
he died shortly after coming over, his nuncupative will 
being sealed aiid proved at Philadelphia on 1. Imo. 1684-5. 
He bequeathed his lands to his son, "John Williams," and 
appointed Hugh Roberts and John Roberts, (of "Pencoid"), 
trustees and guardians of his minor children. His wife is 
mentioned in his will as "Ann Reynald, deceased." 

Of his children: — 

John Williams, as above said, inherited all his father's 
lands. By deed, dated 18. 4mo. 1694, he conveyed his Mer- 
ion land to Cadwalader Morgan, whose land adjoined his, 
and his Goshen land, 78 acres, he sold, 13. 6mo. 1697, to Ed- 
v/ard Rees, of Merion, who conveyed it, 9 Jan. 1707-8, to 
Ellis David. 

The other children, "who took the name Jones," were 
Alice, Kathenne and Given, minors in 1685. 

Cadwalader Morgan was residing in Gwernevel, or 
Gwernfell, Ismynydd tp., Penllyn parish, Merioneth, when 
he, with his wife and several children, removed to Pensyl- 
vania, coming over on the "Morning Star," with the Hugh 
Roberts party, in 1683. 

He brought the usual certificate of membership and re- 
moval, from the Penllyn Men Friends' Meeting, dated 8. 
5mo. 1683, and signed by Richard Price, Robert and Evan 
Owen, Evan Rees, Rees Evan, Roger Roberts, Hugh and 
Edward Griffith, Griffith John, William Morgan and David 
John. He was a minister among Friends, "though he held 
no great share of the ministry," was the estimate recorded 
of him by Eleanor Evans, of Gwynedd, a daughter of Row- 



land Ellis. But as he had greatly "suffered" in Wales, b€»- 
cause of his prominence, and religious faith, he purchased 
156 acres through Thomas & Jones, and permanently left 

On arrival, he found part of his purchase laid out on the 
Schuylkill, and here he erected a dwelling house, near "Pen- 
coid," and passed the remainder of his days. His will, signed 
10 Sep. 1711, was proved at Philadelphia, on 10 Oct. fol- 
lowing. In it he mentioned his brothers, "Morgan Lewis" 
and "John Morgan," of Radnor. Cadwalader was therefore 
a son of James Morgan, who in 1701, had 450 acres in Rad- 
nor tp., to which his son and heir, John Morgan, succeeded 

By purchase, he greatly increased his holdings in Merion, 
originally only 76^^ acres, which he had by deed, dated 1 
April, 1682, recorded 13. 4. 1684. Witnessed by John Lloyd, 
Reece Evan, Griffith Evan, Robert Lloyd and William John. 
He bought by deeds, dated 18. 4mo. 1694, the Merion land, 
761/^ acres, of Rees John William, of "Rees Joans," and the 
76Y2 acres which John Williams had from his father. Wil- 
liam John, an original purchaser of Thomas & Jones, which 
lands lay on both sides of his, which was backed by the pur- 
chase of Gainor Robert, so he now had, by survey of 1701, 
2231/^ acres in Merion, fronting on the river. And, by deed 
of conveyance, dated 19 Jan. 1707-8, he acquired 92 acres of 
land, from Hugh John Thomas, or "Hugh Jones," adjoining 
his last purchase, and this gave him 2,178, or more, feet on 
the river, near Roberts's "Pencoyd." By deed, 30 May 1709, 
he sold his last purchases, namely, 223 acres and 92 acres, to 
Robert Evans, and subsequently it became part of the "Rob- 
erts Estate." 

The will of "Gadder Morgan, of Merion," signed 10 Sep. 
1711, in the presence of Robert Roberts, Moses Roberts,* 

•Moses Roberts was one of the children of Robert Ellis, who, with 
his wife, Ellin, and seven children, removed here in 1690, bringing 
their certificate from the Quarterly Meeting held at Tyddyn y Gareg, 



and Thomas Jones, was proved 10 Oct. 1711. Executora, 
sons-in-law Robert Evan and Abel Thomas. Names brother 
John Morgan (of Radnor), son-in-law Hugh Evans, Cad' 
walader, second son of son-in-law Robert Evan (of Gwy- 
nedd) ; Sarah, wife of Robert Evan; Elizabeth, daughter of 
son-in-law Abel Thomris; sister-in-law Elizabeth, wife of 
brother Lewis Morgan, and her child, not named. Ap- 
pointed as overseers, Edward Jones, John Roberts, David 
Jones (of Blockley), and Thomas Jones. 

Cadwalader Morgan married Jane, who d. before 1711, 
daughter of Richard GryfTyth (ap Rhys, or Rees, and Frees, 
or Price), of Llanfawr, Merioneth, who was of Royal De- 
scent, and a sister of Rees Jones's wife, of Merion, and to 
Edward Price, of Merion, and had two sons and three 
daughters by her, who is recorded at the Merion Meeting as 
buried 7. 19. 1710, "Jane wife of Chadwalader Morgan," 
namely : 

Morgan Cadivalader, h. 23. 6mo. 1679. He was a minister 
among Friends, and died young, and unmarried. 

Edward Cadwalader, b. 22. 6mo. 1682. He died unmar- 
ried, before his father. 

Sarah, m. Robert Evan, or Evans, of Gwynedd. Issue. 

Daughter, m. Hugh Evan, or Evans, of Gwynedd. 

Daughter, m. Abel Thomas, of Merion. Issue. The ■fol- 
lowing entry at the Merion Meeting, 12. 23. 1807: Burial, 

in Merionethshire, dated 5mo. 28. 1690. Their children named "Rob- 
erts" were Abel (m. Mary Price), Moses, Ellis, Aaron (w. Sarah 
Longworthy) , Evan, Rachel, Jane, Mary, and Gainor. The will of 
Moses Roberts, of Merion, signed 16. 12. 1715-6, witnessed by John 
Roberts and David George, was proved 28 Feb. same year. He ap- 
points brother Ellis Roberts, and friend Robert Roberts, executors. 
Names brothers Aaron, Evan, and Ellis, and sisters Jane, Rachel, 
Mary, and Gainor Roberts, nieces Katherine and Rachel Roberts, and 
Margaret Edwards, Elizabeth Roberts, Sarah Dickinson, Jane, daugh- 
ter of Abel Thomas, John Kelly, and Thomas Bowen. 



"Jacob Thomas, son of Abel, with the waggon Load of Stone 
run over his head." 

Hugh John ap Thomas, Hugh John or Hugh Jones, was 
living at Nantlleidiog, in Llanvawr parish, Merioneth, and 
was a widower and a farmer and miller, when he bought 
15014 acres of land, deed dated 18 March, 1681, through 
Thomas & Jones, and decided to remove to it, and came over 
with Hugh Roberts's party, in 1683, 

He lived several years on his Merion land, 7614 acres, 
(the balance of his purchase being laid out in Goshen tp.), 
which on resurvey on order from the Commissioners, 
amounted to 92 acres. He paid for and retained the increased 
acreage, having patent for it, dated 8 Nov. 1703. 

By deed, dated 19 Jan. 1707-8, he conveyed his Merion 
tract to Cadwalader Morgan, whose property then ad- 
joined his, and his holdings in Goshen to John Roberts, of 
"Pencoid," and removed to the Welsh settlement at Ply- 
mouth, where he died in 1727, having had four wives. 

He m. secondly, at the Merion Meeting, 16. 5mo. 1686, 
Margaret David, and m. thirdly, at the Radnor Meeting, 18, 
llmo. 1693, and to. fourthly, at the Merion Meeting, 22. 
9mo. 1703, Margaret Edwards. It is said that he had issue, 
and that one of his daughters married after his last mar- 
riage, and before 1708, Rowland Richard. 



"John ap. Thomas, of Llaithgwm, Commott of Penliyn, 
in the County of Mei-ioneth, gentleman," as contemporary 
manuscripts designated him, was a forefather of the Merlon 
Meeting, and a partner in this, the first, and most notable, 
company of Welsh Friends that removed to the Welsh Tract, 
though not destined himself to come over. 

He was a son of Thomas ap Hugh (ap Evan Rhys-Goch), 
a gentleman farmer, or country gentleman, of Wern Fawr, 
in Llandderfel parish, Merioneth, whose will was proved at 
St. Asaph registry, in 1682. His brothers and sisters were, 
Cadwalader Thomas, (mentioned in the will of John Thom- 
as), who resided on a farm at Kiltalgarth, in Merioneth, 
and died before his father, and whose wife was a sister of 
Robert Owen, who became one of the most prominent res- 
idents of "Merion in the Welsh Tract," one of their sons, 
John Cadwalader, mentioned in the will of his uncle, John 
Thomas , was the founder of the well known family of Cad- 
walader, of Philadelphia and Trenton], Hugh Thomas, of 
Penllyn; Catherine, wife of Gawen Vaughn, of Hendre 
Mawr, and Elizabeth, wife of Maurice ap Edward, of Cae 

John ap Thomas was of notable ancestry, according to 
his pedigree, complied before 1682, which is extant. The 
late Dr. Levick, of Philadelphia, ovraed this MS pedigree,* 
and reproduced it in full in the Pa. Mag. vol. IV. p. 471, but 
as it is a very extended one, in fact, showing the lineal de- 
scent of John ap Thomas from Noah, space for only the last 
seventeen generations can be given here, which runs : "John 

*Now in the possession of Lewis J. Levick, Esqr., and loaned by 
him to the Historical Society of Pensylvania (July, 1910). 



Thomas, of Llaithg^vm, in the County of Merioneth, Gent., 
1682|Thonias ap Hiigh|Hugh ap Evan (of Wern Fawr) | 
Evan ap Rees GochlRees Goch ap Tyder|Tudor|Evan 
and county of Denbig|Evan ddu| David ap Eiynion|Eiy- 
nion ap KynrifflKj-nrig ap Llowarch|Heilin|Tyrid|Tagno| 
Ysdrwyth|Marchwysst]March\veithian, one of the 15en 
tribes of North Wales, and Lord of Issallet," ap LUid, ap 
Lien, &c, &c. This Marchvi^eileian, "who beareth guvi'ls a 
Lyon Rampant Argent, Armed Langued Azure," was the 
eleventh of the fifteen tribes of North Wales (see "Cam- 
brian Register," 1795, p. 151), who held their lands by Bar- 
on's service. He was called Lord of Is-Aled, and owned, or 
controlled many townships, about A. D. 720. 

He was convinced by the Quaker apostle, John ap John, 
of the truth of the teachings of Fox, "God's Truths," and 
became a member of the religious Society of Friends, in 
1672, and from then till his untimely death, he was a leader 
and minister amongst Welsh Friends. Hugh Roberts, his 
life-long friend and neighbor, in an extant sketch of him, 
tells of his conversion, "though it was a time of great suf- 
fering" among the Friends in V/ales for being non-conform- 

The members of the Society were beset on every side by 
paid spies of the "established church," and informers work- 
ing "on commission," so it could be expected that this prom- 
inent gentleman farmer of the neighborhood would be close- 
ly watched, and Mr. Roberts records : "The first two 
meetings he was at, he was fined fifteen pounds [by a mag- 
istrate, and refusing to pay] the informer took from him 
two oxen, and a horse that was valued to be worth eleven 
pounds, and returned nothing back!" "The appearance of 
Truth was so precious to him," continues Mr. Roberts, "that 
he did not only make profession of it, but was also made 
willing to suffer for its sake, which he did valiantly." Thia, 
however, could be said of Mr. Roberts, himself, and of al- 
most every man and woman who fled finally from persecu- 



tion to the Welsh Tracts in Pensylvania. "When this faith- 
ful man first can)e among us [in Wales], it was the hottest 
time of persecution that we ever underwent." 

So active were informers working for percentage of 
Uie fines imposed, that the resourceful John Thomas, re- 
cords Mr. Roberts, went to one of the county justices, "that 
was moderate," with strong indorsements, and got the ap- 
pointment for himself to be the high constable for his dis- 
trict, the position being vacant. 

It seems that the procedure against Quakers was for the 
spy, or informer, to find an alleged culprit, one who did 
rot attend the services of the Established Church, after 
wai-ning; one who declined to contribute towards the sup- 
port of that church and its minister, upon assessment; for 
attending meetings of Quakers ; having such meetings held 
in their homes, and a long list of more petty complaints, 
sware out a warrant against him before a committing mag- 
istrate, which would follow its usual course, be delivered to 
the high sheriff, who would issue an order to the county 
jailor to receive and take charge of the prisoner, arrested 
and brought in by the high constable. 

There has been preserved among the papers of John 
Thomas one of the sheriff's orders to the jailor, and it is 
possible that it is one of those that came into John's hands 
v.'hen he was high constable, and which he "pigeon-holed." 

"Merioneth, SS. 

"To Lewis Morris, Keeper of his Majts goale for ye sd 
County, & to Richard Price and Joseph Hughes. 

"Whereas, I have apprehended Cadwalader ap Thomas ap 
Hugh, Robert Owen, Hugh ap Robert, John David, John 
Robert David, & Jonett John, spinster. 

"By virtue of his Ma'ties writt, issued out of the last 
great sessions, & unto me directed & delivered, I therefore 
do will and require you to receive into your custody the 
bodyes of the said Caddw'r ap Tho ap Hugh, Robert Owen, 
Hugh Roberts, Jo Robert David & Jonett John, and them 



safely to convey to the common geole of the sd County and 
them in a safe manner to be kept in ye sd geole whom I doe 
hereby commit, there to remain for the next great sessions 
to be held for ye sd county on Monday of ye sd sessions, then 
and there to answer such matters as shall be objected 
against them on his Ma'ties behalfe, this omitt you not at 
yr perill, given under my hand & seal of office, the fourth 
day of May, Anno R. Caroli (di) Anglic & vicessimo sexto, 
Annoq dom 1674. 

"Owen Wynne, Esq. Sheriff." 

These apprehended Quakers were relatives and neighbors 
of John ap Thomas — one was his brother — so it may be im- 
agined he did not carry out the order. It seems that in John 
Thomas's neighborhood, the most diligent of the inform- 
ers, "a cunning, subtle man," was also an applicant for the 
position John captured,* and it was very evident to him 
why John sought it, and was glad to get it, so he set out to 
defeat him and have him impeached, in the following way, 
as told by Mr. Roberts: 

"So the informer went on, and informed against Friends, 
and when he got a warrant, he brought it to the high con- 
stable, according to his orders" [from the magistrate] , and 
John Thomas thereupon would tell him "to go about his bus- 
iness, that he was responsible for them" [the warrants]. 
So John simply pocketed the warrants, and did nothing. 
This was just as the informer hoped, for he knew that John 
was violating the Act of Parliament, and his office, and put- 
ting himself in the position to be heavily fined for every 
neglect. John certainly took great chances, for the inform- 
er had nine good cases against him, when fortunately "the 
King's Declaration came to put a stop to these wicked in- 

•Among the papers of John Thomas is a letter, written about 1681, 
addressed to Richard Davies (one of the adventurers for Penn's land), 
by John ap David, a Friend, mentioned in the Sheriff's order, who 
also got the appointment of high constable to protect his brethren. 
It tells of the seizure of the chattels of Robert Evan. 



formers," says Mr. Roberts. "Thus this faithful and val- 
iant man hazarded his own estate to save his friends and 

John Thomas wrote out, his notes still extant, many in- 
stances of his persecution and teasing, and those of his 
neighbors, wherein he tells of burdensome fines on the 
slightest provocations, and of scandalous tithing assess- 
ments and collections, all similiar to those related of others 
in Besse's "Sufferings of Friends." Probably the most dis- 
graceful proceeding in John's experience was when the 
parish priest of the Established Church came one day to col- 
lect John's contribution towards his salary and support of 
the parish church. John's Mem., 

"In the year 1674, about the 20th day of the 4th month, 
Harry Parry, parson of Llanthervol, he and his men came 
to the ground of John ap Thomas, and demanded lambes 
tithes; and when the said John ap Thomas was not free to 
give him tithes, he sent his men abroad to hunt for the 
lambs, and at length they found them in one end of the 
barn, where they used to be every night, and they took out 
the best five out of 21 for tithes. And for the tithe corn, they 
took of the corn I cannot tell how much." John, like many 
Friends of the days of persecution, made memoranda of 
raids on his property, hoping a time would come when they 
could submit them, and be reimbursed. 

Another interesting paper that has been preserved with 
the papers * of John ap Thomas, and which probably came 
into his hands when he was tfie high constable, is dated 20 
May, 1675, and signed by Humphrey Hughes and John 
Wynne, justices of the peace, and addressed "To the high 
and pettie Constables" of Merionethshire, and to the church 
wardens, and the overseers of the poor in every parish in 
that county. It is the formal announcement, on informa- 

*Nearly all of Mr. Thomas's papers are (1910) in possession of 
Mr. Lewis Jones Levick, of Bala, Pa. 



tion from Owen David and Thomas John, of Penmaen, in 
Llanfawr parish, that certain persons in the county have 
met together on 16 May, "under colour of pretence of Re- 
ligion," against the laws of the realm, "in a house called 
by the name of Ihvyn y Branar, in Penmaen, and orders 
distraints to be made against them. John ap Thomas is 
named in the list. 

Volumes have been published tellint' of the persecutions 
of the Friends, yet the following letter, found among John 
Thomas' papers,** is interesting in that years after the 
aforesaid times, the Quakers were still being persecuted. 
And it was written just at the time the Welsh Friends were 
arranging to buy land from Penn, and remove to it. 

"Dolgelley, ye 25th of the 4th mo., 1681. 
"My dear friend John ap Thomas: 

"These in haste may let thee understand that the persons 
undernamed are outlawed, and the Deputy Sheriffe hath 
writts against them. 

"Many of them are dead, those that are alive (I) wish 
them to look to themselves, untill such time as friends shall 
come together to confer in their behalfe, that soe friends in 
their liberty may order some considerab]-^ gratuity to the 
Deputy Sheriffe for his kindness. 

"Beside those undernamed, Elizabeth Williams is partic- 
ularly to look to herself. There is a writt out of the Exn 
chequer against her, as the Deputy Sheriffe informs me. 

"Ye names are as followeth, vizt. : 

William Prees, de Landervol. 

Thomas ap Edward, de Llanvawr. 

Litter Thomas, de eadem. 

Thomas Williams, de ead. 

John Davie, de ead. 

Elizabeth Thomas, de ead, widdow. 

Lodovicus ap Robt., de ead. 

•♦Inherited by Mr. Lewis J. Levick and now in his possession. 


Thomas ap Edward, de Llanvawr, Thomas A' illiams, de 

Robt. John Evan, de ead. 

Griffith John^ de Gwerevol, and Ehzabeth his wife. 

Hugh Griffith, of the same, & Mary his wife. 

Maurice Humphrey Morgan, of the same. 

This is att present from thy dear friend and desires to 
Excuse my brevity. Lewis Owen." 

This letter shows that the persecuted and outlawed 
Friends had at least one official interested in their welfare. 
The suggestion that the deputy sheriff be tipped to hold up 
the writs, has a modern look about it, yet it was a kindly 
meant suggestion. 

Lewis Owen was a member of the Dolgelly Quarterly 
Meeting, Merionethshire, 2mo. 1684, with Rowland Owen, 
Humphrey Owen, Rowland Ellis, Ellin Ellis, Owen Lewis, 
Owen Humphrey, Hugh Rees, Reece Evan, Richard Jones, 
David Jones, Ellis Davies, Ellis Moris, John William, Kath- 
rine Price, Jane Robert and Agnes Hugh. 

"Elizabeth Williams is particularly to look to herself!" 
This most active preacher among Friends. What a terrible 
experience hers had been for a half century, and still she 
had "to look to herself"; stop getting up meetings and ex- 
horting, else she would have to undergo further punish- 
m.ents, and this when she was nearly eighty years old. 
Nearly thirty years before this last warning, Elizabeth, 
when 50 years old, with the almost equally celebrated min- 
ister, Mary Fisher, nearly escaped execution of some sort 
in Cambridge, in 1653. Besse, the Quaker annalist, records 
that "the niayor ordered them to be whipped till the blood 
ran down their bodies, * * * * which was done far more 
cruelly than with worse malefactors, so that their flesh v/as 
miserably torn." They were then driven out of the city. 

It has already been told that John ap Thomas was one of 
the party of Welsh Friends that went to London to inter- 
view William Penn, about the land in America, he was of- 



fering for sale. There is a letter extant, among- his papers, 
from him to his wife, dated London, 28. 3mo. 1681, telling 
her that he is well, and that he arrived in London on 21st 
inst., "without any great difficulty," accompanied by Thomas 
Ellis, with whom he intended to return home "the next sec- 
ond day," and concludes: 

"I lay it upon thee to mind my dear love to my friends, 
H. R. & his; Robt 0. & his; E. Jo. & his; R. D. & his; H. G. 
& his; G. J. & his; Elizabeth John & hers; Elizabeth Wyn 
and hers, with all the rest as if named them one by one. 

No more at present, but my dear love to thee, and sos I 

I am JOHN 
ap Thomas." 

At this time John ap Thomas and Edward Jones secured 
rights to 5,000 acres of Penn's American land, and upon 
their return to Merioneth, after themselves subscribing for 
over 1,500 acres, they conveyed the balance among fifteen 
neighbors in Penllyn tp., as stated, the majority of whom 
removed to their purchases. 

It was undoubtedly the intention of John Thomas also 
to remove with his family to his American land, as he was 
greatly interested in the plan for a refuge for the perse- 
cuted Welsh Quakers, and was a shareholder in the Society 
of Free Traders of Pensylvania, but a little time before the 
date, in July, 1682, set for the first departure of Welsh 
Friends, his partner and relative. Dr. Jones, and compan- 
ions, he became too ill to travel, and never recovered. His 
old friend, Hugh Roberts, records the scenes of his death- 
bed, saying: "He took his leave of his friends, giving his 
hand to every one of us, and so in a sweet and heavenly 
praise, he departed the 3d day of 3mo. 1683." And of this 
event, his son, Thomas Jones, entered in the Family Bible, 
still preserved: "Our dear father, John ap Thomas, of 
Laithgwm, in the Commott of Penllyn, in the county of 
Merioneth, in North Wales, departed this life the 3d day 


of 3d month, 1683, being the 5th day of the week, and was 
buryed at Friends burying place at Havod-vadog in the said 
Commott and County, ye 5th of ye said month." 

Although his health and strength was poor and failing, 
John Thomas looked forward to joining his friends in 
America, and to this end, "sent some effects [with them] 
and agrc( I with them to make some provision against his 
intended coming." This was certainly done, as John's 
portion of land was located on the Schuylkill, and in Goshen 
tp., the same as if he were present. In fact, there was an 
agreement, v^^hich is extant, signed by Edward Jones, per 
David Davies, while John Thomas was so ill, and before 
Dr. Jones sailed, saying: "And should John ap Thomas 
happen to die before ye said Edward Jones, that E. J. 
should take no benefit of survivorship," which probably re- 
ferred to partnership in goods for sale in Pensylvania, 
which Dr. Jones took with him. 

About four months after her husband's decease, "Kath- 
erine Robert," his relict, with her children, sailed from 
Chester, in the ship "Morning Star," for Philadelphia, with 
the parties of Hugh Roberts and John Bevan, and arrived 
16 Nov., 1683, "and found one-half of the purchase taken 
up in the place since called Merion, and some small im- 
provement made on the same where we then settled," as her 
son, Robert Jones, wrote to William Penn. 

In a sketch of John Thomas and his wife, by the late Dr. 
James J. Levick, of Philadelphia, (in the IV Vol., of the 
magazine of the Historical Society of Pensylvania), he 
says: "From all that is left on record, Katharine Thomas 
was a woman of great force of character and of much 
Christian worth, * * * Great as was the .• acrifice, she 
does not seem to have hesitated to leave her comfortable 
home for the distant and wild lands beyond the sea." 

The certificate she brought from the Friends' Penllyn 
Monthly Meeting, of which she had been a member for ten 
years, dated 18. 5mo. 1683, was most flattering, and among 



others, bore the signatures of Robert Owen, Richard Price, 
Cadwalader Lewis and Edward Griffith. 

Among the "Thomas Papers" there are letters from Rob- 
ert Vaughan, "a learned man," to hid "loving aunt," Kath- 
arine Thomas, — one written in 3mo. 1687, and a letter 
from her "loving nephew," Edward Maurice, dated "Eyton 
Parke, Denbigshire, 3 Sep. 1692," mentioning her kin,^ the 
Yales, of Plas yn Yale, and other "County Families" of 
Wales, all suggesting that Katharine was of gentle birth 
and refined breeding, which is borne out by Friends' en- 
dorsements, and the accounts of these families in Nicholas's 
"Annals and Antiquities of the County Families of Wales." 

Many of the Welsh Friends, bound for Merion, came over 
on this voyage of the "Morning Star," as told before. Kath- 
arine's immediate party, her children and servants, num- 
bered twenty. It was a long voyage, even at that time, and 
only the strongest survived it. Two of Katharine's chil- 
dren died and were buried at sea, namely, daughters Syd- 
ney, on 29. 7mo. and Mary, on 18. 8mo, as recorded in the 
Bible* of Thomas Jones, one of Katharine's sons. 

As "some provision against" Katharine's coming had been 
made on her husband's land, her son records they went 
there at once, after landing, the place being called, he says, 
"Geilli yr Cochiaid," or "Grove of Red Partridges." 

The "provision" was only a log cabin, and here the family 
resided till a small stone house was erected on another prop- 
erty she bought. Both of these remained till recently as 
landmarks near the village of Bala, on the property of 
Walter Jones. Her property here, as surveyed in 1684, 
was 612 acres of timber land, and was the furtherest lo- 
cated up the Schuylkill of the purchases through her hus- 
band and Dr. Jones, and extended back to north of the 
present village of Narberth. Adjoining her was her old 

♦This Bible, with its family data, has been presented to the His- 
torical Society of Pensylvania by Lewis Jones Levick, Esqr. 



friend, Hugh Roberts, who, with his family, had also, as 
said, come over in this voyage of the "Morning Star." 

We can imagine Katharine Thomas to have been of good 
business acumen, as after getting her 612 acres here into 
working order, and made crop-yielding, she purchased the 
following summer 150 acres on the river, between the lands 
of Barnabas Wilcox and Joseph Harrison, adjoining her 
husband's land, on which there was "a dwelling house lately 
erected." On 10 Dec. 1689, took title for a tract of 500 acres 
north of her first land, on the river, called "Glanrason," 
from Joseph Wood, (son of William Wood, the first grantee, 
30. 7mo. 1684), and adjoining the 500 acre tract, next 
above on the river of William Sharlow, called "Mount Ara- 
rat." * Besides these lands on the river, Katharine also had 
a tract in Goshen tp., on Chester Creek, being the balance 
of her husband's purchase for £25, and lots in the "city" and 
a questionable share of the "liberty land" which went with 
the original purchase. 

About six years after their mother's death, the sons had 
all of her land that remained to them, surveyed, and it 
amounted to 679 acres in Merion, and 635 acres in Goshen, 
for the whole they received a patent dated 3. llmo. 1703, 
The Merion land, in a general way, lay north of the tov/n of 
Narberth, extending from Montgomery Ave. (the old Lan- 
caster Road) to the river, and, from the Price property, 
west of and near the Merion Meeting House, westward to 
"St. Mary's" (the Wister, or Chichester property). East 
of the Ardmore toll-gate, on Montgomery Ave. A part of 
this Merion tract is still (1910) owned by descendants. 

After coming over, Katharine, as executrix to her hus- 
band, had his will, a long one, dated 9 Feb., 1682, filed in 
Philadelphia, 10. 3mo. 1688. It was signed in the presence 
of Robert Vaughan, Rowland Owen and Thomas Vaughan. 

*Sharlow's land was wrongly placed on Holme's Map. It was 
beyond Wood's property. 



He desired his tract of 1,250 acres (mentioning the trans- 
action between Penn, Dr. Jones and himself) , to be divided 
equally between his four sons, and left £20 cash to each 
of his childi'en, providing, of course, for his wife. He named 
as his overseers, John ap John, of Rhiwabon, or Ruabon, 
parish, Denbig; Thomas Ellis, of Cyfanedd, Merioneth; 
Thomas Wayne, "late of Bronvadog," Flintshire; Robert 
David, of Gwernevel, Merioneth ; Hugh Roberts, of Kiltal- 
garth, Merioneth; Edward Jones, "late of Bala, Chirur- 
gion"; Robert Vaughan, of Gwemevel; Edward Morris, of 
Lavodgyfaner, Denbig; Robert Owen, of Fron Goch, and 
"my son-in-law, Rees Evans, of Fronween," Merioneth. 

Katharine Thomas lived fourteen years in "New Merion" 
among her Welsh friends, and was a regular attendant of 
the Merion Meeting, her death being thus entered in her 
son's, Thomas Jones's, Bible: "Our dear Mother Katherin 
Thomas departed this Life ye 18th day of ye 11 month, 
1G97, about ye 2d or 3d hour in ye morning (as we thought) , 
& she was buryed next day." Her will, not recorded, dated 
7. llmo. 1697, is mentioned in a deed, executed by her sons 
—Book G; v., pa. 496. 

Her son Eva7i died unmarried a month after she died, in 
Feb. 1697, leaving a small money gift to the Merion Pre- 
parative Meeting. 

Of her remaining children, who took "Jones" as their 
surname : 

Thovias Jones, eldest son, was "through school" when 
he came over with his mother, and there is evidence that 
his education was a good one. He wrote a remarkably 
strong, clear hand, and kept a log of the voyage to America 
on the blank leaves of the Family Bible, and i-ecords of his 
kin. In 1709, he acted as clerk of the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting of ministers and elders, and was also their treas- 
urer. He became an "approved minister" among the 
Friends, and was popular in his neighborhood as a guar- 
dian, and overseer. 



He joined Dr. Jones, his father's co-truatee in the Pen- 
sylvania land, in conveying by deed, dated 27. 10. 1693, the 
100 acres of liberty land due on account of their entire pur- 
chase, to William ap Edward. 

He died 6. 8mo. 1727, at his home in Merion. His will, 
signed 31. 6. 1727, witnessed by Thomas Moore, Richard 
George and Robert Jones, trustees-"Cousins Robert Jones 
and Jonathan Jones," was proved on 5 Aug. 1728. He be- 
queathed lands in Merion adjoining Jonathan Jones, Sr., 
and in Goshen tp. 

He married Anne, named in his will, daughter of Grif- 
fith ap John, or Jones, of Merion (a son of John ap Evan, 
of Penllyn, "old Merion," and a cousin of Robert Owen, of 
"New Merion"), who owned a 187 acre place northeast of 
Bala, Philadelphia County, an whose sons, John and Evan, 
and their descendants took the name "Griffith." 

Thomas and Anne Jones had besides John and Catherine, 
both buried at Merion Meeting in 1706, Evan, Elizabeth, 
Ann, Mary, Sarah, who ?n. at Merion Meeting 8. llmo. 
1742, Jonathan Jones, (son of Jonathan Jones, and grand- 
son of Dr. Edward Jones), and Katharine, who m. Lewis, 
son of David and Katharine Jones, aforesaid, of Blockley, 
Philadelphia County. 

Robert Jones, named in his brother's will, second son of 
John ap Thomas, inherited the plantation called "Glanra- 
son," 189 acres, and purchased from David Hugh, 20. 4. 
1699, 150 acres (surveyed), 165 acres of Sharlow's "Mt. 
Ararat," confirmation deed, 12 Feb. 1704, and at one time 
owned 1,000 acres in Merion, and 426 acres in Goshen. "He 
was a useful member of both civil and religidus society," 
having been a justice of the peace, and a member of the 
provincial assembly. He was buried at the Merion Meeting 

He married 3. llmo. 1693, at his mother's house, Ellen 
Jones, sister to David Jones, of Blockley tp., who with his 
wife, Katharine, had certificate from the Monthly Meeting 



at Hendrimawr, Wales, dated 24. 12mo. 1699, signed by 
ftobert Vaughan, Ellis Lewis and Thomas Cadwalader. 

Robert's will was dated 21. 7mo. 1746. Of the children 
of Robert Jones: Gerrad, eldest son, b. 28. 12, 1705-3; in- 
herited "Glanrason," [he m. first, Sarah, daughter of 
Robert Lloyd and his wife, Lowry, daughter of Rees John 
William, of Merion, and m. secondly, Ann, (daughter of 
Benjamin Humphrey, of Merion?) and had eight children, 
of these Ellen, m. Robert Roberts and Isaac Lewis, and 
Paul, m. Phoebe Roberts] ; Elizabeth, b. 1695, first child, 
Katherine, b. 1700, m. Thomas Evans; Ann, b. 1702, m. 
James Paul, of Abington tp., and Robert, b. 3. 6mo. 1709, 
who received land from his father. 

Cadwalader Jozies was a shipping merchant in Phila- 
delphia. The Land Commissioners on 23 Feb. 1702, granted 
him and his brother Thomas, executors to their mother's 
will, power to take up 100 acres of land (being part of 200 
acres sold by the Commissioners to Hugh Roberts "for their 
mother's use"), which they had laid out in Merion tp., in 
llmo. 1712-13, adjoining the lands of Mordecai Moore, 
John Havid (Havard), James Atkinson, and Owen Roberts. 

Cadwalader, and his brothers, Thomas Jones, procured 
grant and survey of a 34 foot lot in 2d street, and a 20 foot 
lot in 3d street, in place of one "whole lot" of 51 feet, in 2d 
street, "of which they have been disappointed." 

Kathenne Jones m. Robert Roberts, son of Hugh Rob- 
erts, of Merion, the eminent minister among Friends, and 
next neighbor to Katharine Thomas. 

Elizabeth Jones, m. before 1662, Rees Evan, of Fon- 
ween, in Penmaen, Penllyn, Merioneth. Their son, Evan 
Rees, came to Pensylvania and his daughter Sydney m. Rob- 
ert Roberts, of "Pencoyd," Merion. 

John Thomas had reserved to himself 1,250 acres, of 
which 1,225 were in the City Liberties, and 612'/^ acres in 
Merion, and the same number in Goshen. On re-survey, 
it was discovered that his Merion tract contained 679 acres,, 



while that in Goshen came out right. On 19. 2mo. 1703, the 
Land Commissioners confirmed the land to the brothers, 
Thomas, Robert, and Cadwalader Jones, the joint I'cirs un- 
der their father's will. • It may be noticed all thri' ,h these 
notices of Welsh families, that primogeniture was not the 
custom amongst them. Equal division of the land was 
made between the sons, and possession given without livery 
of seizine, that is, immediately. Since it was the practice 
to divide the land amongst the heirs, especially the improved 
parts, which they had helped to till, small farms prevailed, 
and they also became more numerous because they were 
easier worked. 








77, o 

JoHrV " 



CHS. I/l.»y?v\ 

'//I P , /- <- C" V * 


iV; t 1. / A M v»y o »J . 

W/^M/M Sfffiquo^ 



Gainor Rodekts, a spinster, was about 30 years old, a 
daughter of Robert ap Hugh, or Pugh, of Llyiideddwydd, 
near Bala, in Merioneth, (by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of 
William Owen, of Llanvawr), and a sister of the Friends' 
minister, Hugh Roberts, when she bought on her own ac- 
count 156 Vli acres of the Thomas & Jones tract, and came 
over to Pensylvania with her celebrated brother, with whom 
she lived in Kiltalgarth, on the ship "Morning Star," in 
1683. Part of her purchase, 76V^ acres, was laid out in 
Marion, back of Calwalader Morgan's land, and the remain- 
der in Goshen tp., and these lands she took to her husband 
as a marriage portion. 

She m. at Merion Meeting, 20. Imo. 1683-4, whether in 
the traditional log Meeting House, the predecessor of the 
present stone one, or at her brother's home, is not known, 
John Roberts, who came over also on this trip of the "Morn- 
ing Star." She d. 20. 12mo. 1722, aged 69 years, and was 
buried with her husband at the Merion Meeting House. 

They were the founders of the Roberts family of "Pen- 
coyd," Merion, and theirs was the first marriage in the 
Welsh tract of record. 

John Roberts, of "Pencoyd," though not one of the orig- 
inal purchasers in Thomas & Jones tract, should be noticed 
here, with the other first settlers of this land, as he was the 
earliest of Wel;h purchasers of the adjoining land, on the 
river, and became a noted man in the settlement. 

In the days of this John there were three, or more, men 
in the Welsh tract named "John Roberts," and, to distinguish 
them from the subject of this sketch, their occupation or 
place of residence, was given with their names in early 
deeds, as later there was "John Roberts, Skuilkill," buried 



at Merion Meeting 7. 28. 1747, and "John Roberts, mill- 
wright/' buried here 11. 10. 1803. 

John Roberts, of "Pencoyd," as he named his seat, and 
as it is still called, born about 1648, was the son of Richard 
Robert (ap Thomas Morris), of Cowyn, Llaneingan parish, 
in Carnarvonshire, and his wife, Margaret, daughter of 
Richard Evan, of the same parish. He was about 29 years 
of age when he became a Quaker, in 1677. John Roberts's 
account of himself, filed with the Merion Meeting: 

"John Roberts, formerly of Llyn, being son of Richard 
Roberts and grandson of Robert Thomas Morris, who live'd 
at Cowyn, in the Parish of Llaneigan and County of Car- 
narvon; my mother being Margaret Evans, daughter of 
Richard Evans, of Llangian and county aforesaid. 

"Being convinced of God's everlasting worth about the 
year one thousand six hundred and seventy seven, not by 
man nor through man, but by the Revelation of Jesua 
Christ, in my owne heart, Being about thirty miles from 
any Friends' Meeting in that time when I was convinced but 
coming into acquaintance with Friends near Dalgelle and 
near Bala in Merionethshire, I frequented their Meetings 
while I abode in those parts, but by the Province of God in 
the year One thousand six hundred and eighty three, I 
transported Myself with many of my Friends for Pensyl- 
vania where I and they arrived the sixteenth day of the 
Ninth month One thousand six hundred and Eighty three 
being then Thirty five years old, and settled myself in the 
place where afterwards I called Pwencoid, in the Township 
of Merion, which was afterwards called by them being the 
first settlers of it, having brought with me one servant man 
from my Native Land, and fixed my settling here. I took 
to Wife Gainor Roberts, Daughter of Robert Pugh from 
Llwyndedwydd near Bala in Merionethshire, her Mother 
being Elizabeth William Owen one of the first that was con- 
vinced of the Truth in that Neighborhood. So leaving this 
account for our ofspring and others that desire to know 



from whence we came and who we descend from and when 
we came to settle unto this place where we now abide being 
then a Wilderness, but now by God's Blessing upon our en- 
deavours is become a fruitful field. To God's name be the 
Praise, Honour and Glory who is worthy of it for ever and 
for ever more." 

As apparently Mr. Roberts had a good home, and had not 
"suffered" much, it must be supposed that he only came 
over to Pensylvania because his lady-love, Gainor Roberta, 
did. Theirs was probably a long drawn-out courtship, as 
he was 35, as he states, and she 30, when they came over 
together, with her brother. 

He was living near Dolgelly, and near where Gainor 
lived, when he set out for America, taking with him only 
one indentured servant, and his certificate of membership 
from the Men's Meeting, in Penliyn, dated 18. 5mo. 1683, 
which described him as of Llun, in Carnarvonshire. On 
the same date this Meeting issued Certificates to many oth- 
ers bound for Pensylvania, among them Cadwalader Mor- 
gan, and Hugh John Thomas, of Gwernfell, Robert David, 
of Tuyn y nant, Katharine Roberts, of Llaethgwn, widow, 
and Gaynor Roberts, of Kiltalgarth. All were signed by 
nearly the same men. Both John and Gainor were members 
in good standing of the Penliyn Monthly Meeting, as may be 
seen. It is presumed that John's brother Richard and sister 
Ann, who came in the Hugh Roberts party, both had issue. 

John Roberts probably stayed close to Hugh Roberts and 
helped put up his house in Merion, in the winter of 1683-4, 
for in the early spring of 1683-4, he married Gainor Rob- 
ert. Theirs was the first wedding in the Merion Meeting. 

"John Roberts the maltster," as he was known from his 
occupation, had bought from Richard Davies (Company No. 
7), 150 acres by deed dated 30 July, 1682, and this right he 
had surveyed and laid out to him in "the city liberty" on the 
Schuylkill, and next east of the land of Evan Rees, in the 
Thomas & Jones tract. This land he named "Pencoyd," 



which it has ever since been so called. With the land he 
had by Gainor, both in Merion and in Goshen, as the mar- 
riage portion, this gave him, "on paper," 3O6V2 acres, but 
on resurvey, (by report of 12. 2mo. 1703) , it turned out that 
h^ had 108 acres in Merion, and 262 acres in Goshen, which 
was 25 acres too much in Merion, and 8V2 acres too much 
in Goshen, this over-plus he bought. And on resurvey of 
another parcel of 150 acres in Merion, this was found 20 
acres short, and a resurvey of 60 acres (which had been 
part of Swan Lum's grant of 400 acres, in 1677, he bought 
in 1699 of Andrew Wheeler, a Swede, in the "liberties," and 
Merion tp., "on the westerly side of the Schilckul by the 
falls," showed 47 acres over, and thus, between the over- 
plus and shortage, he had to pay for a balance of 60 V^ 

John Roberts bought, by a joint deed dated 8. 6mo. 1702, 
the land due as head-rights for a lot of servants and others, 
who had come over about 1683-4, amounting altogether to 
750 acres, laid out at his first purchase, among the Swedes, 
which his son Robert inlierited. By deed of 7. 7mo. 1687, hn 
bought from Cadwalader Morgan and Hugh John, 156 
acres, in Goshen tp., on Chester Creek. At one time, with 
his wife's lands, John Roberts owned alwut 1,250 acres. 

1704, llmo. 5th., accoiding to desire of the Merion Pre- 
parative Meeting, extended to all its members, he filed "an 
account of his place of abode in his native country, his con- 
vincement, his removal to this country, his marriage, and 
other remarkable passages of his life." A copy of this state- 
ment is extant in the family of a descendant, and an ex- 
tract is given above. 

He was from the first a prominent man among the Pen- 
sylvania Welsh, and was a justice of the peace in the Welsh 
Tract, and a representative for it in the Assembly, and 
owned a very large landed estate. He died at his residence 
in Merion, which now forms a portion of the "Roberts man- 
sion," on the City Line, on 6. 4mo. 1724, aged 76 years, and 



•was buried with his wife, Gainor, in the ground of the Mer- 
ion Meeting. The record of their burials at the Merion 
Meeting being "Gainor Roberts, wife of John Roberts, malt- 
ster, 12. 23. 1721," and "John Roberts, maltster, 1724, 4mo.-" 

His will, signed 3. 7mo. 1722, witnessed by Edward 
George, Gainor Jones, and Thomas Jones, was proved at 
Philadelphia, 31 Aug. 1724. He named "brother Richard and 
his daughter Margaret," his niece Margaret, daughter of 
his own sister Ann: grandsons John, Alban, Rees and Phin- 
eas. Overseers appointed — Robert Jones, Robert Evav'S, 
and Thomas Jones: Owen Roberts mentioned. He be- 
queathed five pounds to the trustees of the Merion Mec'^t- 
ing, for relief of the poor of Merion Meeting. 

John Roberts, of "Pencoyd," had only two children, by 
his only wife, Gainor Roberts, who were named in his will^ 
namely : 

Elizabeth Roberts, b. 21. Imo. 1692, d. unm., 9. 7mo. 1746 
She received by her father's will £200, and half of his per- 
son^ estate. 

Robert Roberts, of "Pencoyd," first child, and only son 
and heir, 6. 15. 12mo. 1685. He inherited from his father, 
the homestead and all his lands, and half of his personalty. 
He was a member of the Merion Peculiar Meeting, and the 
Haverford Monthly Meeting, and he and his wife were 
buried at the Merion Meeting House. He d. 17 March, 
1768, leaving a will signed when "antient and Infirm of 
Body," 4. 7mo. 1764, in the presence of Richard George, Jr., 
David Lloyd and John Roberts, Jr., proved at Philadelphia 
26 March, 1768. 

He m. at the Merion Meeting, on 17. 4mo. 1709, Sidney 
Rees, daughter of Rees Evan, of Penmaen, in Merioneth- 
shire (whose mother was a daughter of John ap Thomas, 
of Llaethgwm, who d. in 1683) , and had by her, who d. 29 
June, 1764, aged 74 years, the following children named in 
his will: — 



John Roberts, eldest son and heir, b. 26. 4mo. 1710, in- 
herited the homestead farm, about 180 acres, on the City 
Line, where he d. 31 Jan. 177G. It adjoined land of Robert 
Evans, on the north, John Griffith on the west, and south, 
"tp. line road to the Ford road," and land of Rudolph Latch 
and John Garrett. His will, signed in Oct., 1775, in the 
presence of John Robert, miller, Rees Price, and Hugh Cul- 
ly, was proved 7 Feb. 1776. He named all of his children 
then living. To son Algernon, 50 acres in Blockley, bought 
of Joseph Abraham, south of the City Line, and north of 
lands of David George, and the homestead, then 100 acres, 
laying above and west of the "new road," and adjoining the 
lands of Thomas Norris, John Leacock, Jacob Bealer, and 
William Stadleman. To son Jonathan, 27 acres on the river, 
in Blockley, and money to sons Benjamin, John, Robert, and 
daughters Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Palmer, and Tacy, 
wife of John Palmer. Trustees, "loving brothers Owen 
Jones, Jacob Jones, and kinsman James Lewis Jones, Jr. 

He m. at Merion Meeting, on 4. 3mo. 1733, Rebeoia, 
daughter of Jonathan Jones (son of Dr. Edward Jones), 
of Merion, and had twelve children by her, who d. 8 Dec, 
1779. His son Algernon also was the father of twelve chil- 

Algernon Roberts, who was a lieut. col. of Philadelphia 
militia, lived and died at the old Roberts homestead. 
He m. at the Swedes Church, in Philadelphia, 18 Jan. 1781, 
Tacy, daughter of Isaac W^arner, of Blockif-y, colonel of 
Philadelphia militia. Of their many childr.- , John 1787- 
1837, was the ancestor of B. Frank Clapp, of Phila., Isaac, 
1789-1859, was the ancestor of the late George B. Roberts, 
who resided in the old homestead; Algernon Sidney, 1798- 
1865, was the ancestor of George T., Dr. A. Sidney and 
Percival Roberts, of Philadelphia, Edward, 1800-1872, was 
the ancestor of Edward Browning, and Mrs, Arthur V. 
Meigs, of Philadelphia. 



Phineas Roberts, b. 13. 3mo. 1722. He inherited 30 acres 
on the river, adjoining the homestead that had been Wheel- 
er'.s land in ElocKiey. His wife Ann, aged 80 yeart-., was 
killed by their insane son, Titus Roberts, in llmo. 1803. 

Sidney Roberts, b. 9. 3mo. 1729; m. John Paul, who re- 
ceived a portion of the personally of his father-in-law. 

Alban, 1712-1727; Reese, 1715-1755. 

"Rees John William, of Llanglynin," yeoman, or "Rees 
Joans," or Jones, was one of the seventeen original purchas- 
ers, by deed of 1 April, 1682, through Thomas & Jones, but 
he did not come over till in 1684, when the land on the river 
was partly cleared and planted, and the "first come-overs," 
the parties of Dr. Jones, and Hugh Roberts, were well 
housed on their purchases, He found the land (his deed 
being recorded at Philadelphia 21. 4. 1684), allotted to him 
the worst proportioned in the tract, it being a narrow strip, 
only about 66 feet on the river, extending the full length of 
the other lots, to the Charles Lloyd land, where it was only 
about 264 feet wide, in all, here, 76V^ acres, and remainder 
in Goshen tp. 

"Rees Jones," as he was generally known, was a son of 
John ap William, a farmer in Llangelynin parish, Merion- 
eth, who "suffered" considerable with the other Quakers in 
his neighborhood, 1661, &c. Rees came over with a large 
party of Welsh settlers in the ship "Vine, of Liverpool," 
sailing from Dolyserre, near Dolgules, in Merionethshire, 
which is a maritime county, and arrived at Philadelphia 
on 17. 7mo. 1684. He was accompanied by his wife and 
three children. 

His sister, "Margaret John William, of Llangyllynin, 
wi(?ow," had preceded him, coming over in the party of 
Hugh Roberts, bringing a certificate of membership from 
the Quarterly Meeting, near Dolgelly, dated 27. 5mo, 1683, 
recorded at the Haverford (or Radnor) Monthly Meeting. 
As Margaret John she had patent, 18. Imo. 1717-8, for 400 
acres of land on a branch of French Creek. 



His brother, Evan John William, or Evan Jones, also 
came over at that time, with his son, Robert Jones (who 
resided at Gwynedd), and died soon after, being buried in 
the ground of the Merion Meeting, in llmo. 1683. He be- 
queathed some land in Goshen tp. to his nephews, Richard 
and Evan Jones. Evan Jones, and Hannah, his wife, and 
Mary Ellis, his mother-in-law, and Gemima, her other 
daughter, brought certificate, undated, from the Meeting 
held at Tyddier y Gareg, in Garthgunfawr, near Dolegelle, 
Merioneth, to the Haverford Monthly Meeting, signed by 
Humphrey, John, Robert, and Rowland Owen, Owen, Rob- 
ert, and Howell Lewis, and Hugh Rowland. 

Rees Jone3, and his wife, Hannah, also brought the us; al 
certificate of membership and removal, from the Quarterly 
Meeting, near Dolgelly, dated 4. 2mo. 1684. Rees was de- 
scribed as "of Llwyn Grevill, Clynn parish, Merioneth." 

Before coming over, he purchased, by deed dated 16 July, 
1684, the original right of Thomas ap Richard, or Prichard, 
of Nant Lleidiog, to his share 15614 acres, of the Thomas 
& Jones tract. The vei/o acres of which that lay in Merion 
adjoined the back part of Rees's land, and this gave him 
153 acres in Merion. The present settlement of Merion, or 
Merion Station, on Pensylvania Railroad, is on his land, and 
Rees's dwelling house was near it. By deed of 8. 4mo. 1694, 
he sold his T^V^ acres on the river end, or his original pur- 
chase, to his brother-in-law, Cadwalader Morgan, whose 
land adjoined. 

Rees Jones died 26. llmo. 1697-8, and was buried at the 
Merion Meeting House. His will, which he signed with his 
mark, dated 24. llmo. 1697-8, witnessed by Griffith John 
and Abel Thomas, was proved at Philadelphia, 4 March, 
1702-3. He named his sons, Richard, Evan, and John ; and 
overseers: Cadwalader Morgan, Abel Thomas, Edward 
Jones, Griffith John and John Roberts. 

He m. about 1678, Hannah Richards, or Price, b. in 1656, 
sister to Jane, wife of Cadwalader Morgan, of Merion, and 



to Edward Price, who came to Pensylvania before 1G85-6, 
and daughter of Richard Gryffyth ap Rhys, or Prees, and 
Price, of Llanvawr, or Lanfor parish, in Merioneth, a mem- 
ber of the Friends' Penylln Monthly Meeting, near Bala, 
whose will, dated 26. llmo. 1685, was filed at St. Asaph reg- 
istry in 1686. His will describes him as of Glanlloidiogin, 
Llanfor parish. Witnesses were Edward Nicholas, Thomas 
ap Robert, Lowry v. Thomas Rees Evans, and Cadwalader 
Ellis. To Edward Prees, alias Price, (of Merion), eldest 
son ; (after he came over here, he sent to Wales for "some 
intelligence of his Pedigree," which he received about 1700, 
and is extant) ; Jane, eldest daughter, wife of Cadwalader 
Morgan; daughter Hannah, wife of Rees John William; 
grandchildren William John, and Catherine John, children 
of John William ; and son Thomas ap Richard, the executor, 
who received all of the estate of his father. Thomas re- 
nounced the trust, when the Court gave the administration 
to Edward Nicholas, of Cynlas. 

After Rees's death, Hannah, his relict, m. secondly, at the 
Merion Meeting, on 22. 2mo. 1703, Ellis David, of Goshen 
tp., a widower, who was buried, s. p. 17. Imo. 1720, and ni. 
thirdly, 14. Imo. 1722. Thomas Evans, of Gvi^ynedd tp. 

Rees Jones,* had by his wife, Hannah Price, who was of 

•Among the present-day people, descendants of Rees John Wil- 

liam and Hannah Price, are: 
Frank Foulke. 
Samuel Marshall. 
Hugh Jones Brooke. 
Mrs. Charles Richardson. 
Mrs. George B. Roberts. 
Mrs. Henry K. Dillard. 
Miss Mary William Perot. 
Mrs. J. Howard Lewis, Jr. 
Mrs. Hunter Brooke. 
Mrs. George H. Colket. 
William T. Brooke. 
John W. Townsend. 

Mrs. Harrison K. Caner. 
William P. Troth. 
Henry T. Coates. 
William M. Coates. 
Joseph H. Coates. 
George M. Coates. 
Edward H. Coates. 
Mrs. Charles Ridgway. 
Mrs. Henry S. Harper. 
Mrs. John R. Drexel. 
Mrs. Edward Y. Townsend. 
Henry Troth Townsend. 



Royal Descent, the following issue, besides Margaret, b. 
20. 6. 1697, Edward, and Catharme, who d. unm. 

Richard Jones, h. about 1679. He came over with his 
parents, and according to the records, filed with the Marion 
Preparative Meeting, of which he was a member, an ac- 
count of their ancestry, and life in the Old Country, on 2. 
12mo. 1704-5. 

He inherited from his father the home-farm of about 100 
acres, which he increased to 156i/i. acres, and with some 
land he o^vned in Goshen, he had 293% acres altogether, in 
1703. By deed of 8 Nov. 1720, he bought of John Roberts 
(the nephew of Thomas Lloyd, of Llangower, one of the 
original purchasers through Thomas & Jones), 39V2 acres, 
adjoining his Merion land. 

By deed, dated 26 June, 1729, Richard Jones conveyed all 
of his Merion land, then 15614 acres, to Hugh Evans, and 
removed to his land in Goshen tp. which he had increased 
by purchase. He and his brother, Evan Jones, bought there 
a tract of 15314 acres, which on resurvey was 178 acres. He 
d. aged 92 years, in Goshen tp., on 16. 7mo. 1771, having 
been twice married. He had three children by each wife. 
He w. first, 6. 4mo. 1705, Jane Evans, who d. 27. 2mo. 1711, 
and was buried at the Merion Meeting House, and m. sec- 
ondly, in 1718, Rebecca Vernon, widow of Thomas Garrett. 
She d. 23. 12mo. 1748. 

Lowry Jones, d. in Philadelphia, 25. llmo. 1762, aged 80 
years. She m. first, at Merion Meeting, 11. 8mo. 1698, Rob- 
ert ffloid, or Lloyd, who came over with Hugh Roberts, in 
1683, and bought land, some 400 acres, north of Rowland 
Ellis's seat, "Bryn Mawr," where he d. 29. 3mo. 1714, aged 
45 years and was buried at the Merion Meeting House, be- 
ing the father of eight children. Of these Hannah, 1699- 
1763, m. first, 1720, John Roberts, (son of John Roberts 
and Elizabeth Owen v. Owen Humphrey) ; d. 1721; Sarah, 



ITOS-lVSO, m. 1729, at Merion Meeting, Garrad Jones, d. 
1765; Gainor, 1705-1728, m. 1727, at Merion Meeting, Mor- 
decai James, d. 1776; Rees, 1709-1753; Robert, 1711-1786; 
and Richard, 1713-1755. Lowry Jones m. secondly, at the 
Merion Meeting, 13. 12mo. 1716-7, Hugh Evans, and had 
three children by him. Of them Ann, m. 1745, (?SamueI 
Howell) ; Susanna m. 1740, Owen Jones, d. 1793. 

Evan Jones, b. about 1682-3. He and his brother John in- 
herited from their father 15314 acres of land in Goshen tp. 
on Chester Creek, which was resurveyed in pursuance of 
the order of 27. lOmo. 1701. He was also a partner with his 
brother Richard in some Goshen land. He never married, 
and was buried at the Merion Meeting, 7. 2mo. 1708. His 
will, signed 28. 7. 1708, witnessed by Rowland Ellis, Richard 
Jones, and Robert Lloyd, was proved 1'. 25. 1708 He men- 
tions his mother and brothers and sisters, Lowry Lloyd, 
Richard, John, Edward, Jane, Sarah and Margaret Jones; 
overseers, Cadwalader Morgan and Abel Thomas. 

Janne, or Jane Jones, b. in Merion, 15. 9mo. 1635, d. 27. 
8mo. 1764, and was buried at the Goshen Meeting. She m. 
David Davis, and had nine children by him, four of whom 
married into the Ashbridge family. 

John Jones, b. in Merion, 6. 4mo. 1688, d. in Goshen tp., 
30. 12mo. 1774. He w. at the Gwynedd Meeting, 9. 4mo. 
1713, Jane Edward, and had ten children. He and bi other 
Evan shared the lands of their father. 

Sarah Jones, b. 25. 7mo. 1690, d. 28. 3mo. 1758. She m. 
first, at Merion Meeting, 2. 8mo. 1712, Jacob Edge, 1690- 

1720, and had four children, and m. secondly, 10. llmo. 

1721, Caleb Cowpland, d. at Chester, 1757, and had five 
children by him. 

Margaret Jones, b. 20. 6mo. 1697, m. first, at Merion 
Meeting, 16. 10. 1716, Thomas Paschall (and had Margaret, 



TO. first, Samuel Mather, and Hannah, m. Isaac Roberts) , m. 
secondly, 6, Imo. 1729, George Ashbridge, d. 1748. 

These following Welsh Friends, of Penllyn parish, Mer- 
ioneth, purchased portions of Thomas & Jones's 5,000 acres, 
but sold out, and did not come over. 

Evan ap Rees, or Evan Price, -a grocer, of Penmaen, 
bought 3121/2 acres of this tract, for £6. 5s., by deed dated 
18 March, 1681, recorded 13. 4. 1684, witnessed by John 
Lloyd, Griffith Evan, Reece Evan and William Jones. He 
did not come over, but his son, Rees Evan, did. 

By deeds dated 28. 5mo. 1683, Evan Rees conveyed away 
his Merion land, 15314 acres, (which on a resurvey 
amounted to 178 acres) as follows — 100 acres to Robert 
David, one of the original purchasers through Thomas & 
Jones, and about 54 acres to Griffith John (ap Evan), who 
also bought the Goshen portion. This Griffith Jones was a 
cousin of Jane Owen, Hugh Roberts's wife, and came over 
with them in 1683, and resided in Merion. He was one of 
the subscribing witnesses to Penn's "Conditions and Conces- 
sions to Adventurers for Land," 11 July 1681. His will, 
signed 26. 4. 1707, witnessed by John Roberts and Robert 
Jones, was proved 31 Jan. 1707-8, named his sons John and 
Evan, and son-in-law Thomas Jones, to be executors. Grif- 
fith John also bought from John Roberts (nephew of Thom- 
as Lloyd), 371/^ acres, and had patent for all, dated 8 Nov. 
1703. This land, surveyed 194 acres, lay along the old Lan- 
caster Road, and the City Line, and included, besides the 
land from Rees, 76i4 acres from each Thomas Lloyd and 
John Watkin. 

Thomas ap Richard, or Prichard, a farmer, of Nantllei- 
diog, bought 1561/4 acres of the tract, of which 761/4 acres 
were laid out in Merion, and balance in Goshen tp. He did 
not come over. By deed, dated 16. 5mo. 1684, he conveyed 
all his lands to Rees John William, or Rees Jones, of Mer- 



Thomas Lloyd, a yeoman, (son of John Lloyd), of Llan- 
gower, bougJ. : 156i/i. acres, of this tract, paying £3. 2. 6., 
but did not come to Pensylvania. It was his intention to 
come over, but he died suddenly, and by his will, bequeathed 
his land to his nephew, John Roberts, (his brother Robert 
Lloyd's son), who came over, and by deeds, conveyed of 
the part in Merion, the east end, ST'/o acres, to Griffith John 
(ap Evan) in 1700, and dated 8. 9mo. 1720, the west end, 
391/2 acres, to Richard Jones. 

John Roberts also had, with what he received from his 
uncle, and what he bought subsequently from Evan John 
William (a part of the Richard Davies tract), 153 acres in 
Goshen tp. 

John Watkin, who was described as a bachelor, when he 
purchased, by deed of 1 April, 1682, witnessed by John 
Lloyd, Griffith Evan, Robert Lloyd and Reece Evan, of 
Thomas & Jones, I5614 acres, and a yeoman, of Gwernevel, 
or Gwernsfel, did not come over, but sold his land. By deed, 
dated 23. 4mo. 1684, he conveyed all of rights to land, to 
Hugh Roberts, who sold his Merion portion, 761/4 acres, by 
deed of 26. 5mo. 1688, to Abel Thomas (who married Cad- 
walader Morgan's daughter), which land was resurveyed 
and patented to said Abel, 16 Feb. 1701-2. 

This concludes the sketches of the original seventeen 
partners, purchasers through Thomas & Jones, of 5,000 
acres, 2,500 of which were at the Falls of the Schuylkill, and 
who had the land laid out to them in Merion, on and near 
the river. It may be seen that four were first settlers, in 
1682, one came over in 1682-3 ; seven were settlers in 1683, 
and one in 1684, and that four did not come over, but sold 
their land to the other original purchasers from Thomas & 

It is also worthy of notice that these early settlers were 
nearly all in some way related to each other. For instance, 
John Thomas's son married Griffith John's daughter, and a 



daughter married a son of Hugh Roberts ; Dr. Jones's son 
married a daughter of Robert Owen ; Dr, Jones married Dr. 
Wynn's daughter; Hugh Robert's son married a daughter 
of John Bevan; Rees Jones married a sister of Cadwala- 
der Morgan's wife; William Edward married a sister of 
Hugh Roberts; Edward Rees was brother-in-law to Cad- 
walader Morgan and Rees Jones; /ohn Roberts married a 
sister of Hugh Roberts; Robert Owen and Hugh Roberts 
were brothers-in-law; Robert Owen was a brother-in-law 
to Cadwalader Thomas; John Cadwalader was a nephew 
of John Thomas, and of Robert Owen, and a son-in-law of 
Dr. Jones; both Rees Thomas and his wife were related to 
John Bevan, and his son married a daughter of Dr. Jones ; 
Hugh Roberts's first wife was sister to Robert Owen, and 
his son married John Bevan's daughter ; Robert Lloyd's wife 
was daughter of Rees Jones; Thomas Lloyd's wife was 
daughter to William Edward, and a niece of Hugh Roberts ; 
Griffith John was a cousin to Hugh Roberts's wife, and so 
on. All of these intermarriages among the leading Welsh 
families, however, did not establish a long-lived Welsh com- 
munity, for it has for many years been only a tradition. 

Having thus seen the pioneers of the Welsh tract settled, 
and taken account of these men and women, good Welsh 
Quakers all, who first ventured into the wilderness, west of 
the Schuylkill, and discovered the localities of their landed 
estates, we vrill take a glance at the people and their lands 
of the other Welsh companies who followed, many of whom 
were closely allied by intermarriages and blood with the 




Company No. 2. The grantees, under the patent for 
5,000 acres in the Welsh tract, to Charles Lloyd, gent., and 
Margaret Davies, widow, both of Dolobran, Meifod parish, 
Montgomeryshire, to whom, as trustees, they conveyed the 
land by deeds dated in April and June, 1683, were, in part, 
as follows: 
Joseph Harris, "late of Wallbrook, Middlesex 

Co." 1,250 acres 

And these, all of Montgomeryshire, Wales : — 
Thomas Jones, of Llanwthin parish, yeoman. . 15614 " 
Edward Thomas, of Llan\vthin parish, yeoman 3121/2 " 
Margaret Thomas, of Garthlwlch parish, 

widow 1561/t " 

John Humphrey, of Llanwthin parish, gent. . 3121/2 " 
John Rhytherch, of Hirnant parish, yeoman. . 15614 " 
Thomas Morris, of Marchnant Issa parish, 

gent 1561/,, " 

2,500 acres 
It appears that Mr. Lloyd and Margaret Davies each had 
a half interest in this patent, and that it was her 2,500 acres 
which were conveyed to the aforesaid grantees, for Mr. 
Lloyd conveyed his share, 2,500 acres, by deed dated 6. 
4mo. 1683, to his brother, Thomas Lloyd, some time the dep- 
uty-governor of Pensylvania, much of which was laid out 
in Merion tp., some north of Haverford,* and some north- 
east of Ardmore. 

•"Dolobran," the seat of the Griscom family, is on a part of it. Mr. 
Clement A. Griscom, though a descendant of Gov. Lloyd, acquired 
the property by purchase. His wife is a collateral descendant with 
these Humphrey trrantees. 



About 1694, the following: accounting of the "Lloyd & 
Davis grant" was filed with the Land Commissioners, show- 
ing a difference from the above statement: 
"Sales of Charles Lloyd and Margaret Davis" : — 

"To Benj. Humphries 3121/2 acres 

To Edw'd Thomas 312'/2 " 

To The. Jones 156i/t " 

To Marg't Thomas 156l^ " 

To Tho. Jones & Jno. Rhoderick 3121/^ " 

By Tho, Lloyd to Ev. Owen &c 340 

1,590 acres" 
"A new patent was requested for 2,215 acres, making in 
ell 8,805 acres granted." 

Charles Lloyd, gentleman, the grantee and grantor, of 
this Welsh Tract land, was born 9 Dec. 1637. He was a son 
of Charles Lloyd, gent., of Dolobran Hall, in Montgomery- 
shire, where he was a magistrate, and whose will, signed 17 
June 1651, was proved in 1657. 

Charles Lloyd was educated at Jesus College, Oxford, be- 
came a magistrate and was nominated for the shrievalty in 
Montgomeryshire. He joined the Society of Friends, about 
1662, and erected a public Meeting House near his residence. 
He and his wife were imprisoned for ten years in the Welsh- 
pool jail, on account of their religious principles. He died at 
Dolobran Hall, which subsequently degenerated into a ten- 
ant's house, 26. llmo. 1698. He married twice. He m. 
first, 11 Nov. 1661, Elizabeth, b. 2 Nov. 1633, d. 7 Feb. 1685, 
daughter of Sampson Lort, of Eastmoor (or East Meare), 
and Stackpole, in Pembrokeshire, high sheriff in 1649, 
brother to Sir Roger Lort, first Baronet, and m. secondly, 
8 Feb. 1686, Ann Lawrence, of Lea, in Herefordshire, who 
d. e. p., 2 March 1708. By his first wife, Charles Lloyd had 
two sons and one daughter. Two of these were born in 
jail. They married, and had descendants, but none came 
to Pensylvania. 



Charles Lloyd's sister, Elizabeth, married Henry Parry, 
of Llanfillyn, and his brother, John Lloyd, also educated at 
Jesus College, Oxon, became "clerk of the petty bag in 
chancery," 1683-95, and his other and youngest brother, 

THOMAS Lloyd, b. 17 Feb. 1640-1, d. in Pensylvania 10 
Sept. 1694. Like his brothers, he was educated at Jesus Col- 
lege, and became a lawyei-, and "a Quaker," and "a minister 
among Friends." In 1681, he and Charles, and other Friends 
had a celebrated debate, at Llanfillyn, with the Rt. Rev. the 
Bishop of St. Asaph, about religion, and religious questions, 
by request of the Bishop, who wished to learn their reasons 
for becoming non-conformists, and Quakers. 

The life and services of Thomas Lloyd as the deputy of 
William Penn in his Province, and presiding officer of the 
council, have been frequently printed. 

He first, it might be said, came into prominent notice in 
the Province when he bitterly opposed the Cromwellian sol- 
dier, and non-Quaker, Blackwell, whom Penn sent over as 
another of his experiments, as his Deputy-Governor, having 
so appointed him on Christmas Day, 1688. At this time, 
Lloyd had general authority over Penn's affairs, and it hurt 
him that an outsider superceded him, but Penn continued 
him as the keeper of the Great Seal, which still, in some 
things, made him a power Blackwell had always to reckon 
with, because the royal charter required that to make any 
law valid it must pass under the Great Seal, which meant 
Lloyd's consent. 

So soon as Blackwell entered upon the duties of his office, 
Lloyd inaugurated his campaign of opposition by flatly re- 
fusing to affix the Great Seal to Blackwell's first commis- 
sions, and when declining to do so, sent him a rather insult- 
ing note. Only Penn could remove Lloyd from his office, so 
Blackwell brought chai'ges against him and waited. 

While waiting Penn's decision, the election for council- 
lors came off, and Mr. Lloyd was returned as a member. 
When he went to take his seat, Blackwell ordered him not 



to enter the room, because he could not be seated while he 
was charged by him "with high crime and misdemeanors." 

Thereupon, Mr. Lloyd, and two others, also elected but 
refused their seats by the Governor, forced their way into 
the Council Chamber, and took their seats. Blackwell, pre- 
siding, asked them by what right they presumed to do so, 
and Lloyd, replying for himself, answered insolently, "by 
special appointment by letter of the proprietor, which was 
as good as the Governor's commission." 

This occasioned great confusion in the Chamber, the 
Quakers being in the majority, and supporting Lloyd, bit- 
terly denounced Blackwell to his face, "so that he had to 
flee from the room, nearly all the members yelling at him," 
and telling him what they thought of him, and, the report 
says, that "Lloyd being the most clamorous was heard in 
the street." 

Those who supported the Governor, did so from convic- 
tion, holding that Lloyd was not altogether within his rights 
in the matter of the Great Seal, because not one of the en- 
grossed laws then in force, excepting it be the Frame of 
Government, had passed under the Great Seal. They had 
been considered "instructions from the proprietor." If 
Penn had not recalled Blackwell so promptly, on learning 
what was taking place in his far-off Province, there would 
certainly soon have been chaos in it. That Penn was "some- 
what unsteady in his principles of government, as well as 
in his matters of carrying them out," was apparent to the 
thoughtful, so when Mr. Lloyd received the appointment, 
succeeding Blackwell, there was a great sigh of relief, for 
everybody was tired of continual misunderstandings, and 
contentions over the laws and positions. It required the 
strong will, with his gentle manner, of Governor Lloyd to 
prevent Penn himself from violating his own laws, which 
was a cause for "his people" losing confidence in him as a 
ruler, and of being prejudiced against him. 



Although Gov. Lloyd never resided in the Welsh Tract, 
he was strongly in sjTnpathy with the Welsh Quakers in it 
in their "little unpleasantness" with William Penn and his 
agents. He was frequerttly at their meetings as a minister, 
and they were loyal to him in his difficulties with the Pro- 
prietary, for the Welsh stood together, and were alwayi 
helpful to one another. For years, Gov. Lloyd's was one 
of the great families of the city, and his sons-in-law were 
among the most prominent and influential citizens, being 
mayors and provincial councillors. 

He arrived in Philadelphia, in the ship America, 20. 6mo. 
1683. His most intimate fellow passenger was the German 
gentleman and scholar, Fra. Dan. Pastorius, who was com- 
ing to settle here, "in this uncouth land, and howling wil- 
derness," as the German described the Province, and of the 
city, he said, "then Philadelphia consisted of 3 or 4 little 
cottages, all the residue being only woods, underwoods, tim- 
ber and trees." Mr. Lloyd's daughters, Rachel Preston, 
Deborah Moore and Mary Norris, came with him. To them 
Pastorius dedicated, in 1718, a poem, and in a note told that 
he could only converse with Mr. Lloyd in Latin, the only 
language in common between them. 

Charles Lloyd, the grantee of Penn, conveyed, as men- 
tioned, the balance of his interests in Pensylvania to his 
brother, Thomas Lloyd, by deed dated 6. 4mo. 1683. 

As above, Charles Lloyd and Margaret Davies jointly, by 
deed daied 29 June, 1683, conveyed 1250 acres of Marga- 
ret's land, for £25, to Joseph Harris, of Wallbrook, near 
London. Mr. Harris, by deed of 23 May, 1688, conveyed 
the rights to this tract of Pensylvania land to Francis 
Smith, "plaisterer," who sold it to Gov. Thomas Lloyd, but 
he died before the deed was executed, or the papers made 
out. But his son, William Smith, on 21 Oct. 1693, conveyed 
it by deed to Gov. Lloyd, and this brought his holding up to 
3,750 acres. 



Of these lands, Gov. Lloyd sold 1,000 acres, in one tract, 
to William Cuarton, 200 acres to David Pugh, 118 acres on 
the Liberty Lands line, to David Frees, or Price, but deed 
not made till 4. lOmo. 1694, 548 acres to Robert Owen, by 
deed of 5. 6mo. 1691, and 125 acres to E. Rees. The Gover- 
nor also owned land in the City Liberties, and sold two lots, 
100 acres and 145 acres to B. Chambers, a Pliiladelphia tav- 
ern keeper, and also sold 100 acres, above Merion to Thomas 

After his decease, Thomas Lloyd's* executors, Judge 
Isaac Norris, of Philadelphia, and Judge David Lloyd, of 
Chester, had considerable and endless trouble trying to 
settle his land interests. On 28. 4mo. 1703, they asked of the 

•Thomas Lloyd of Philadelphia, in. first, in Wales, 9 Sep. 1665, Mary, 
daughter of Roger Jones, of Welsh Pool, Montgomeryshire, and had ten 
children by her. His will, signed 10. 7mo. 1694, proved 22 Oct. 1694. 
He left his estate to his second wife, Patience, and his own chil- 
dren 'named Thomas, Hannah, Rachel, Mary, Elizabeth and Deborah: 
appointed Executors, his v/ife, "son Mordecay," son-in-law, Isaac Nor- 
. ris, and "kinsman David Lloyd." Witnessed by Samuel Carpenter, 
Alexander Beardsley, and John Jones. He names wife's children: 
Enoch and Marcy Story. His wife Patience's will, signed 14 Aug. 
1720, proved 30 June, 1724, "son-in-law Richard Hill," Executor: 
her son Enoch, deceased; names granddaughters, "Deborah Moor 
and Patience Story": desired to be buried by the side of her hus- 
band, Thomas Lloyd. Signature witnessed by John Weaver (marked), 
and Charles Osborne. Of his children: 

Thomas Lloyd, Jr., 1675-171 — ; m. Sarah Young, who d. in Phila- 
delphia, and had issue from which descended the Pensylvania families 
of Moore, Willing, Wharton, Ridgway, etc. 

Deborah Lloyd, 1682-172—; m. 12 Sep. 1704, Dr. Mordecai Moore, 
of Md. (second wife), and had issue, from which descend the Pensyl- 
vania families of Morris, Ellis, Collins, Lightner, Wain, Vaux, etc. 

Rachel Lloyd, 1668-172 — ; m. 6 July, 1688, Samuel Preston, mayor 
of Philadelphia, 1711 ( wife), and had issue, from which descended 
the Pensylvania families of Carpenter, Ellett, Shoemaker, Moore, 
Wainwright, Preston, Roberts, etc. 

Mary Lloyd, m. Judge Isaac Norris, of "Fairhill," d, 1735, and had 
issue from which descended the Pensylvania families of Harrison, 
McClenachan, Vaux, Logan, Dickinson, Emlen, Norris, etc. 



Land Commissioners that 500 acres in the Welsh Tract, any 
way, anywhere, be confirmed to his estate, and that hia 
purchase from his brother, and his sales and leases may be 
adjusted somehow, (and they never were), for this i-eason it 
is impossible to adjust this land account now; but it would 
seem that Gov. Lloyd got more than his original purchase, 
and that his estate had 2,215 acres for sale. 

These Lloyd lands lay next, and west of the tract taken up 
by the Thomas & Jones Company, which is quite as interest- 
ing a section of the "Main Line." After Gov. Lloyd's death, 
there are many transfers of his Merion, and other lands, 
by his executors. ' ■' 

"My Respected friend, 

James Logan : I hould my self obledged to give thee an 
account of those Lands belonging to the purches of Thomas 
Lloyd where David Lloyd is conecirned, and Likwise of 
Richard ap Thomas, that is how much is taken up and sub- 
devided to them and sould by them, and what Remaines 
not disposed of by the sd Thomas Lloyd and the sd Richard 

Thomas Lloyd had a Richt by his Brother Charles to. 2,500 

took up between Mirion and Harford 1,100 

And one 100 accres he ordered in his Richt to Thom- 
as David the wich was Laid out unto him 100 


Remaining 1,300 

he allso Bought of ffrancis Smilh the Sheare of Mar- 
garet Davise to herself being 1250 accres 1,250 

there is I think 100 accres of Liberty Land Laid out 

to him 100 



The Rest is to be yeat setled, und war'ts to he granted for 
the subdeviding of it within the Welsh tract, 
allso Kiciiard ap Thomas his purchus is 5,000 

out 01 wicli he sould to Philip Howell 700 

and 100 of Liberty Land to Hugh Robarts 100 

and to Robart William 300 

and I think to Edward Joanes 200 


Remaining to him to have War'ts to himself for 3,700 

as to David Lloyd part, there is an Imaginary Survey 
made one about 1,800, accres but not perfected. 

When thou art pleased to order war'ts for them or any 
others of the said Welsh purches'es I think there ought to be 
a Recitall of the first war'ts by wich the Land was first 
bounded by, and the time of the survey, Likwise comanding 
a Return of the Respective Subdivisions within the bounds 
of the said tract when not allready subdivided to any other 
Company, the wich Survey was done on the 28th of ye 8th 
Mo. 1684, and finished the day of the 11th Mo. En- 


I Request thee allso to put an end to Philip Howell's busi- 
iness to Ease both myself and the Rest of ye Comiss'rs of 
his Continuall Importuning, and I think it were best to Let 
him have that Lott on Thomas Joanes account and Let him 
pay the money to Joanes, Least the Warr't granted by the 
Gover'i-to Nealson take hould of it, and the Gover'r forced 
to pay the 35 pounds of Joanes out of his own pocett. 

these things I Refer to thy Consideration Leaving it 
wholy to thee to order it as thou think best and desire thy 
favor in Leting me have and End to my one business that 
my most Cordiall freind and Governor Left with thee to do 
for me Ells I am afraid I shall Suffer for want of it, who 
am thy Real freind. D. Powell." 

"Dat 5th 12th Mo. 1701." 



Evan Owen, to whom Thomas Lloyd seems to have sold 
340 acres, was a brother of Robert Owen, of Merion. As I 
do not find Evan was in possession of such a tract in Merion, 
and the Lloyd land covered the tract Robert Owen subse- 
quently owned, it is probable that Evan only engaged this 
340 acres for his brother Robert, as by deed, dated 5. 6mo. 
1691, Thomas Lloyd conveyed to said Robert this amount of 
land, whicli, with a piece he bought later, on resurvey, 30. 
3. 1703, amounted to 450 acres. 

Another sale made by Thomas Lloyd, which may have 
l^aen out of his new patent land, was, by deed of 3. 6mo. 
1693, to Richard Cuarton, 200 acres in Merion, with one 
bushel of good winter wheat as the annual rental. His son, 
William Cuarton, assumed this land by agreement that he 
would pay his sister, then the wife of John Moore, seventy 
pounds, two years after his father's death. 

Of the grantees of Margaret Davis, or of her and Charles 
Lloyd, gent., as they joined in the deeds, when the land 
was conveyed, all dated 24 April, 1683, and having the same 
witnesses: — Thomas Lloyd, Richard Davies, Richard Ov/en, 
Amos Davies, Rowland Ellis, David Davies, and Solomon 
Jones, and all recorded at Philadelphia 15. 5. 1684. 

Margaret Thomas, of Garthlwlch, Montgomeryshire, 
widow, who bought 156i/i. acres, by deed from Charles Lloyd, 
appointed, on 14 Aug. 1683, Thomas Jones, of Lanwithin, 
yeoman, who was also a purchaser of the same number of 
acres, her attorney to take possession of her grant, and look 
after the land. He had certificate, dated 31. 5mo. 1683, from 
the Quarterly Meeting at Dolobran, signed by John ap John, 
Charles Lloyd, Richard and Evan Davies and Sampson 
Lloyd. After her death, the Commissioners released him, 
as his interest in the matter had ceased. 

Thomas Morris, of Marchnantissa, Montgomery, yeoman, 
also a purchaser of 156 '/i acres, also gave the like power to 
him, and on Morris's death, he was also released from this 



David Rhoderick, or Roderic, succeeded to his brother's, 
John Rhydd's, land. "John Rhydderch, of Hirnant" parish, 
Montgomeryshire, yeoman, brought certificate, dated 31. 
6mo. 1683, from the Quarterly Meeting at Dolobran, which 
he filed with the Haverford IMonthly Meeting. It was signed 
by John ap John, Charles Lloyd, and Richard and Evun 

Edward Thomas, of Lanwithin parish, Montgomery, yeo- 
man, appointed John Humphrey, of Lanwithin, yeoman, to 
be his attorney, in the matter of his 3121/. acres, after his 
decease, and the guardian of his children. Subsequently, 
Samuel Humphrey, and then his son Benjamin Humphrey, 
succeeded in this trust. Catherine, wife of Edward Thomas, 
was buried at the Merion Meeting, 10. 21. 1716. 

John Humphrey sold, by deed of 1. 7mo. 1697, 100 acres 
of his own 312V2 acres, to his nephew, Joshua Owen, and 
gave the balance by will to his nephew, Benjamin Hum- 
phrey, whose son, John Humphrey, succeeded to it. 

The various Humphreys families, descendants of the 
first settlers, have always been noted in what was the Welsh 
Tract, residing on farms about the modern villages of Ard- 
more, Haverford and Bryn Mawr, and much of their original 
purchases remain in descendants' hands. 

Two brothers, John Humphrey, of Llanwddyn, and Sam- 
uel Humphrey, were Haverford land owners, and their 
cousin, Richard Humphrey, a purchaser from "Richard Da- 
vis Co., No. 7." John and Richard, came over in the "Morn- 
ing Star," with Hugh Roberts, in 1683, as mentioned. 

John and Samuel were sons of Humphrey ap Hugh, of 
Llwyngrill (1662), and "late of Lhvyn du," in Merioneth, d. 
about 1664-5, by his wife, Elizabeth Powel, daughter of 
John ap Howel (or Powel, who was buried in the parish 
church of Llanwddyn, in Montgomeryshire, 24 July, 1636) , 
and his wife, Sibill v. Hugh Gwyn, of Penarth. 

They were uncles of Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr," 
Merion, (whose land adjoined Benjamin Humphrey's land), 



and also of Robert Owen's wife, Rebecca, (whose farm lay 
to the eastward on both sides of Montgomery avenue, be- 
tween Ardmore and Wynnewood), and of John Owen and 
Joshua Owen, of Merion (1683), (whose property adjoined 
that of Humphrey), and of Elizabeth, wife of "John Rob- 
erts, of the Mill," and "of WajTi Mill," who came from Pen y 
Chyd, in Denbighshire (whose estate was northward of 
Humphrey). They were brothers to Owen Humphrey, of 
Llwyn du, 1625-1695, a J. P. in Merioneth, and a prominent 
Friend, who was the father of Rebecca, wife of Robert 
Owen, of Merion, and Elizabeth, wife of John Roberts, 

"John Humphrey, of Llanwddyn, gent," purchased 3121,2 
acres of the Lloyd & Davies land, by deed dated 24 April, 
1683, and witnessed by Thomas Lloyd, Richard Davies, Rich- 
ard Owen, Amos Davies, Rowland Ellis, David Davies, and 
Solomon Jones. By deed dated 1. 7mo. 1697, John conveyed 
100 acres of this tract to his nephew, Joshua Owen, and by 
will bequeathed the balance to his nephew, Benjamin Hum- 
phrey. He maiTied his cousin, Jane Humphrey (sister to 
Richard Humphrey, aforesaid). 

In 1698-9, John Humphrey was one of the attorneys for 
Richard Davies, one of the purchasers of Welsh Tract land. 
His will, signed 22. 7mo. 1699, witnessed by John Roberts 
and David Llewellyn, was proved at Philadelphia 31 Aug. 
1700. He named as executors his nephew, Benjamin Hum- 
phrey, his wife Mary, and son John ; named friends Rowland 
Ellis, Sr., and his daughter Jane, Joshua Owen, John Owen, 
John Robert's children, Robert Owen's son John ; cousin 
Tabitha, Ann, and Joseph Humphrey. 

He said, "I give and bequeathe £10 towards putting in 
the Press the Testimony of the Twelve Patriarchs, in the 
Welsh tongue, if conveniences can be had for the same in 
these America pts." Otherwise, he desired this money 
should be used for the charities of the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting. This English work, which was to be a reprint in 



Welsh, was probably never so printed, as the money was 
still in the hands of the Quarterly Meetinjr, in 1702, when 
Daniel Humphrey and David Lewis tried to have it appro- 
priated for furnishing of the Haver ford Meeting House. If 
the book was printed in the Province about this time, it 
was the first book printed in the Welsh tongue in America, 
as Pugh's "Annerch ir Cymru" was not printed till in 1721, 
by Andrew Bradford, Philadelphia. 

John Humphrey, "of Llwundu," and his wife, Joan, 
brought their certificate, filed with the Haverford, or Rad- 
nor Monthly Meeting, from the Quarterly Meeting at Doly- 
Berrey, dated 27. 5mo. 1683, signed by Robert Humphrey and 
Richard Owen, Grifl^th and Owen Lewis, John Evans, Hugh 
Reese, Amos Davies, William Thomas, William, Evan and 
Rowland Ellis, Ellis Morris, Evan Harry, and Evan Rees. 

Richard Humphrey, "of Llanbynin, Merioneth, bachelor," 
also had certificate of same date from the same Meeting, and 
signed by the same Friends, with the addition of Humphrey 

■f^llizabeth Humphrey, "of Llanegrin, Merioneth, widow," 
"whose son Daniel is in Pensylvania, the 12 months past," 
brought certificate, dated 27. 5mo. 1683, from the Merioneth 
Quarterly Meeting. Her children, Charles, Benjamin, Lidia, 
Ann, and Gobeithia Humphrey, came over with her to Pen- 
sylvania and filed certificate with the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting. Signers, Owen Humphreys, Hugh and Evan Rees, 
Humphrey, Robert, Lewis and Rowland Owen, Griflith and 
Owen Lewis, Rovi^land Ellis, Evan Will Powel, John and 
David Evans, Amos and Ellis Davies. 

Samuel Humphrey, the other brother, died in Wales. He 
was married to Elizabeth Rees, on 20. 2mo. 1658, by Morris 
Wynne and Robert Owen, both justices of the peace, by 
Friends' ceremony, and it is believed that this was the first 
marriage of this kind. They had 8 children. His relict and 
children removed to Haverford. Of these, 



Benjamin Humphrey inherited 212 acres of land in Hav- 
erford from his uncle, John Humphrey, about where the vil- 
lage of Bryn Mawr, formerly called Humphreyville, stands, 
and adjacent to Rowland Ellis's land, and resided near the 
present Bryn Mawr College grounds. He d. 4 Nov. 1738, 
age 76 years. He vi. (1694), Mary, daughter of Morria 
Llewellyn, of Haverford. . Of their children, Ann m. 23. 
lOmo. 1742, Garrad Jones (son of Robert Jones, a first set- 
tler of Merion) ; Elizabeth, ?«. John Scarlett; Owen Hum- 
phrey m. 29. 7mo. 1738, Sarah, widow of John Hughs, of 
Merion. The will of John Hughs, of Merion, was signed 2 
Jan. 1736, witnesses Griffith and Morris Llewellyn, and 
William Lloyd, was proved by wife Sarah, 12 Feb. 1736, 
mentions father-in-law Morgan Herbert, but no children. 
Trustees, John Roberts and Griffith Llewellyn. Benjamin 
Humphreys succeeded Rees Price as landlord of the Blue 
Anchor tavern, on Dock Creek landing, in Philadelphia. 

Through Thomas John Thomas, he also had a tract of 
land, lying east of his other plot, and north of the present 
Montgomery avenue, at Haverford R. R. Station. 

Daniel Humphreij in 12mo. 1701, received warrant for 
200 acres of land, which was also located in Haverford, 
about the present Haverford College grounds, and on resur- 
vey found to be 41 acres "overplus," which he bought, pajing 
8 shillings an acre. This land was in the right of "T. Ellis, 
L. David, & J. Poyer," who were grantees of Richard Da- 
vies. He also bought, 5. 3mo. 1694, 50 acres "due several 
purchasers," of th( same Davies lands. He lived and died 
in Haverford, and was appointed to adjust the estates of 
Thomas Ellis and wife. His will, dated 26. 9mo. 1734, was 
proved at Philadelphia, 7 April, 1735. 

He had thirteen children by his wife (m. about 1695) 
Hannah, daughter of Thomas Wynne, who survived him, 
named Samuel, h. 3. 6mo. 1G96, first child; Joshua, Edward, 
Charles, Jonathan, Solomon, Thomas, Benjamin, Hannah, 
Elizabeth, Martha, Mary and Rebecca, h. 2. lOmo. 1716, last 



child, all of record at Havcrford Monthly Meeting. His 
cousins John and David Humphrey, with his first three 
named sons, were trustees under his will. 

Anne, m. (1699), Edward Roberts, son of Hugh Roberts, 
of Merion. 

Lydia, m. (1706), Ellis Ellis, son of Thomas Ellis, of Hav- 
er ford. 

Rebecca, m. (1713, second wife), Edward Rees, of Mer- 

Elizabeth, m. (1693), Thomas Abel, of Haverford. 

Robert Owen, mentioned above as one of the purchasers 
of "548 acres" of Lloyd's land, by deed 5. 6mo. 1691, was 
a minister among the Friends. The Pensylvania historian, 
Proud, says of him, "he was an eminent preacher, and a 
very serviceable and worthy person among the Quakers, 
being a man endowed with many excellent qualities, a skil- 
ful peacemaker, and of much seiwice and utility in various 

From 1674, he was much persecuted in Wales for being 
a Quaker, and removed with his wife Rebecca, "and their 
dear and tender children" to Pensylvania in 1690, bringing 
a flattering certificate from the Quarterly Jleeting at Tyddyn 
y Garreg, in Merionethshire,* dated 8. 6mo. 1690 ; which is 

♦The members of the Tyddyn y Garreg Quart. Mtg., sig'ners of the 
Certificate of Removal: 

Evan Owen. Rees Evan. 

Rowland Owen. Hugh Rees. 

Lewis Owen. Evan Rees. 

Griffitt Robert. Robert Vaughan. 

Jane Robert. Rees Thomas. 

Margaret Robert. David Jones. 

Ellis Morris. Elizabeth Jones. 

Hugh David. Gainor Jones. 

Margaret David. Jonett Johnes. 

Rowland Ellis. Regnald Humphrey. 

; Ellin Ellis. Ann Rowland. 

John Evan. Owen Lewis. 



preserved in the archives of the Haverford (Radnor) 
Monthly Meeting. 

It may be seen he was not one of the original purchasers 
of land, in the Welsh Tract from the "Adventuring Com- 
panies," and it is not known why, nor is the reason apparent 
why he did not seek refuge from his "sufferings" sooner, 
since he was nearly related to many of the original settlers. 

Robert Owen was born about the year 1657, and was the 
eJdest son of Owen ap Evan Robert Lewis, of Rhiwlas, who 
resided on the "Fron Goch" plantation, or farm, near Bala, 
in Merioneth, and who died before 1678-9 (by his wife, 
Gainor John), and brother to Jane, wife of the minister, 
Hugh Roberts, and to Ellin, wife of Cadwalader Thomas, 
and to Evan Owen, of Merion, b. 1665-6, and nearly related 
to John and Samuel Humphrey, of Haverford, and others 

Mr. Owen was one of the signers of the certificate of 
removal for John ap Thomas, the partner of Dr. Edward 
Jones, who was fated not to remove here, and was an over, 
seer of his will by appointment, 9 Feb. 1682. 

After his arrival, Robert Owen purchased, by deed dated 
5. 6mo. 1691, for one hundred pounds, the lands from 
Thomas Lloyd, variously estimated, according to surveys, 
at 442, 450, or 548 acres. This land lay west of the present 
settlement of Wynnewood, towards the village of Ardmore, 
north of the P. R. R., and was the plantation, which was 
confirmed to his eldest son and heir, Evan Owen, by the 
Commissioners, on 8. 12mo. 1704, who conveyed it, by deed 
dated 31 Dec. 1707, to his brother-in-law, Jonathan Jones. 

The original farm of Robert Owen, which is now being 
sub-divided into little lots for picturesque little country 
houses, lay in a general way between Thompson avenue, in 
Ardmore, and the west boundiy of Narberth, and north 
from the P. R. R. to the Mill Creek Road, on both sides of 
Glenn Road, and Cherry Lane. He left it to his son, Evan 
Owen, in 1697, who sold it to his brother-in-law, Jonathan 



Jones, in 1707, whose son, Owen Jones, 1711-1793, had all 
of it, three lots, 350, 101 and 20 acres. His sons, Owen 
Jones, Jr., and Jonathan Jones, next had the property, 
Owen 350 acres, and Jonathan 101 and 20. Owen devised 
half of the 350 (on which tlie stone house stands) to Col. 
Owen Jones, who also had from his father his 121 acres, 
and the other half to his sister's son, John Wister, which 
portion is called "St. Mary's," and was inherited by his 
grandchildren, two daughters of the late Col. Lewis Wister, 
and Col. Owen Jones's property, "Wynnewood," went to hia 
son and heir, Awbrey Jones, who, dying without issue, left 
the place to collateral heirs. 

Immediately after he had po; 'ssion, Robert Owen began 
the erection of a stone dwelling, which, as the date-stone 
tells, was completed in 1695. This house, which was built 
about the same time, apparently of similar materials, and 
possibly by the same contractor, as the Merion Meeting 
House, not far away, still stands, somewhat altered, on 
Montgomery avenue, east of Church road, a noted landmark. 
Here Mr. Owen resided at tlie time of his decease, on 8. 
lOmo. 1697, 

Mr. Owen was a justice in Merion and twice chosen as a 
member of the Assembly, 1695-1697, and was a trustee of 
the Merion Meeting, in whose ground both he and his wife 
were buried. 

His will, signed 2. lOmo. 1697; witnessed by John Owens, 
Rowland Ellis and Robei't Jones, was proved at Philadelphia, 
16 May, 1705. He left his plantation to his eldest son, Evan 
Owen, only child named, and named as overseers, Messrs. 
Hugh Roberts, John Humphreys, John Roberts, Griffith 
John, Robert Jones, Robert Roberts, Robert Lloyd and Row- 
land Ellis, the foremost men of Merion, and appointed his 
cousin, Griffith John, sole executor. 

The inventory of the personal estate of Mr. Robert Owen 
was made "ye last day of ye eleventh month, 1697," by John 
Roberts and John Owen. It is preserved at the Historical 



Society of Pcnsylvanin. He had seven cows, valued at £3. 
10, per head, two steers at £2. 10, per head, seven youny cat- 
tle "at £1.05, ye head," five horses and mares at £4. 10 ye 
heiid, twenty sheep valued at £7, twelve swine, £9, and 
wheat, barley, im))lemenls J'or farming, "books, £3," "bed- 
ding, and apparel, £47. 09. 6," "brass, pewter, and other 
hou.sehold stuif, £12. 10. 0." Total valuation of the person- 
alty £188. 18. 06. (This John Owen was "ye 2nd son of 
Owen Humphreys, of Llwyn du," and brother to Joshua 

Mr. Owen married Rebecca Owen, daughter of Owen 
Humphrey, gent., of Llwynddu, in Llangelynin parisli, Mer- 
ioneth. The marriage agi'eement, still extant, dated 6. Imo. 
1678-9, was between Robert's mother, Gainor John, his 
father being dead, and Owen Humphrey. It was signed, as 
witnesses, by Rov\land Ellis, Edward Vaughan, John ap 
Thomas, and Cadwalader Thomas. The marriage certifi- 
cate, also extant, is dated 11. Imo. 1678-9. 

Robert Owen had by his wife, Rebecca, who died 23. 8mo. 
1697, the following eight children (sic) Pa. Mag. vol. xiii, p. 
168, etc.), four, born in Wales, between 1697-1690, coming 
over with them. 

Era7i Given, eldest son, born probably at Fron Goch, about 
1682-3; died intestate in Philadelphia, and power to admin- 
ister on his estate was granted to his widow and relict. 
27 Oct. 1727. 

On his, 3. 3mo. 1703, a resurvey was made of all 
the lands he inherited from his father, and it was found he 
had 450 acres in Merlon, and 100 acres in Go.shen tp. He 
had no desire to be only a country gentleman, and sold his 
farms to his brother in-law, as above, and removed into the 
city, after his marriage. 

Like his father, Evan Owen was a man of affairs. He 
removed into Philadelphia and was a member of the City 
Council, 1717, a Justice in Philadelphia county, 1723, &c, 
the treasurer of the city, 1724-27, a member of the Provin- 



cial Assembly, 1725, and of the Provincial Council, 1726, 
and a trustee of the Society of Free Traders in Pensylvania, 

He was a member of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 
where he was married to Mary, daughter of Dr. Richard 
Hoskins, (then deceased), 1. lOmo. 1711, (53 Friends signed 
their certificate), and had four children by her, of record 
at the Arch Street Meeting. One, Esther, m. 1743, William 
Davis, at Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Elizabeth Owen, b. in Wales, in 168-, d. in Philadelphia 
22. lOmo. 1753. She m. David Evans, of Philadelphia, a 
deputy sheriff, 1714-21, will signed 27 Sept. 1745, and had 
six children. Of these, Evan Evans m. and had issue, and 
Sidney, second wife of Joseph Howell, of Chester, Pa.* 

Jane Owen, b. in Wales, in 168 — . Probably died young. 

Gainor Owen, b. in Wales, 26. 8mo. 1688, d. . She 

m. at the Merion Meeting, 4. 8mo. 1706, Jonathan Jones, 
1680-1770 (son of Dr. Edward Jones, of Merion), and had 
ten, or more, children, of these, Mary, b. 14. 5mo. 1707, m. 
at Merion Meeting, Benjamin Hayes, (a son of Richard 
Hayes, of Haverford) ; Rebecca, b. 20. 12mo. 1709, m. at 
Merion Meeting, 4 June, 1733, John Roberts, 1710-1776 (son 
of Robert Roberts, of Merion), and had twelve children; 
Owen Jones, 1711-1793, the last provincial treasurer, m. 30 
May, 1740, Susanna Evans, 1719-1801, a daughter of Hugh 
Evans, of Merion, 1682-1772, (their daughter, Hannah 
Jones, m. Amos Foulke, 1740-1791) ; Jacob Jones, b. 1713, m. 
Mary Lawrence ; Jonathan Jones, Jr., b. 1715, m. at Merion 
Meeting, 8. llmo. 1742, Sarah, daughter of Thomas Jones, 
of Merion, a son of John ap Thomas, (their daughter, 
Katherine, m. Lewis Jones, of Blockley), and Elizabeth m. 
about 1758, Jesse George, of Blockley. 

*See "Howell Family," in the American Historical Register, Jan. 



Owen Owen, second son, b. Merion, 21. 12mo. 1690-91, d. l^ 
Philadelphia 5. 8mo. 1741; will dated 4. 5mo. 1741, proved 
11 August. He resided in the city and was high sheriff of 
Philadelphia Co., 1726, and city coroner, 1729-41. He ni. 
23. 3mo. 1714, Ann Wood, d. 4. 2mo. 1743, and had five 
children. Of these, Jane, d. s. ?)., wife of Dr. Cadwalader 
Evans; Sarah, m. 3 March 1736, John Biddle, (and had, be- 
'^ides others. Col. Clement Biddle, 1740-1814, who had 13 
children), and Tacy, m. Daniel Morris, of Upper Dublin tp. 

John Oweni, third son, b. 26. 12mo. 1692, d. in Chester 
Co., Pa., will proved 23 Jan. 1752. He was high sheriff of 
Chester Co. 1729-51, assemblyman, 1733-43, collector of the 
port of Chester, 1733-37. He vi. at Chester Monthly Meet- 
ing, 22. Smo. 1719, (48 Friends signed their certificate), 
Hannah, b. 17. 12mo. 1698, d. 1752, daughter of George 
Maris, of Chester, a provincial councillor, and had five chil- 
dren. Of these, Jane, m. Joseph West; Elizabeth, m. James 
Rhoads; Rebecca was the first wife of Jesse Maris, 1727- 
1811, and Susanna, m. Josiah Hibbard. 

Robert Owen, Jr., who, with his brother, Evan, was ad- 
mitted a freeman of Philadelphia in 1717, was b. 27. 7nio. 
1695, and d. about 1730. He m. at the Philadelphia Monthly 
Meeting 11. lOmo. 1716-17, (sixty-one Friends signed their 
certificate), Susanna Hudson, (she m. secondly, John Buit, 
of Burlington, and d. 4. 3mo. 1757), daughter of William 
Hudson, mayor of Philadelphia, 1726 (by his first wife, 
Mary, daughter of Samuel Richardson, a provincia' council- 
lor) , and had three childi^en. Of these, Hannah Owen, 1720- 
1791, (will proved), m. first, 23. 8mo. 1740, at Arch Street 
Meeting, Philadelphia, John Ogden, widower, of Philadel- 
phia, d. 6 Feb. 1742, will dated 31 Jan. proved 12 Feb. 1742, 

and had William Ogden,* d. in Camden, N. J., 13. May, 1818, 

— . . • I -, "' 

*See "Owen of Merion," Pen. Mag. vol. XIII, Glenn's "Merion in 
,-- .the Welsh Tract," Bro^vning's "Colonial Dames of Royal Descent," 
/ Pedigree XXXVII, Browning's "Americans of Royal Descent, 4th 
I edition, pp. 592-596, and Browning's "Magna Charta Barons and 

their American Descendants," pp. 373-380. 




aged 77 years; w. first, 1. llmo. 1769, :Maiie Pinniard, and 
had by her, v^-ho d. 14. 7nio. 1775, Hannah, 1770-1827, who 
TO. first at Christ Church, Philadelphia. 10 April, 1795, Capt. 
William Diiei, drowned in 1800-1, and had Mary Ann, m. 5 
May, 1825, Lewis W. Glenn, and had Edward, late of Ard- 
more, Pa., deceased, who m. secondly, Sarah Catherine 
Allen, and had Thomas Allen Glenn, author of "Merion in 
the Welsh Tract." Hannah Owen w. secondly, in 1751, his 
second wife, Joseph Wharton,* of "Walnut Grove," in 
Southwark, Philadelphia Co., d. 1776, and had issue. 

Rebecca Oxvcn, h. 14. Imo. 1697; buried at the Merion 
Meeting, on 21. 9mo. 1697, surviving her mother only 
one month. 

The aforesaid Robert Owen should not be confounded 
with a contemporary Welshman of the same name. This 
other Robert Owen, of Dolserau, came over in the ship Vine, 
of Liverpool, sailing from Dolyserre, near Dolgules, Merion- 
eth, with his wife, Jane, son Lewis, and a servant boy and 
four maid servants, and arrived at Philadelphia in Sep. 
1684. He had been a Justice of the Peace at Dolserau, 
near Dolgelly, (and near Bala), Avhere he was incarcerated 
five years in the jail he was a Quaker. He had 
been the Governor of Beaumaris, and became a Quaker 
about 1660. When he came over here, he settled on Duck 
Creek, in New Castle Co., where his son, Edward Owen, who 
had come over earlier, in Hugh Roberts's party, in Nov. 
1683, was then settled. Both Robert Owen and Jane, his 
wife, died in the next year. They had altogether nine sons, 
and all were of age before 1684. Their son Lewis Owen 
returned to Wales to reside, but their son Dr. Griffith OAven, 
who bought his brother Edward Owen's land, in the Thomas 
& Jones tract, Merion, remained here, and became prom- 
inent in the Province. The mother of this large family, 
was Jane, daughter of Robert Vaughan, of Heng Wert, or 

*See Pa. Mag. Vol. II, "Wharton Family." 
[I GO] 


Hei)di-i Mawr, near Bala, and of Nannau, Merionethshire, 
and a relative of the John ap Thomas family. 

The late Dr. Levick recorded that the Pensylvania histo- 
rian, Dr. George Smith, was a descendant of the Merion 
settlers, Dr. Edward Jones, and Dr. Wynne, and also of 
"Robeit and Jane Owen, that brave pair, who, whether as 
lord ;>'id lady of Beaumaris Castle, or for conscience sake, 
within the gates of Dolgelly jail, commanded the admiration 
and respect of all about them." 

In the ship Vine, of Liverpool, William Preeson master, 
which sailed from Dolyserre, and arrived at Philadelphia 
on 17. 7mo, 1684, there were, besides Rees John William, or 
Rees Jones, one of the purchasers of "Thomas & Jones," or 
"Company No. 1," and the aforesaid Robert Owen and 
Jeane, his wife, the following other passengers : 

David Davis, and his sister Katharine, and her daughter, 
Mary Tidey, and one man servant, named Charles Hughes, 
who had three years to serve. They were from Denbigh- 

Hugh Harris, and Daniel Harris. They were from Mac- 
chinleth, or Manhinteth, in Montgomeryshire, as were also 
the following: 

John Richards, Susan, his wife, and daughters Hannah 
and Bridget, and one servant, named Susan Griffith, to 
serve six years. 

Margaret, the wife of Alexander Edwards, and her daugh- 
ters, Margaret and Martha, and two sons, Alexander and 

Rees Frees, and wife Ann, and daughters Mary, Sarah 
and Phebe, and two sons, Richard and John. From Rad- 
norshire. '"' 

Jane Evans, widow, and four daughters, Mary, Alice, 
Sarah and Elizabeth, and a man servant, named Joseph. 

Anne Jones, and her daughter, Ann Jones. From Car- 

GrifTith Owen, (the physician), his wife Sarah, and chil- 
dren, and servants, from Prescoe, in Lancashire. 




Company No. S. — The deeds to grantees, who all resided 
in Glamorganshire, under the patent for 2,000 acres to 
John ab Evan, yeoman, (or John Bevan), of Trefyrhig, or 
Trevorrigge, Llantrissent parish, Glamorganshire, were 
dated after 16 Sept. 1681, and the grantees were, in part, 
as follows: 

Charles ab Evan, (Bevan), of Trevorrigg, and Llantwit 
Vardre parish, Glamorganshire, brother to John. 

John Richard, of Trevorrigg, tailor. 

Elizabeth Prichard and Katharine Prichard, of Telcha, 
Llantrissent, spinsters, whose deed for 250 acres, dated 8 
May 1682, was witnessed by Barbara Awbrey, John ab Evan, 
Jun'r, Evan John, and John Richard. 

Matthew Jones, of Carmarthen, Carmarthenshire, Mer- 
cer, whose deed, dated 1 Aug. 1682, for 125 acres, was wit- 
nessed by Will Broadber, Ch Evans, Ebenezer David, and 
Jane Miller. 

David Jones, of Carmarthen town. 

Ralph Lewis, of Eglwysilan. 

Eventually John Bevan bought back the lands taken by 
John Richard, and the Prichards, and Ralph Lewis. 

The Commissioners' minutes relating to Welsh purchas- 
ers, however, give the following details. After getting deeda 
for their grant from Penn in Sept. 1681, John and Charles 
Bevan had laid out to themselves, 980 acres, in three tracts, 
750 acres in Marple tp., and 170 and 60 acres in Haverford 
tp., on warrants, dated 23. 5mo. 1688. By deed of 1 March, 
1698, Charles Bevan conveyed all his rights to his brother, 
John Bevan. Shortly, John sold the 170 acres in Haverford 
to Evan Williams, and to John Hayes, 275 acres of the 



Marple tract, and his "liberty land" to Benjamin ChamberB, 
of Philadelphia, and then had 535 acres left. He then 
bought, in 1697, 250 acres in Haverford, the purchase of 
Katherine and'Elizabeth Prichai'd, or Prichit (ap Richard), 
and about 200 acres in Haverford which he had sold to John 
Richard, from said John's heir, Lewis Richard, or Richards, 
in Haverford, and 168'/2 acres also in Haverford, from 
"William Howol, and his wife, Mary, relict and administra- 
tor of Evan Thomas, who by deed, dated 10 May, 1683, pur- 
chased 250 acres of Lewis David." This gave John Bevan 
three tracts in Haverford tp., or in all 678 acres there, this, 
with his balance of 475 acres in Marple tp., made him holder 
of 1,153 acres in Haverford and Marple tps., at one time, — 
when he sold to the Welsh. 

By deed of 16. 5mo. 1684, John Bevan bought of Thomas 
Wynne 300 acres in Merion, at Wynnewood, which was 
confirmed to him by patent from the Commissioners, dated 
9. 5mo. 1688, and then owned 1,453 acres. 

The brothers, Ralph Lewis and William Lewis, relatives 
of John Bevan, came with their families from Eglwysilan, 
in Glamorganshire, 

Ralph Lewis came over with Mr. Bevan, in 1683, having 
bought from him 250 acres, which were laid out in Haver- 
ford, next to the land of Thomas Rees. He sold part of it 
back to Mr. Bevan, and a part to David Lewis. He had 
several children by his wife, Mary. Hugh David, of Hav- 
erford, in his wfll, signed 27 April 1709, present Daniel Law- 
rence, Thomas James, Robert Jones, and Henry Lawrence, 
proved by wife Martha, 9 June, 1709, names children David, 
Ruth, Mary, Jonathan, Caleb, and Samuel, and to be over- 
seers, father-in-law, Ralph Lewis, cousins David Lewis and 
William Lewis, and Lewis David. 

William Lewis, the other brother, arrived in Philadelphia 
on 11. 5mo. 1686. He purchased, by deed dated 13. lOmo. 
1692, a plantation of 120 acres, adjoining his brother Ralph's 
land, but which had been a portion of the Lewis David 



("Company No. 5") tract of 3,000 acres. It lay iji Ilaver- 
ford, to the south of the present settlement of Wynnewood, 
and near the old Ilaverford Road. Subsequently, he bought 
50 acres in Radnor, and, by deed, 10. 10. 1698, he bought 
800 acres in New Town tp., Chester Co. 

William Lewis died in New Town, 9. 12mo. 1707-8. His 
will, signed 16 Jan. 1707-8, was proved at Philadelphia 12 
March following. He had five children by his wife, Ann, 
namely: David, Lewis, Evan, William and Nathan Lewis, 
whose son Levi had a son Jesse, father of Levi Lewis, who 
was a practical farmer in Radnor tp. The latter's son, 
Tryon Lewis, born in 1839, was of the fourth generation of 
sons only born at the old Lewis home, and his daughter, 
Lydia T., was the first girl child born in this branch of the 
family in five generations. 

William Lewis's son, David Lewis, was the father of 
Amos, who owned the farm near Bryn Mawr, purchased 
by the late George W. Childs, of Philadelphia, for a country 
Beat. The will of David Lewis, of Haverford, signed 9 Sep. 
1723, in the presence of Richard Hayes, John Parry, and 
John Jones, was proved 23 Sept. 1723, by wife Ann and eld- 
est son William, executors. Other children named, James, 
Edmond, Amos, Enoch, Elizabeth and Ellen Ann. "To the 
Quaker Meeting at Haveford." Brothers Lewis, Evan, and 
William Lewis, and Robert Jones to assist the executors. 

The wills of the other two men, in Haverford, having 
his name, give the following data. "David Lewis, late of 
Landewi, Pembroke, now of Haverford," marked in the 
presence of Abraham Hardiman, David Lawrence, and 
David Lloyd, 26. 3mo. 1697; will proved 22 Jan. 1708. Ap- 
points son James Lev/is executor, namis son-in-law Pere- 
grine Lewis, and his three children. Codicil 26 Feb. 1707, 
witnessed by John Maris and David Jones. The will of 
the other "David Lewis, of Haverford, yeoman," marked 
24. Imo. 1714-5, in the presence of Lewis David (marked), 
Henry Lewis, Richard Hayes, and Henry LawTence, proved 



28 Jan, 1715, by wife Katherine. Children, Joseph, Sus- 
anna, Hannah, James, and Sarah Lewis. Trustees, Lewis 
David, of Darby, Richard Hayes, Henry and Daniel Law- 
rence all of Haverford. 

John Bevan, or John ab Evan, who was the trustee for 
this small company of settlers, was one of the early con- 
verts to Quakerism, and became an accepted minister among 
Friends. He apparently was a well educated man, and 
belonged to the landed gentry of Wales. He was the son 
of Evan ap John Evan, of Treverigg, Llantrisant parish, 
in Glamorganshire, and his wife, Jane, daughter of Rich- 
ard ap Evan, of Collena, in the same parish. 

He and his first wife, Barbara, and their children, "their 
tender family," and some other relatives, removed to Pensyl- 
vania, coming over in the ship "Morning Star," with Hugh 
Roberts and party bound for the Thomas and Jones land, 
arrived at Philadelphia in Nov. 1683. He and his wife 
brought the usual certificates of membership and removal 
from the Treverigg Friends' Meeting, and the Men's Meet- 
ing of Cardiff aiid Trefrig, dated 10, 7mo. 1683. Among the 
many signers, William Lewis; Howell, William, Watkins, 
and James Thomas; Thomas, Edward, Jenkin, and Mireck 
Howell, John David, John Mays, and his uncle, (his mother's 
brother), Thomas Richard (or Prichard) ap Evan, of Col- 
lena, for whose daughters, Elizabeth and Catherine, John 
Bevan bought some Haverford land, which he bought back 
from them as above. 

John Bevan left a copy (still extant) of the written 
account of himself and family, which, at the request of the 
Mericn Preparative Meeting, or the Haverford Mo. Mtg. 
he had filed with it in 1704, beginning : — "Sometime before 
the year 1G83, we had heard that our esteemed friend, 
William Penn, had a patent from King Charles the Second 
for that Province in America, called Pencilvania, and my 
wife had a great intention to go thither, and thought it 
might be a good place to train up children amongst sober 



people, and to prevent the corruption oi them here,.... 
She acquainted me tlierewith, but I then thought it not 
hlccly to take effect, for several reasons." It further tells 
how he found the way clear to remove; of his voyage; of 
his experience here; of his travels as a minister into New 
England, in 1701; and of his final return to his home in 
Wales in 1704, with his second wife and young daughter, 
Barbara, as "the aim intended by my wife was in a good 
measure answered," where they lived the balance of their 

Though he lived here, off and' on, only about twenty years, 
or till in 1704, John Bevan was a prominent man of affairs 
in the Welsh tract. He was chosen one of their representa- 
tives, in the Provincial Assembly, by the Welsh, in the 
years of 1687, 1693, and 1700, and was appointed a justice 
in Haverford tp., Philadelphia Co., in 1685, and for the 
same in Chester Co., in 1689. 

He visited Wales on private matters, in 1694-5, and mar- 
ried his second wife. An extant letter, dated 29. 2mo. 1G95, 
from Rees Thomas, of Merion to his father-in-law, William 
Awbrey, says "my unkle John Bevan came over very well, 
and a good voyage he had." In 1698, he went to his old 
home again, where he still owned property, and in 1704, 
went there to remain, as the Quakers were no longer 
persecuted in Wales, and there was too much unpleasantness 
in Penn's country. 

After John Bevan had made several sales in right to 
these 2,000 acres he bought from Penn, as explained above, 
he had remaining, besides 25 acres of the liberty land that 
went with his purchase, for which he had warrant dated 
5. 8mo. 1702, the fai'm of 300 acres in Merion, and 90 acres 
adjoining, located in Haverford, constituted his homestead 
here. This land lay to the south of the present Wynne- 
wood R. R. station, and South of the modern Lancaster Ave., 
across the old "Haverford Street," and along the lines of 



Haverford tp., and of the present Philadelphia Co. Some 
of this tract belonged to his descendants for about one hun- 
dred years, — not after 1810. 

John Bevan lived to be about 80 years old, and died at his 
home, called "Treveyrig," or Treverig-g, where he resided 
after his final return in 1704. His will, dated Imo. 1724-5, 
was a very long, and full one, and was witnessed by his 
brother, Charles Bevan, and was proved at LlandafT Regis- 
try, in Glamorganshire, 21 Oct. 1726. Charles Bevan, Wil- 
liam Awbrey, of Pencocd, and others, named as the over- 

To his grandson, John Bevan, he bequeallied his mcs- 
Buage, called "Treveyrig," and a gristmill on this property, 
end mentions said John's children, his own great-grandchil- 
dren, to wit, Richard, Thomas, and Barbara Bevan. He 
mentioned his 90 acres in Haverford, and his 300 acres in 
Merlon, and two other pieces of land that he had given to his 
iBon Evan Bevan. 

John Bevan, when a young man, married Barbara, daugh- 
ter of William Awbrey, of Pencoed, or Pencoyd. She came 
over with him in 1683, and they returned to the old home in 
1704, as he relates in his journal, as follows: "We landed 
at Shields in Northumberland, and staid over the meeting 
on first-day, next day we set forward toward our habitation 
in Wales, having near 300 miles to travel. We had several 
good meetings in our way, and about the beginning of the 
Eighth month, 1704, we came to our home at Treveyricke." 
Telling of his wife's last illness six years later, "in her last 
sickness she was sensible, she was not likely to recover out of 
it, she said, 'I take it as a great mercy that I am to go before 
thee, we are upwards of forty-five years married, and our 
love is rather more now towards one another than at the be- 
ginning,' she quietly departed this life the 26th of the Elev- 
enth month, 1710, aged 73 years, and about 4 months." It 
has been said that he had two wives, both named Barbara, 

[168] ^ .^.^A 

Ul)!/i-V)"'^>-'^*- v^'" y'v-ji^''-^^""" ^'^ 


but this wile was certainly the wife of his youth, as they 
were married in 16G5, he being only 19 and she 28 years 
old. Of their children: 

i--- John Bevan, the eldest. He came to Pensylvania with 
his parents. He may have been the bachelor of this name, 
buried at the Merion Meetinj'. llmo. 13. 1715-C. It is also 
supposed that he returned to "Treveyrig" with his father, 
married and died there, before his father, having a son John, 
who was a gentleman farmer and miller, enjoying the land 
of his inheritance, and whose children in 1724 were, (named 
in will of John Bevan, 1725), Richard, Thomas, and Bar- 
bara. The father of these cliildren is also placed as a son 
of Evan, named below. 

L- Jane Bevan, h. about 1667, d. 12. lOmo. 1703; m. at the 
home of William Howell, in Haverford, 1. lOnio. 1G87, John 
Wood, of Darby, a member of Pensylvania Assembly 1704- 
1717, a son of George Wood, a J. P., and Assemblyman, 
1682-1683, and had seven children, A descendant is John 
W. Jordan, LL.D., of Philadelphia, 

Evan Bevan, from whom all of this surname in Merion 
descended, was bom about 1672. He visited his father at 
"Treveyrig," and from the Friends' Meeting there brought 
his certificate, dated 10. 5mo. 1707. He m. at the Darby 
Monthly Meeting, on 9. llmo. 1693, Eleanor Wood, who ad- 
ministered on Evan's estate, 13 Aug. 1720, and had eight 
^' children. She was a minister among Friends, and d. 28. 11. 
1744, and was buried at the Haverford Meeting House. 

Evan Bevan resided on his father's Merion land, and died 
intestate before his father. His father bequeathed his 
Merion-Haverford plantation to his daughter-in-law in trust 
for his grandson, Evan Bevan, Jr., 1698-1746, and should he 
not live to enjoy it, then it was to go to Awbrey Bevan, 
1705-1761, or Charles Bevan, other grandchildren of the 
testator, children of this Evan Bevan. Evan Bevan, Jr., 
was the father of Charles, who inherited the home farm, 



but generally resided in Philadelphia. His estate was ad- 
ministered in Jan. 1800, his Vv'ife dead, and vwo children 
minors. One of these, Charles, Jr., m. Tilary Lippincott, 
and died intestate, in 1809, in Merion, also leaving two 
cliildren minfirs, named John L. and Henry C, who inher- 
ited the John Bevan property. 

Ann Bevan, h. about 1676-7; m. at the Merion Meeting, 
23. Imo. 1696-7, Owen Roberts, of Merion, (son of the 
Friends' minister, Hugh Roberts), and had six children. 

Elizabeth Bevan, b. about 1678; d. 1739; m. at Merion 
Meeting 30. 4mo. 1696, Joseph Richardson, d. 1752, son of 
Samuel Richardson, a Provincial Councillor, and had eight 
children. Descendants were Mrs. Arthur D. Cross, of San 
Francisco, and Judge Samuel W. Pennypacker, of Phila- 
delphia, former Governor of Pensylvania. 

Barbara Bevan, b. in Pensylvania 5. 7mo. 1G96. "She was 
the only child by his second wife," and went to Wales with 
her parents in 1704, where she 7n. William Musgrove. 

Charles Bevan, of Lantwit Vardre, had a son Evan Be- 
van, or "Evan Bevan alias Jeuans," as he signed his name, 
corn in 1678, educated at Oxford, and became a lawj'er, and 
a minister and elder among Friends, and d. in 1745. Testi- 
mony as to his good character made in the Monmouthshire 
Meeting, 17. 2mo. 1746. (See Memoir of him in the 
"Friends' Library," vol. XHL)* 

* The follo;ving item concerns another branch of this family. 

A Mrs. Cathc-ine Bevan was sentenced by the Court of New Castle 
Co. (Delaware), to be burned alive at New Castle, in 1731, for the 
murder of her husband. It was the intention of the kind-hearted shoriflf 
to hang her by the neck over the pile of fagots, in the hope she would 
strangle to death before being burned. But some accident happened 
to the rope — it broke, slipped, or was cut, after the fire was well 
under way, when she dropped, bound hand and foot, into the blaze. 
Struggling to free herself from her bindings, she nearly escaped 
from the pyre, a'nd had to be pushed back into the flames, and held 
there by the sheriff and the crowd, while she died a lingering and 
horrible death, in conformity with the sentence of the Court. 



Rees Thomas, who came over with John Bevan, in 1683, 
was then a young and unmarried man. Nothing certain is 
known of his ancestry, but it is presumed he had Hved in 
Glamorganshire, and was a rehxtive of Mr. Bevan. In time, 
he became a prominent man in the ^Velsh Tract, a justice 
of the peace, and an Assemblyman, and a successful farmer. 

About two inonths after his marriage, he bought his first 
land, some 300 acres in Merion, from Sarah, the relict and 
widow of John Eckley, by deed dated 15. 6mo. 1692, which 
land adjoined that of Ellis Hugh, of Merion. Later, he 
bought 170 acres adjoining this first purchase, from Ed- 
ward Prichard. Tliese two tracts of land lay about where 
the village of Rosemont stands, and north and west of the 
P, R. R. station. From the Land Commissioners' minutes, 
it appears that "Rees Thomas, of Haverforu," by deed dated 
4 May, 1713, acquired 500 acres, with the usual bonus of a 
city lot, and liberty land, from John Clark, of Devizes, Wilt- 
shire, and on 12. Imo. 1715, he desired warrant of survey 
to lay out this claim, but it is not evident that this was 
granted, or that he entered upon this land. 

About this time, Rees Thomas and Anthony Morris, Jr., 
bought from William Awbrey, of London, (a relative of 
Rees's wife), executor to Richard Whitpain, the right of 
Whitpain to 7,000 acres "in the country," city lots and 
liberty land. This tract lay in West Town, Chester Co., in 
the "WeLsh Tract," of that county, a distinct purchase from 
that of which I write. In 1717, when they applied to have 
this land laid out to them, they had considerable trouble 
over it with the relict and heirs of Whitpain, and had to 
compromise, and on 30. 3mo. 1718, received warrant of 
sur\'ey for only a part, but subsequently were allowed an- 
other selection, and had 2,000 acres in Chester Co., and 
4,500 acres in Philadelphia Co., and for all this land, they 
asked for a re-survey, 19. 3mo. 1726. 

There is a copy of the following note from James Steel, 
who was one of the great land-grabbers of the time in the 


Lower Counties (Delaware). U is dated 17. 9mo. 1722, 
"To Recs Thomas, upon his brother's illness: I hereby cer- 
tify that I did agree with Rees Thomas, on behali" of his 
brother, William Thomas, for 200 acres of land in Radnor, 
formerly held by Rees Frees on Rent." The purchase pries 
was £40 for the whole, in consideration that William Thoma3 
also pur-liase the right in the land of Rees Thomas. 

Rees l)omas's will, signed 10 Sept. 1742, was proved 12 
Feb. 1742-3. He left the homestead farm, and 200 acres of 
the "Roscmont" land, bought of Eckley, to his son Rees, and 
the other tract there to son William. 

Rees Thomas married at the Haverford Meeting, 18. 4mo. 
1692, Martha Awbrey, who also came over in Mr. Bevan's 
party, in 1683. She died 7. 12mo. 1726. She was one of 
the ten children of William Awbrey, who was buried at 
Llanelyw parish church, in Brecknock, in 1716, aged 90 
years, and his wife, and cousin, Elizabeth, a daughter of 
William Awbrey, eldest son of Thomas Awbrey, gent., of 

In an extant letter, dated 29. 2mo. 1695, Rees Thomas 
and his wife wrote a joint letter to her father in Wales, tell- 
ing him about their two children, their farm life, and asked 
the date of Martha's birth. Mr. Thomas concluded with: — 
"I doe understand yt thou were not well pleased yt my 
oldest son was not caled an Aubrey. I will an.swer thee I 
was not against it, but my neibors wood have him be caled 
my name, baing [as] I brought ye Land and I so beloved 
amongst them, I doe admite to what thee sayes in thy letter 
yt an Aubrey was better known than I, though I am hear 
very well acquainted with most in these parts. He is ye 
first Aubrey in Pensilvania and a stout boy he is of his age 
being now a quarter." 

Of the six children of Rees and Martha Thomas : — 

Rees Thomas, Jr., b. 22. 2mo. 1693, who is referred to in 
the above letter. He m. Elizabeth, daughter of Dr. Edward 
Jones, of Merion. 



Awbrcy Thomas, h. 30. llmo. 1694, (/. s. p. He m. Gu- 
Jeima, only daughter of William Penn, the younger. His 
mother was a sister of William Awbrey, the son-in-law of 
William Penn, the Founder. 

Herbert Thomas, b. 3. Dmo. 1696, d. s. p. He m. Mary, 
daughter of John Havard.* 

William Thcrmas, who died at "Rosemont" before 1787. 
He married and had seven children. 

•In the will of Lews John, of Haverford, signed 2. 9mo. 1704, 
in the presence of Nathan Thomas, John Havard, William Sinkler 
(marked), and David Powell, proved by wife, Elizabeth, and daugh- 
ter, Margaret Lewis, the executors, 2 Dec. 1704, he mentions daughter, 
Elizabeth, wife of John Rees, and "my kinsmen John Havard and 
Nathan Thomas." 

Will of Margaret Thomas, of Merion, widow, marked 23 April, 
1719, in presence of James John (marked), Griffith and Mary Llew- 
ellyn, names son Owen Thomas, (and his children, William and 
Hester), daughter Katherine, wife of Robert Pearson, (and their 
children, Thomas and Mary), and "grandson John, son of James 
Thomas, and his uncle Nathan Thomas." 

Will of Edward Thomas, of Merion, signed 21 Dec. 1729, witner^ed 
by Robert Jones, Hugh Evans, John Bowen, and Owen Roberts 
(marked). Proved 26 March, 1733, by Thomas Thomas, his son. 
Other children, Evan, Elizabeth, and Margaret Thomas. Legacy "to 
the Grave Yard at Merion Meeting." Overseers, Hugh Evans, Rob- 
ert Robert.";, Jonathan Jones, and Robert Jones. 

Will of John Thomas Thomas, of Merion, yeoman, marked 25 May, 
1721, witnesses Henry Lewis, Jenkin David, Llewellyn (marked), 
and Evan David. Proved 16 Sep. 1723. Names Margaret, wife of 
James Mortimer, nephews Thomas Edwards, Morris Thomas, and 
John Thomas. Cousin Benjamin Humphreys, of Merion, to be execu- 



Company No. 4. The grantees under the patent, dated 14. 
7mo. 1681, for 5,000 acres, issued to John ap John, the 
founder, probably of the Welsh Tract idea and indii'ectly of 
the Merion Meeting, and Dr. Wynne, were Denbighshire peo- 
ple, and in part, as follows: It seems that each of these 
"trustees," John and Thomas, took 2,500 acres of their joint 
purchase to keep, or to sell, as they thought best. 

John ap John, according to a memorandum, in his own 
writing, says: 

"Here is An Account of what I John ap .John have sould 
out of my part of this deed and what remains still in my 
hands. First, I paid William Penn, by ye hands of Richard 
Davies and his sonn David Davies, ye sum of Fifty pounds 
Stl., and for which I have their rccets, and I have disposed 
of ye land as followeth: — 

"To Thomas Taylor I sold 500 acres 

"To John Roberts I sold 500 " 

"To Treial Reider I sold 400 " 

"To Mary Fouk I sold 200 " 

"To Richard Davies 250 " 

"To Owen Parry 150 " 

"reserved for myself 500 " 

"Be it remembered also yt I rebought from Trial Reder 
aforsd 400 acres. 

"So wt remains for me unsold is 900 acres." 

But Dr. Wynne left no memorandum of the disposition of 
his share, but he soon got rid of it. 

Some of John ap John's land seems to have passed to the 
following : 



Hovvel and Philip James, of Philadelphia. 

Isaac Wheeldon, of Llanroost, Denbighshire, a glover. His 
is a very long. deed, dated 20 Mar. 1681, for "1 2-30 part, or 
share of 5,000 acres of land." He assigned his rights, 13. 
10. 1095, to Samuel Lewis, of Darby, whose son Samuel, Jr., 
inherited it. 

"Lucien Sixsinth," bought 200 acres. 

Owen ffoulke, of Bettws y Coed, Caernai-vonshire, a tan- 

Mary Southworth (ffoukV) was also a purchaser from 
John ap John of 200 acres. Afterwards, she married Henry 
Molineaux, and the right to this land was sold to John 
Parker, of Philadelphia, with her right for 300 acres more 
of her land, bought from Dr. Wynne, for all of which Parker 
had deeds and warrants, which were accidentally destroj'ed 
by fire and he could not locate the purchases. 

The dates of the various deeds conveying these lands by 
John ap John, were, between the first one of 25. 5mo. 1681, 
and 7. 5mo. 1682. 

By deed dated 20. 7mo. 1691, John ap John sold his re- 
mainder of 900 acres to Hugh Roberts, of Merion, who had 
200 acres of the purchase laid out in Merion, which he sold 
to Robert Owen, and Robert, by deed of 30. 3mo. 1696, con- 
veyed 100 acres of same to Daniel Thomas, of Merion, and 
after Robert's decease, 100 acres to Thomas Rees, by deed 
of 27. 7mo. 1700. 

John ap John further sold, of this balance, 482 acres, laid 
0" t in Goshen and had about 200 acres left, for which a 
warrant was issued to him. 

"Tryall Rider," never came to Pensylvania. In 1695, with 
John ap John, he attended a meeting at Tregaron, in Rad- 
norshire. He v/as a flax dresser, at Wrexham, in Denbigh- 

These further items as to the disposition of the lands of 
John & Wynne are also of interest. 



"Owen Puscy," or "Owen Parry, of Dynullo, Issa, Den- 
bigh, yeoman," named as a purchaser from him by John ap 
John. It was chiimed to the Land Commissioners that he 
bought 150 acres, by deed dated 17. 5mo. 1682, "of John ap 
John and Jon (sic) Wynne," and it was wished to have 
same located. No deed, however, could be produced, and 
said Owen was then dead, yet it appeared tliat his son had 
sold the right to this land in 1707, to Owen Roberts, whose 
executor sold it to John Walter. Jonathan Wynne confirmed 
this sale, 23 March, 1727. Owen Roberts, and his wife 
Ann, had certificate from the "Harford," i. e. Haverford 
Monthly Meeting, "held at Merion," addressed to the Phila- 
delphia Monthly Meeting, dated 9. 12mo. 1709-10. 

After John & Wynne's purchasers were put into posses- 
Bion of their lands, scattered in the to\vnships of Merion,. 
Haverford, Radnor, Goshen, New Town, Middletown, and 
in the Great Valley, it was discovered by Jonathan Wynne 
that 100 acres of their joint transactions were not accounted 
for. Their land operations were complicated. 

When Jonathan Wynne made his application, elsewhere 
mentioned, and was granted 400 acres on his father's own 
account, in the "Great Valley," or Chester Valley, it was 
on condition that he surrender the right to those 100 acres, 
if such an amount was needed to make up the full acreage 
of any of John & Wynne's sales to original purchaser.s ; he 
had to surrender these 100 acres subsequently to one James 
Steel, who also bought from Jonathan another 100 acres in 
the Great Valley, paying him £15. 10, and on 14. 7mo. 1736, 
the Commissioners issued patent to said Steel for 200 acres, 
as "in old right of John & Wynne." 

"Richard Davis," or Davies, had his 250 acres (less 5 
acres of Liberty land) laid out in Goshen tp., adjoining the 
land of Griffith Owen, who subsequently bought it. He had 
also 3121/2 acres, laid out "above Newton" (in Chester Co.), 
which he sold to David Evan, who had bought of "Howel 
James and son" 232 acres, also "out of the John & Wynne 



tract," and two lots of 150 acres and 50 acres from William 
Davics, also of same tract, and supposed he had 744 '/G acres 
altogether, but these tracts, upon resurveys, after he had 
paid for 20 acres over-plus, on an earliur survey, came out 
only 6621/2 acres. 

Richard Orme (or Orms), who owned 150 acres in the 
"Letitia Penn Tract," in Goshen tp., above Merion, bought 
150 acres in Radnor tp., of "the John & Wynne land," which 
Jonathan Wynne gave him a deed for, 2. 4mo. 1704. Rich- 
ard Orme also bought 125 acres of the land in the Welsh 
Tract, from "Humphrey Bettally," or Bettly, who had 250 
acres from John & Wynne, (Jonathan Wynne bought the 
other 125 acres), and sold the same to "Jonathan Height." 
It seems that Orme had "located" this land, but someone 
else also got hold of the same land, for when the Height 
heirs, (Richard Maris and Elizabeth, his wife, and Evan 
Lewis, and wife Mary) , wanted to sell the land it could not 
be found. Thereupon, on petition, in 2mo. 1720, the Com- 
missioners granted 120 acres to Lewis Lewis, of Chester Co., 
to be "located back in the country," and was laid out near 
New Town. 

Thomas Taylor's (he was a resident of Denbighshire), 
land, 500 acres, which he acquired by deed of 8. Imo. 1683, 
was laid out to him in Middletown, Chester Co., next to land 
of Richard Ci'osby. His ten acres bonus in the Liberties he 
sold to William Edwards. Thomas Taylor, Jr., inherited 
the Chester Co. tract. 

The John Roberts, of "Pennyckland," Penytklawe, or Pen 
y Chvyd, in Denbighshire, yeoman and millwright, to whom 
John ap John states he sold, for ten pounds, 500 acres, by 
deed dat^d 7. 5mo. 1682, when he came to Pensylvania, was 
known a.3 "John Roberts, the miller," and "of the Wayne 
Mill," in Merion, where he had a gi-ist mill. 

This deed was recorded at Philadelphia llmo. 16. 1683-4, 
the grantors being "John ap John, of Ruaben parish, Den- 
bigh, yeoman, and Thomas Gynn, of Cairwis, Flint, Chirur- 



geon," Dr. Wjiine's signature was witnessed by Richard 
Davis, Tryall Ryder, Richard Orms, and Mary Southworth, 

and John's by Richard Davis, and Rogers. The 

■deed recites that the 500 acres conveyed was a part of 5,000 
acres purchased from Wilham Penn, and that John ap John 
and "Thomas GjTin" were co-trustees, and only contributed 
some part of the £100 to pay for the 5,000 acres, or, quoting 
the deed, "though the sd John ap John and Thomas Gynn 
were entitled to take up ye sd conveyances of all ye sd 5,000 
acres, yet they onely intended to have their separate shares 
and proportion of the sd 5,000 acres according to the sume 
they laid out as part of ye sd 100 pds, and are onely trustees 
as to ye rest of ye sd 5,000 acres," and that "the said John 
Roberts hath contributed some part of the said £100 consid- 
eracon money towards the purchase of the sd 5,000 acres, 
that is to say, the sd John Roberts hath laid out Tenn 
Pounds." This clause in Penn's, and his "first purchasers" 's 
deeds, was the cause of considerable misunderstanding sub- 
sequently, when first purchasers asked to have bonus lands 
conveyed to them, because it defined them as only "trus- 
tees," as may be seen hereafter. 

Of his 500 acres, which lay along the "Mill Creek Road" 
(and ten acres of liberty land he received as bonus, which 
lot he sold to William Edwards), he sold 100 acres, lying in 
the upper part of Merion, adjoining the land of Edward 
Griffith, to Thomas David. He retained two parcels of 250 
acres and 140 acres, in the same locality, and these were laid 
out to him, 12. 2mo. 1685, and 12. 2mo. 1696. In 4mo. 1703, 
he had trouble with Martha Keite, or Kite, a neighbor, about 
division lines. The matter was laid before the Commission- 
ers, who ordered a jury on the case, and a resurvey, and 
after all the miller lost his suit. 

This John Roberts married here a few years after coming 
over, it is said, Elizabeth Owen, a niece of Owen Hum- 
phreys (ap Hugh), of Llwyn du, in Merionethshire, and it 
has been printed that he was then 60 years old, and the bride 



was only IG. Ilia will, signed 18. 12nio. 1703-4, witnessed 
by James Thomas, Nathan Thomas and John Roberts, Jr., 
was proved at Philadelphia 13 March following. He names 
sons John and Matthew Roberts, and daughter Rebecca; 
nephews Robert, Josepli and Edward Roberts, brothers Ed- 
ward and Matthew Roberts, and John Owen, his brother-in- 
law, to be executors, and appointed friends Thomas, John 
and Benjamin Humphrey, and brother-in-law Joshua 
Owen,* overseers of his will. 

"John Roberts, of the Mill," who was buried at the Morion 
Meeting House, 27. 2mo. 1721, was his son. His will, "John 
Roberts, of Merion, wheelwright," was signed 22. 2. 1721, 
witnesses, John Vauglian, Owen Roberts (marked), and 
Robert Jones, was proved by his relict, (who was "possibly 
with child"), Hannah, 17 May, 1721, names aunt Ann Rob- 
erts, cousin Robert Roberts and sister Rebecca, overseers, 
brothers Matthew and Joseph, and step-father, Hugh Evans, 
and Robert Jones. It has been printed, but without proof, 
that the "John Roberts, of Merion, miller," who was hung, 
in Philadelphia, by the order of the President of Pensylva- 
nia, for being a traitor to apparently both the British and 
the Americans, was a grandson of the aforesaid immigrant, 
John Roberts. Owen Roberts, a blacksmith, of Merion, 
was of this family. His will, signed 23 July, 1732, wit- 
nessed by Joseph Humphrey, John Bowen, and Robert Jones, 
was proved 26 March, 1733. Names brothers Edward, Rob- 
ert, Joseph, William, and John ; cousin Ann Roberts, but no 
children ; a legacy to the Merion Meeting. His brothers exec- 

Ann Humphrey, sister to Owen Humphrey aforesaid, mar- 
ried Ellis Rees ap Lewis, of Bryn Mawr, and was the mother 
of Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr," Merion, 1686. Her 

*Joshua Owen, of Llwyndu parish, Merioneth, bachelor, had certifi- 
cate, dated 27. 5mo. 1683, from the Quarterly Mtg. at Dolyserry, 
which he filed with the Haverford (or Radnor) Mo. Mtg., signed by 
Robert, Humphrey, and Richard Owen, Griflith and Owen Lewis, 
Rowland Ellis, Humphrey Reinald, etc. 



hrother Samuel Humphrey was tho father of Daniel and 
Benjamin Humphrey, and three daughters. 

John ap John, of Plas Ifa, in Ruabon parish, Denbigh- 
shire, as has already been told, did not come to Pcnsylvania, 
and died 10. 9mo. 1697, at Whitehough Manor, in Stafford- 
shire, having long before disposed of all his Pensylvania 

Thomas Wynne (or Gynn, fair haired), was called a 
"practitioner of physick" in an early mention of him. Wat- 
son, in his "Annals of Philadelphia," states that "Dr. 
Wynne was an eminent Welsh physician," who had "prac- 
ticed medicine several years with high reputation in Lon- 
<ion," and that his brother, also a physician, came over with 
him in 1682, but this brother is not clearly identified, unless 
he was the John Wynne, a lawyer in Sussex Co. (Del.), in 
1687, or was the "John Wynn, chyrurgeon," whose will was 
proved at Annapolis, Md., in 1684. But the latter may have 
been the son, or of the family, of Thomas Wynn (son of 
Gruffydd Wynn, of Bryn yr Owen (ap Richard John Wynn), 
■of Trefechan, near Wrexham, in Denbighshire, who was in 
Maryland as early as in 1671, and was a sub-sheriff, in 
1678, and doorkeeper of the House of Assembly, of Mary- 

In a pamphlet issued by Dr. Wynne, in 8mo. 1679, reply- 
ing to the attack, entitled "Work for a Cooper," by one Wil- 
liam Jones, '-n his defense of the antiquity of the Quakers, 
Tpvho challeiiged the claim of Dr. Wynne having any know- 
ledge of the practice of medicine and surgery, saying he was 
only a cooper by trade, and also "The Ale-Man, the Quack, 
and the Speaking Quaker," Dr. Wynne tells of his youth, 
and how he came to be called a physician and surgeon. He 
eays, "my genius from a child had lead me to surgery, inso- 
much that before I was ten years old I several times over- 
ran my school and home when I heard of any one's being 
•wounded, or hurt, and used all my endeavours then to set the 
fractures and dislocations reduced and wounds dressed." 



He says his father dial l^fore lie was eleven years old,. 
(therefore, the Doctor could not have been identical with 
Thomas, baptised 1 Feb. 1G3G, who had a brother John, both 
livinjj in 16C5, when their father, William Wynne's, a son 
of Sir John Wynne, of Gwydis, Bart., will was proved, as 
has been suggested), and left his family poor, and "mother 
not being able to produce so great a sum as to set me to 
Chyrurgery, I betook myself to this honest and necessary 
calling he upbraids me with," referring to his having learned 
the occupation and trade of cooper. "Yet, during all this 
time (while a cooper's apprentice), I left no opportunity to 
inform myself in the practice of Chyrurgery, and continued 
this untill I became acquainted with an honest Friend cind 
good Artist in Chyrurgery, whose name was Richard Moore, 
of Salop, who, seeing my forwardness to Chyrurgery, did 
further me in it, and brought me to Defecations in Salop, the 
Anatomists being men of known worth in practice, whose 
names are Dr. Needham and Dr. Hallins." 

Continuing, he says, after he had learned enough and 
was able, with the assistance of Dr. Moore, "to set up a 
Skelliton of a man's bones," the afore-mentioned doctors 
"thought me fit to be licensed the practice of Chyrurgery, 
and this is near 20 years ago." 

Shortly after being licensed to practice medicine and sur- 
gery, Dr. Wynne became too prominent in Quaker affairs^ 
and was arrested and imprisoned for six years in Denbigh- 
Bhire, and when released, he continues: "I betook myself 
wholly to the practice of Chyrurgery," and says he became 
a remarkable expert "in the use of the PlaisLer Box and Sal- 
vatory, the Trafine and Head Saw, the Amputation Saw,, 
and the Catling, the Cautery, Sirring and Catheter," . . . 
"to the gre^'t comfort of many, some of them desperately 
wounded by Gun Shots, others pierced thorow with Ra- 

Coming over in the "Welcome" he must have been a busy 
doctor, as nearly all the passengers and the crew were taken 



ill with the smallpox, and thirty were buried at sea en route 
for Pensylvania, One of the passengers executed his will, 
signed 19 Sept. 1682, which was proved at Philadelphia, 
and with its germs, is preserved in the office of the Register 
of Wills. It was witnessed by Dr. Wynne, who sealed with 
a coat of arms, "gules; a three-turreted castle, argent," 
which RrTn& were his own, but only in American fashion, by 
adoption, as they were the arms of the first husband of his 
third wife, Joshua Maud. 

In connection with Dr. Wynne's professional life, we have 
from the minutes of the Quarterly Meeting of Merioneth- 
shire, Montgomeryshire, and Shropshire, which met "under 
the care of Charles Lloyd, Richard Davies, Thomas Lloyd, 
and Richard Moore," (familiar names in the Welsh Tract), 
at Dolobran, in 1668, that the said Richard Moore, of 
Shrewsbury, (who had been the instructor of Dr. Wynne), 
died in this year, leaving a son, Mordecai Moore, a minor 
and without money. For the love the Friends had for the 
lad's father, the Quarterly Meeting appointed a committee 
to learn what occupation would be suitable for him, and 
what he "had a taste for." The result was the committee 
found the "poor boy" had the desire to be a "chirurgeon 
Barber," so a collection was taken up at the Q-a; terly Meet- 
ing "to bind him as an apprentice to some reliable barber- 
Burgeon." It was decided to send him as an apprsntice for 
seven years to Thomas Wynne, of Caerwys, in Flintshire, 
and John ap John was instructed to see the arrangement 
was made, and the boy delivered to Mr. Wynne. Subse- 
quently, this boy came to Maryland, and married Deborah, 
a daughter of Gov. Thomas Lloyd, of Pensylvania. 

From this minute, we learn that Thomas Wynne, in 1668, 
was a barber-surgeon, or a barber who practiced surgery, 
and cupping and bleeding, with some knowledge of the use 
and effect of herbs, and from his own statement, that he 
never acquired the degree of M.D. from a university. 



The place of the birth of Dr. Wynne, and his parentage 
is unknown, though it may possibly have been in P'lintshire, 
where he resided, in 1682, at Bronvadog, near Caerwys.* 
The minutes of the Merion Preparative Meeting 5. llmo. 
1704, record that Dr. Edward Jf)ncs filed an account of Dr. 
Wynne, his parentage, home life, conversion, etc., but it has 
disappeared, otherwse we could know more of him. Dr. 
Wynne was probably one of John ap John's earliest converts 
to Quakerism, about 165—, and became himself an accepted 
minister among the Welsh Friends. He published in 1677, 
when living at "Caerwys," near the palace of the Lord 
Bishop, a pamphlet, "The Antiquity of the Quakers," de- 
fending Friends' teachings. 

The full titles of this pamphlet, and that containing the 
abusive attack on it, both extant, are quaint, and of the man- 
ner of the time: — The Antiquity of the Qi(aJcers, Proved 
out of the Scriptures of Truth. Published in Love to the 
Papists, Protestants, Presbyterians, Independents, and Ana- 
baptlf's. With a Salutation of Pure Love to All the Tender- 
hearted Welshmen. But more especially to Flintshire, Den- 
bigh-shire, Caernarvonshire, and Anglesca. By their Coun- 
tryman and Friend, Thomas Wynne. Part of it is in Welsh, 
and "your real friend, Thomas Wynne," wrote it at "Carwys 
y mis yr ail dydd 1677." 

The title of Mr. Jones' effusion:— Work for a Cooper. 
Being an Anstver to a Libel ivritten by i n^ '"--""a the Coop- 

*If it is any suggestion as to the Doctor's ancestry, his son Jotia- 
than named his seat in Blockley, "Wy!:nstay," or "Wynnestay," (i.e., 
Wynne's Field), and there was an estate by this designation near 
Ruabon and Wrexham, in Denbighshire, in the Doctor's time, in which 
vicinity he resided prior to removal to Pensylvania. The late Howard 
Williams Lloyd had the parish Registers, and all the Wynne wills 
in Flintshire, that would possibly give a clue to the Doctor's ancestry, 
examined, but got only the information that at that period Wynne, 
sometimes Gwin, was a common name in North Wales. The most 
prominent family of the surname was that of Gwydir House, of 
which tJiere is a printed history, and it was to this family that 
"Wynnstay" belonged. 



er, the Ale-Man, the Quack, and the Speaking Quaker. With 
a brief Account how that DissemliUng People differ at this 
Day from ivliat at first they were. By one %vho abundantly 
pities their Igmirancc and Fully.. Loudon. Printed by J. C. 
for S. C, at tlic Prince of Wales Arms near the Royal Ex- 
change. MDCLXXIX. The writer thought the Doctor "is 
ignorant in his very trade of Quack * * * Chyrurgery," and 
that "he's much fitter to mind his Ax and saw, the Joynter, 
and the Adz, the Crisle, and the Head knife, the Spoak & 
the Round Shreve, the Dowling, and the Tapir Bitts, the 
Tap and Bungbore." This brought out a reply from the Doc- 
tor entitled: — A71 A7iti-CIiristian Conspiracy Detected, and 
Satan's Champion Defeated. 

In 1682, he and Charles Lloyd (Co. No. 2), and Richard 
Davies, (Co. No. 7), who were subsequently also grantees, 
and "trustees" for large tracts of Pensylvania land, went to 
Whitehall, London, to see the Secretary of State, and inter- 
cede for the Friends of Bristol, who were being badly 
treated, and received a "fair promise." They themselves 
had known what it was to "suffer." Joseph Besse, in his 
book of "The Sufferings of the People Called Quakers," tells 
that Nathaniel Buttall, Bryan Sixsmith (draper), and 
Thomas Gwin, aiid others, "being met together in their own 
hired house at Wrexham [were] taken to the Common Goal 
at Writhen," in Dec. 1661. And at another time, when 
Thomas Wynn and 23 others "were on their way to the 
Meeting House at White Hart Court, [in London], they 
were arrested in Angel Court, and sent to prison." On 8. 
lOmo. they were tried at Guildhall, charged with "being 
guilty of a riotous assembly, with force and arms," in White 
Hart Court. All pleaded not guilty, as they had not yet 
been in White Hart Court, and were only passing through 
Angel Court. However, as both places were in the same 
ward, and a woman had preached in the street, they were 
all confined in Newgate till they raised the money to pay 
the fines. 



He joined the Welshmen who went to London, in May, 
1681, to interview William Penn about his Pensylvania 
lands, and becoming interested himself, became a co-trustee, 
as said, with John ap John, for 5,000 acres, and from this 
time he was an intimate of the Proprietary for several years, 
and came over with him on the ship "Welcome," which 
sailed 30. 6mo. 1682, and arrived here in the 8mo. follow- 
ing, which was a memorable voyage for many reasons. 
There were upwards of 100 Quaker immigrants fi-om Penn's 
home county, Sussex, on the ship. 

As to this voyage of ship "Welcome," the London Ga- 
zette, (No. 1752), in the issue of 31 Aug. — 4 Sept. 1682, 
printed this dispatch: — "Deal. Aug. 30th. [1682]. There 
are now in the downs, outward bound, two or three mer- 
chantships for Pensylvania." And, in issue of 4 Sept. — 7 
Sept. 1682. — "Deal, Sept. 2d. Two days since sailed out of 
the downs three ships bound for Pensilvania, on board of 
which was Mr. Pen, with a great many Quakers, who go to 
settle there." 

Here is an extract from a fictitious letter addressed to 
John Higginson, written in Oct. 1682, it was said, by the 
reputedly pious, Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, of Boston : "There 
is now at sea a shipp (for our friend Elias Holcroft, of Lon- 
don, did advise me by the last packet that it would leave 
some time in August) , called the Welcome, which has aboard 
it a hundred or more of the hereticks and malignants called 
Quakers, with William Penn, the scamp, at the head of them. 
The General Court has accordingly given instructions to 
Master Michael Haxett, of the brig Porpoise, to waylay said 
Welcome as near the end of Cod [Cape Cod, Mass.], as may 
be, and make capture of Penn and his ungodly crew, so that 
the Lord may be glorified and not mocked on the soil of this 
new country with the heathen worshipps of these people. 
Much spoil may be made by selling the whole lot to Barba- 
does, where slaves fetch good prices in rumme and sugar." 
Signed : "Yours in the bonds of Christ, Cotton Mather." 



This alleged "extract" created considerable of a sensa- 
tion when it was started on the rounds of the newspapers. 
It was thought it would not have been beneath this devine 
to take such a fling at the Quakers, therefore the letter, 
which was addressed to Rev. Mr. Higginson, "at New 
Port," (Rhode Island), was believed to be genuine. But, 
after investigators failed to see, or locate such a letter, 
and on making the discovery that Mr. Higrinson was not 
then living at Newport, but was then established as the 
minister at Salem, Mass., and knowing that Mather was 
then only 19 years old, the story of the attempt to kidnap 
Mr. Penn was pronounced a fake, when several people had 
the assurance to come forward and each claim, for the fame 
there was in it, to have been the perpetrator of the "joke 
on the historians." 

It may be presumed that Dr. WjTine passed his first win- 
ter here with Penn, at Upland and at New Castle, looking 
after the small-pox patients, and accompanied him to New 
York and to Baltimore, on business trips, taking as many of 
the germs along as possible. 

He was chosen by Penn as a member, and his representa- 
tive possibly, in the first preliminary assembly of delegates 
from the settlements on the Delaware and Schuylkill, held 
at Upland, 4. lOmo. 1682, and was appointed a member of 
the committee to "petition" Penn for a constitution for his 
Province. And when the first organized Assembly was held 
in Philadelphia 12. Imo. 1682-3, he was chosen one of the 
members to represent Philadelphia Co. in it, possibly by the 
Welsh, and was selected speaker at the first meeting. 

He was present at the first Monthly Meeting of Friends, 
held in Philadelp. ia, on 9. llmo. 1682-3, and was appointed 
of the committee to select and secure the site for the Phila- 
delphia Meeting House, in Second street, and was a member 
of the building committee. 

It is claimed that his brick dwelling in the west side of 
Front Street, above Chestnut Street, was the first brick 



house erected in the town. The street now called Chestnut 
was originally called Wynne. 

In the 6mo. of 1684, he went to England on a business 
matter, probably with WiUiam Penn, in the ketch "En- 
deavour," sailing from Philadelphia 12. Gmo. 1684, and, on 
his return, went to Lewes to reside, which then was a more 
desirable place than Philadelphia for a residence. Here he 
became a justice of Sussex County, in 3mo. 1687, and a rep- 
resentative of that county in the Assembly, 3mo. 1688. 

He died while attending a meeting of the Assembly, in 
Philadelphia, on 16. Imo. 1692, and was buried the next day 
in the Friends' ground, Philadelphia. His will, dated 16. 
Imo. 1691-2, was proved at Philadelphia 20. 2mo. 1692, the 
overseers named being Thomas Lloyd, the Dep. Gov., and 
Dr. Griffith Owen, the Provincial Councillor. He named his 
wife, Elizabeth, his brother-in-law, Samuel Buttall, (to 
whom he owed £25), and his children as below. The only 
land he mentioned was what he owned at Lewes, valued at 
£80, which went to his wife and then to son Jonathan, to 
whom he also gave 200 acres on Cedar Creek, Sussex Co., 
valued at £20. His personalty amounted to £430. 1. S., 
including 3 negroes, valued at £60, and one "servant." 

According to the Minutes of the Provincial Council, 6 Oct. 
1693, Charles Pickering (who had been convicted of passing 
counterfeit money in Philadelphia, by the first Court, see 
Minute of 28. 8. 1683), "in behalf of the widdow Wynne, 
having preferred a pe'tion to the Leivt. Governor and Coun- 
cil, setting forth that her Husband, Thomas Wynne, Late of 
Sussex Countie, deceased, had been Sumoned to the Court of 
New Castle, to ans'r the Complaint of Adam Short and oth- 
ers. But falling sick, dyed 3 or 4 hours befor Judgm't past 
ag't him, att the said Court, and that the originall proces ag't 
her husband v as by a wrong name, and therefore requested 
that the execu'on be stop!, and that the pe'tionr have a fair 
tryall." The clerk's record of the New Castle Court being 
produced, and it was found the petitioner's husband's name 



was written "Thomas Guin." The Council ordered the mat- 
ter before the next Provincial Court to be held for Sussex 
Co., and that in the meantime execution be suspended. 

Dr. Thomas Wynne* .was married three times. He mar- 
ried first, possibly at Wrexham, Denbighshire, Martha But- 
tall, about 1G55-57, by Morgan Lloyd, who sent John ap John 
to "try out" Fox's teaching. She was the sister of Jonathan 
Buttall, sugar baker, of the Surry side of the Thames, and 
was named, with her brother Samuel, in his will, signed 26 
Aug. 1695. Her is le was to be his heirs on failure of his 
own. She died about 1670, and is presumed to have been 
the mother of all of Dr. Wynne's children. 

Dr. Wynne married secondly, a widow named Rowden, 
who by her first husband was the mother of Elizabeth, who 
m. in Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 5. 6mo. 1684, John 
Brock, of Philadelphia. She died in 1675-6. 

Dr. Wynne married thirdly, 20. 5mo. 1676 (record of 
Monthly Meeting of Hardshaw East, in Lancashire) , Eliza- 
beth Parr, widow of Joshua Maud, who survived him. 
When he married her, who came to Pensylvania with him, 
he was living at Caerwys, Flintshire. Her daughter, Mar- 
gery Maud, married at Lewes, Thomas Fisher, a qutbiis 
Fisher family of Philadelphia. 

He married Elizabeth Maud, or Mode, of Rainhill, Lan- 
cashire, at the dwelling of John Chorley, and among the 
signers of their certificates were John and Alice Barnes; 
Bruen, William, and Ester Sixmith; Samuel, Alice, and 
Margaret Dunbabin; John, Alice, and Mary Southworth. 

But his wife, Elizabeth, did not come in the same ship with 
the Doctor. According to the extant log, 6. 7mo. to 21. 8mo. 
1682, of the "Submission," one of the vessels which sailed 
with the "Welcome," she was a passenger on that ship, and 
was accompanied by her daughters, Jane and Margery, 
whose surnames appears as "Mode," and the Doctor's daugh- 
ter, Rebecca Wynne. 

*Soe further as to Dr. Wynne, in the Philadelphia Friend, vol. 
XXVII, p. 228. 



By deed of 3. Smo, 1688, Dr. Wynne bought for his wife, 
an island in "the Broad Kill Marshes," in the Schuylkill, 
near its mouth. After his death, his relict, by deed of gift 
dated 1. 12mo. 1693, conveyed this island, which, on survey 
of 5mo. 1701, contaircd 175 acres, to her daughter, Mar- 
gery, and husband, Thomas Fisher, and then it became 
known as Fisher's Island, but subsequently was called Prov- 
ince Island, and was the location of hospitals. 

Of the children of Dr. WjTine* by his first wife, 

Jonathan Wynne, only son and heir. It is not knowTi when, 
nor where he was born, nor how old he was when he came to 
Pensylvania, and it is only presumed he was the younr:est 
child, and that he came ^vith his father, either on his first 
trip in the "Welcome," or his subsequent trip. 

We have seen that Jonathan was to receive, after his step- 
mother's death, the homestead near the town of Lewes, and 
200 acres on Cedar Creek, in Sussex Co., (Del.). After his 
father's death, he began investigating both the land transac- 
tions of "John & Wynne," and his father's personal opera- 
tions in the Welsh Tract. 

He made it out that only 1,850 acres of the 2,500 acres of 
his father's land had been located and sold by him, and that 

♦These are some of the many present-day descendants of Dr. 
Thomas Wjoine: 

Mrs. Stevenson Crothers. Mrs. Thomas Stewardson. 

Mrs. Henry Kuhl Dillard. Frank Foulke. 

Mrs. Henry B. Robb. Abraham L. Smith. 

Mrs. Charles F. Hulse. Benj. Hayes Smith. 

Miss Elizabeth Moser Jones. Joseph A. Stei'nmetz. 

Mrs. Jawood Lukens. Charles Williams. 

Mrs Arthur V. Meigs. J. Randall Williams. 

Mrs. Charles Richardson. Rodman Wister. 

Mrs. George B. Roberts. Alexander W. Wister. 

Mrs. S. Bowman Wheeler. Miss Martha Morris Brown. 

Mrs. Howard Comfort. Mrs. Robert R. Corson. 

William Penn Humphreys. Mary Hollingsworth Stewardson. 

All of the descendants of John Cadwalader, 1677-1734, are descend- 
ants of Dr. Wynne: -■ 



there was thus G50 acres due him, besides 50 acres of the 
Liberty lands, as bonus; tliis besides the 100 acres due on 
the joint account, mentioned above. He went before the 
Land Commissioners, Edward Shippen, Griflith Owen and 
James Logan, 18. 4mo. .1705, and presented Ivis claim, as he 
understood it. 

The decision of the Commission as to the 100 acres was 
made as above, and from the Surveyor General's office it 
found that 2,125 acres of Dr. Wynne's 2,500 acres could be 
accounted for. That is, he had sold to Thomas Taylor 500 
acres, to John Bevan 300 acres, to Richard Orme 150 acres, 
to Humphrey Bettly 125 acres, to Richard Crosby 500 acres, 
and to Cary Southworth 300 acres, and had retained for 
himself 250 acres in Radnor. The Commission also found 
some evidence that the Doctor had sold some land to Roger 
Andrews and to Trial Rider, but not the amount. 

Of the Doctor's 250 acres, in Radnor, the Commission 
learned that it was confirmed to him by patent, dated 29. 
5mo. 1684, and that, of this land, he had sold 200 acres to 
Howel James, of Radnor, by deed of 9. lOmo. 1687 (who 
sold 100 acres out of the tract to David Evan, and 100 acres 
to his son, William James, who also sold to David Evan, by 
deed, dated 26. llmo. 1689), and had conveyed the balance, 
50 acres, to Hugh Williams. 

The Commissioners decided to throw out the possible sales 
to Andrews and Rider, after investigating for two years, 
and in 7mo. 1707, and granted a warrant to Jonathan for 
400 acres even, which he was authorized to lay out in the 
Welsh Tract if possible, that is, if he could find so much un- 
taken land therein. "The Commission considered that Dr. 
Wynne's son had all, and more, that was coming to him from 
his father's grant," was its recorded opinion. This land, 
400 acres, was finally laid out in the Chester Valley. 

As to the 50 acres of Liberty land, claimed due by Jona- 
than to complete his father's purchase, the Commission 
found out that his brother-in-law, Dr. Edward Jones, of 
Merion, had acquired, in some way not revealed, 10 acres of 



it, so a warrant for 40 acres only of this choice land was 
given him, which was laid out to him in the Liberty lands, 
or Blockley tp., southeast of the present settlement of Bala, 
just without the township of Merion. Here Jonathan 
erected a stone house, which he named "Wynncstay," after 
the Welsh seat mentioned, or, as is also said, "Wynne Stay," 
for he proposed to stay here till he died, which he did. The 
property remained in the possession of this Wynne family 
till after the close of the Revolutionary War. Since that time 
it has passed through the hands of several owners, and sev- 
eral years ago was completely "remodelled." In September, 
1910, it was leased for Miss Hannah Smedley to Mr. Alvin 

Jonathan also was granted a lot, 60 by 300 feet, in High 
(Market) sti'eet, in the city, due also on a^ v;ount of his 
father. This he devised to two of his daughters, Hannah 
and Mary, to be equally divided between them. He devised 
to his other three daughters, minors, 400 acres in The Great 
Valley, "Great Meadows," or Chester Valley, where he had 
also acquired by purchase 500 acres which he divided be- 
tween his sons, Thomas and John. 

The will of "Jonathan Wynne, of Blockley, yeoman," 
dated 29 Jan. 1719, was proved 17 May, 1721, by his wife, 
Sarah. Overseers appointed, "brother-in-law Edward Jones 
and Daniel Humphreys" ; if they died before him, then John 
Cadwalader and Jon. Jones. The witnesses were Rowland 
Ellis, Thomas Jones, and Edward Jones. He was buried at 
the Merion Meeting House, 28. 12mo. (Feb.) 1720-1. His 
widow, Sarah, was also buried here, 27. 2mo. 1744. He had 
by his wife, Sarah, whose surname has not been preserved, 
(unless it was Graves, or Greave, as there is reason to be- 
lieve) , married possibly at Lewes, about 1700-1, eight chil- 
dren mentioned in his will, and a son James, who was bvried 
at the Merion Meeting House, 24. 8mo. 1714, namely, 
Thomas, his heir, who was to have the homestead (near 
Bala) after his mother's death, John, Jonathan, Hannah, 
Mary, Sidney, Martha and Elizabeth. 



Mary Wyvnc, who vi. Dr. Edward Jones, of Morion. Issue, 

Rebecca Wynne, who m. first, at the Third Haven Friends' 
Meeting, in Talbot Co., Md., in 3mo. 1685, Solomon Thomas 
who d. s. p.. She w. secondly, 23. 7mo. 1692, John Dickinson, 
of Talbot Co., an uncle of Samuel Dickinson, son-in-law of 
John Cadwalader. 

Sidney Wynne, who m. in Anne Arundel Co., Md., 20. 
lOmo. 1690, William Chew, son of Samuel Chew, of this 

Hannah Wymie, who m. at the Merion Meeting, 25. 8mo. 
1695, Daniel Humphreys, son of Samuel and Elizabeth Hum- 
phreys, of Merion. 

TibitJui Wynne, who never came over here, but died in 
Englan-^^, after 1692. 




Company No. 5. The 3,000 acres of land subscribed for 
by "Lewis David, husbandman, of Llandewy Velfry," in 
Pembrokeshire, and conveyed to him by deeds, dated 2 
March, 1681, for whicli he paid £60, were taken, under deeds, 
dated in May, 1G82, by the following: 

William Howell, Castlebigch, Pembroke, yeoman, 500 

He"'ry Lewis, Narbeth, Pembroke, yeoman, 1,000 acres, 

Rees Pothers (Rotheroc), Lanwenog, Cardigan, yeoman, 
500 acres. 

Evan Thomas, Lanykeaven, Pembroke, yeoman, 250 acres, 

Lewis David retained 750 acres for himself, (24 Oct. 

His deed from Penn was similar to those of the other 
"adventurers for land;" — land was to be set out "as pro- 
vided for in the Concessions, or Constitucons, bearing date 
of 11th July last past," 1681, "to be holden in free and com- 
mon socage of him, the said William Penn, as of the signoi^y 
of Windsore," etc. His deeds to his sundry purchasers, or 
co-partners, were also, as those of the other adventurers, 
very explicit as to the tenure, citing the grant of King 
Charles to Penn, and the latter to Lewis David, In these, he 
was described as "gentleman." Lewis David was buried at 
the Merion Meeting, 2. Imo. 1707-8. 

On 16. 12mo, 1701, the following, being grantees, "in 
the right of Lewis David," of the original company, had their 
purchases resurveyed and confirmed to them: 

Henry Thomas, 400 acres, and 180 acres, in Haverford tp. 

John Lewis, Sen., 350 acres in Haverford tp. 

John Lewis, Jr., 100 acres in Haverford tp. 

Richard Hayes, 260 acres in Haverford tp. 



John David Thoinas, 210 acres in "Duffein Mawr" tp. 
Maurice Llewellyn, 420 acres in Haverford, 
David Rees, 2G0 acres in Haverford. 
David Hug-h, 220 acres in Haverford. 
Nathan Thomas, 81 acres in Haverford, and "100 acres 
in the upper end of the Welsh Tract." 

These further details of Lewis David's purchase are from 
the "Welsh Minutes" of the Commissioners of Pensylvania 

He took for himself 750 acres, but by deed of 10 May, 
1682, he sold 250 to "Maurice Skurfield," or "Scourfield," 
who by deed 22 April, 1699, sold the same to Owen Thomas, 
who by deed, 15. llmo. 1701, sold same to Ralph Lewis. 

William Howel, had deed, dated 10 May, 1682, witnessed 
by Daniel Humphrey, Rees Henten, and Humphrey Ellis, 
for 500 acres, which he had laid out in Haverford tp. and 
Marple tp. He sold 200 acres in Marple to Jonathan Hayes, 
and by deed of 29. 3. 1697, sold 220 acres in Haverford, 
to David Hugh. On his own right, and on account of Evan 
Thomas, whose widow he married, he had 15 acres of the 
Liberty land, in 1702. Howel sold his 10 acres Liberty land 
to Benj. Chambers. 

Henry Lewis bought by deed, dated 10 May, 1682, 1,000 
acres, for which he paid £25. Witnessed by the above wit- 
nesses, and V/illiam Howell. Part of the tract was laid out 
in Haverford. His 20 acres of Liberty land, or bonus, he 
sold to John Ball. He sold, by deed of 6. 12mo. 1684, 250 
acres in Haverford to John Lewis, who also had 100 acres, 
bought of William Rowe, who had same from Thomas Ellis, 
in Haverford. His son, Henry Lewis, Jr., by deed, 8. Imo. 
1694-5, conveyed 100 acres to John Lewis, Jr. Henry, Jr., 
also conveyed by deed of 12. Imo. 1694-5, to Richard Hayes, 
Sr., 50 acres, who had HO acres, bought of William Howel, 
and 160 acres from John Burge.* 

♦Filed with the Haverford (or Radnor) Mo. Mtg. about 1684-5, 
is the certificate, undated, of "Allice Lewis, daughter of James Lewis, 



Henry Lewis, Jr., having right to 180 acres in the Welsh 
Tract, on his father's account, and 79 acres, bought of John 
Burge, had same laid out in the Great ValleJ^ On resurvey, 
this 259 acres was found to be 352 acres, or allowing 25 
acres, he had 248 acres there, 68 acres being over-plus. He 
also had 50 acres over-plus in Haverlord, on his 400 acres. 
He bought the "overs." 

Henry Lewis, is probably the best known of this company. 
He resided at "Maencoch," as he called his seat, or planta- 
tion, 250 acres in Haverford. He and his wife, Margaret, 
removed from Narberth, in Pembroke, in 1682. "As a 
member of the Religious Society of Friends, he was strict 
in the performances of his duties, and, during the short pe- 
riod in which he lived after reaching his new home, he de- 
voted much of his time to civil affairs, and acts of benevo- 
lence." Before the establishment of the Haverford Monthly 
Meeting, in 1684, he belonged to the Tilonthly Meeting of 
Philadelphia, and was by that Meeting appointed one of a 
committee "to visit the poor and sick, and administer what 
they should judge convenient, at the expense of the Meet- 
ing." He held the office of "peace maker" for the county of 
Philadelphia, and was foreman of the first Grand Jury for 
that county. His Vvill, signed 6. 14. 1688, witnessed by 
Lewis David, Griffith Owen, and Thomas Ellis, all well 
known gentlemen, was proved in Philadelphia on 8. 8. 1705. 

He was a carpenter by trade, and o^vned a house and two 
lots in Philadelphia. He left his homestead to his wife, Mar- 
garet, and desired that, after her death, their sons, Henry 
Lewis, Jr., and Lewis Lewis, should have it. He provided 
for his son Samuel, an. daughter Elizabeth, who married, in 
3mo. 1697, Richard Hayes, Jr., of Haverford. 

of Llardevy, Pembrokeshire," saying she "is clear from all men on 
ye acc't of Marriage." Signed by Alice, Margaret and Lewis Mus- 
grave, Mary Morce, JIary Bowen, Mary and Henry Smith, Deborah 
Weston, Margaret and James Skono, Henry and Jone Hilling, Letica 
Pardo, James, Mary, and James Lewis, Jr., Anthony Tounson, Thomas 
Marchant, William Garret, John Perrot, and David Morgan. 



His father, Richard Hays, Sr., mentioned above, made 
his will 4. 8mo. 1697, which was witnessed by William Jen- 
kins, Adam Roades, Will. am Howell, Henry and Samuel 
Lewis, and proved 30 Oct. 1G97, leaving his estate to his 
wife Issat, and then after her decease to his son and heir, 
Richard Hayes, Jr. He gave legacies to his son John, and 
"cousin Sarah James," and to the Haverford Meeting. Trus- 
tees named : David Lawrence and Rowland "'^owell. Richard 
and Isatt were "aged Friends," when they removed from 
Pembrokeshire, to Haverford, in 1687. Their son, Richard, 
Jr., resided on the farm first taken. "Having received a bet- 
ter education than was usual among the early emigrants, 
and being withal a man of excellent business qualifications, 
he was almost constantly kept in some public employment, 
yet he managed his pecuniary affairs to great profit and ad- 
vantage." In company with David Morris and Samuel 
Lewis, Richard Hayes, Jr., erected, about 1707, a mill on 
Darby Creek, which for a long time was known as "Haver- 
ford New Mill," but now called Leedom's Mill. He con- 
ducted the mill at the time of his death, and for many years 
before, on his own account. He was a justice of the Courts 
of Chester Co., a member of the Assembly for seven years, 
and for years was one of the commissioners of the Loan 
Office. His children were Joseph, Mary, Hannah, Richard 
3d and Benjamin. 

The daughter Hannah Hayes m. at Haverford Meeting, 
10. 8mo. 1727, James Jones, b. in Wales, 31. 3mo. 1699, a 
son of David and Katherine Jones, who came over in 1700, 
and settled on their purchase, 350 acres, in Blockley, bring- 
ing certificate from the Monthly Meeting at Hendri Mawr, 
dated 24. 12mo. 1699, signed by Robert Vaughan, Cadwala- 
der Ellis, Evan Rees, Thomas Richards, Rowland Owen, Ed- 
ward David, Owen Lewis, Thomas Cadwalader and John 
Robert, and a certificate from the Men's Meeting, in Haver- 
ford West, dated 4. Imo. 1699-00. David Jones was one 
of the first that was appointed an Elder in the Haverford 



Meeting, "He conducted faithful!, and was approved of, in 
good esteem to his dying day, which was the 27. Gmo. 1725, 
and was buried at Morion." His wife, Katherine, appears 
from the minutes of the Haverford Monthly Meeting to have 
been called into active service in the Meeting almost imme- 
diately after arrival in this country. 

Richard, Jr.'s son Benjamin Hayes, m. at the Merion 
Meeting, 2. lOmo. 1737, Mary, b. 14. 5mo. 1707, daughter of 
Jonathan Jones (son of Dr. Edward Jones, of Merion), and 
Gainor Owen, and had Elizabeth, b. 16. 7mo. 1738. 

Evan Thomas, who bought by deed, witnessed by Hannah 
Hardiman, Mary Phillpin, and Henry Lewis, 10 May, 1682, 
250 acres, died and left his rights to his children, Daniel 
Evan, or Evans, and Mary, and his widow, Mary, (who re- 
married William Howel), who sold it. By deed, 22 Aug. 
1700, they sold 75 aci'es to Nathan Thomas, and 170 acres 
to John Bevan. 

Rees Rothers, or Rytharch, Rutrach and Rotheroe, who 
bought for £10, by deed, dated 10. 3mo. 1682, witnessed by 
Samuel Rees, Tho. Ellis, David Lawrence, George Painter, 
John Humphrey and Morris Llewellyn, 500 acres in Haver- 
ford tp., sold 120 acres, by deed, dated 12. lOmo. 1692, to 
Thomas Rees. Next day, he transferred the same to Wil- 
liam Lewis, who, by deed of gift, 6 Jan. 1700-1, gave the 
same, with 125 acres he had bought of John Bevan, to his 
son, David Lewis, who subsequently bought 100 acres from 
Morris Llewellyn, in Haverford. Rytharch also sold 100 
acres to George Painter, and, by deed, 6. Bmo, 1695, he con- 
veyed 30 acres to Maurice LlewelljTi (who held 390 acres 
more in Merion, being part of his father's original 500 
acres), bought by deed dated 20 Jan. 1681, (100 acres had 
been sold to David Lewis). The balance of Rytharch's land 
lay in Dyffrin Mawr tp., and of this, he sold 210 acres to 
John David Thomas. 

Of Lewis David's balance of 500 acres, and 10 acres of 
liberty land, ("sold to B. Chambers"), he sold 260 acres 



in Haverlbrd to "Pcreg-r. Musgrove," who by deed, 14 Nov. 
1699, sold the same to Samuel Lewis, who by deed, 21 
March, 1699-1700, sold same to David ap Rees (Frees, or 
Price), whose son, Jolm Price, inherited it. (Burials at 
Merion Meeting, Gwenllen, wife of David Price, 6. 20. 1715, 
and Hannah, wife of David Price, 10. 13. 1727). 

Lewis David also sold 30 acres in Haverford, by deed 28 
Feb. 1691-2, to William Jenkins, (on account of 250 acres 
William Jenkins bought of John Poyer, — the Lewis David 
lands, — he had 5 acres of Liberty land in 1702), who 
by deed, 24. 6mo. 1698-9, conveyed the same to William 
Rowe, together with 30 acres he had from John Poyer, out 
of his 250 acre tract he bought of John & Wynne. William 
Rowe's executors, Rowland Ellis and Thomas Paschall, by 
deed of 8. 9mo. 1700, conveyed two lots of 30 acres each to 
Daniel Humphreys. The will of William Rowe, marked 8. 
3mo. 1699, in the presence of John Roberts, Daniel Hum- 
phreys, and Lewis Waker, was proved 1 July, 1699. His 
wife, un-named, was living. He bequeathed his estate to 
his daughter, Grace Rowe, and legacies to the Haverford 
Meeting, to David Lawrence and Rowland Howell. Names 
guardians for daughter, John Lewis, David Maurice, and 
Henry Lewis. 

By the usual deeds of lease and release, dated 24. and 25. 
Oct. 1681, Willirm Penn conveyed to William Jenkin, or 
Jenkins, "a Friend who had suffered," of Tenby, in Pem- 
broke, 1,000 acres of land. Of this grant, Jenkins conveyed 
600 acres to Francis Howell, of Llancilio, in Caermarthen, 
by deed of 1 Sept. 1686, which tract was laid out to him in 
Duffryn Mawr, or Whiteland tp., in Chester Co. The bal- 
ance of the grant was also located in Duffryn Mawr and laid 
out to Jenkins, who conveyed 250 acres of it, by deed of 30 
Sep. 1686, to James Thomas. But when Jenkins removed to 
Pensylvania, about 1686, he settled on the 250 acres which 
he bought of John Poyer, 13 July, 1686, in Haverford. About 
1698, William Jenkins removed into Abington tp., then in 



Philadclplii<a Co., and J(?nkintown was named for him. In 
1691, he was a justice in Chester Co., and in IGOO and 1695, 
a member of the Assembly. He died 7. 4mo. 1712, aged 54 
years, having married, 2. 7mo. 1673, at Tenby, Elizabeth 
Lewis, died 14. 9mo. 1711, daughter of Lewis Griffith. The 
births of their four children are recorded at the South Wales 
Llonthly Meeting. Of these, Margaret, b. 23. omo. 1G74, 7;?. 
at Haverford Meeting, 15. 9mo. 1G92 (first \ Ife), 
Paschall, Jr., of Chester Co., and had eleven children, d. 
17. llmo. 1728; and Stephen Jenkins, 1690-1761, m. at the 
Abington Meeting, 14. 9mo. 1704, Abigail, a minister among 
the Friends, who d. 2. 9mo. 1750, di.ughter of Phineas Pem- 
berton, of Bucks Co., Pa., and had seven children. 

Lewis David also sold, 5. 9mo. 1691, 10 acres, and 30. 3mo. 
1700, a lot and grist mill, in Haverford tp., which he held 
with Humphrey Ellis, to William Hov/el. 

Lews David also held about 190 acres in Dyffrin Mawr tp. 

Morris Lletvellyn, of Haverford, mentioned above, 
bought by deed dated 1. 1. 1697-8, for £100, a tract of 500 
acres, in Haverford, from the estate of Nathaniel Pennock, 
(who died 15. lOmo. 1697), the heir to George Collet, of 
Philadelphia, a glover, who had bequeathed this right, in 
lOmo. 1686, to Nathaniel, a minor. The said Nathaniel died 
unmarried, and his father, Christopher Pennock, adminis- 
tered his estate, and conveyed the right to the 500 acres to 
Llewellyn. This land was a portion of 5,000 acres Penn 
had sold, 14. 6mo. 1682, to Joshua Holland, of Chattam, 
Kent, mariner, whose son, John Holland, of same place, a 
shipwright, had power of attorney to sell 1,000 acres, and 
therefore sold 500 acres "on West side of river Schuylkil," 
for £25, by deed of 13. 3mo. 1685, to said George Collet. 

The oldest land corner-stone extant, (discovered by Sam- 
uel M. Garrigues, surveyor, of Bryn Mawr, in 1889), is on 
the line of Hannah Llewellyn, to whom descended some of 
this land, and land of Haverford College, on the north side 
of Cobb's Creek. This stone, set up in 1683, probably by 



Morris Llewellyn, as a deputy surveyor, approximates the 
date of ownership of land here by the Llewellyns, and 
marked the corfter of the land of Thomas Ellis, on the south, 
David Llewellyn, on the west, and Morris Llewellyn, on the 
east, as on the east face of the stone is cut C — D M L, and 
on the west face C — MDLL — TE — 1683. 

Morris Llewellyn's 420 acres in Haverford were surveyed 
to 490 acres, before 16. 12mo. 1701, when he requested of 
the Commissioners warrant for the usual bonus of 10 acres 
of the Liberty land, which was granted, and ordered sur- 
veyed to him. 

Before the Land Commissioners, 27. 8mo. 1712, "Mau- 
rice Llewellyn" produced a deed from James Thomas, of 
Merion, conveying to him 100 acres in Merion, whereon the 
said James and his father had been seated. On official sur- 
vey it was learned there were 137 acres in this place. But 
when his brother David Llewellyn, surveyed it, he found only 
30 acres over, so Mon-is, taking benefit of all doubt, agreed 
to pay £15, "at the next Spring Fair of Philadelphia," for 
27 acres. The chain of title for this land starts with Penn's 
sale to Davies, and his conveyance by deed, 10. 6mo. 1686, 
to one Steel, of Llancillis parish, in Caermarthanshire, and 
Ellis Ellis, of Haverford, for 410 acres in Merion, 

Of this i ere wei'e conveyed 10 acres to Thomas Ellis, 100 
to Francis Howel, 100 to Morgan Davis, 100 to Francis 
Lloyd, and 100 to Thomas, of Merion, who gave it 
to the said James Thomas, his son, (subsequently of Whit- 
land tp., Chester Co.), who sold as above to Morris Llewel- 
lyn, of Haverford, by deed of 9 Feb. 1708-9. 

Francis Howel devised his 100 acres, 15. Imo. 1695, to 
his brother, Thomas Howell, who by deed dated 17 June, 
1708, for five shillings and natural affection conveyed the 
land to the aforesaid Morris Llewellyn. The old farm house 
of the Llewellyns, called "Castle Br'th," is still standing. 

The will of "Francis Howell, of Merion, yeoman," signed 
15. 1. 1695, proved 25 Sep. 1696, names wife Margaret sole 
executrix, names brother Thomas Howell, and sisters Eliza- 



beth, Margaret, Mary and Susan Howell. Legacy to James 
Mortimer, Witnesses, John Bevan, William Howell and 
John Humphreys. 

The will of his wife; and rehct, Margaret Howell, of 
Merion, was marked in the presence of Edward Jones, David 
Habard (or Havard), and John Humphreys, 12 Sep. 1696, 
and proved 25 Sep. following. She names brother James 
Mortimer, nephew James Mortimer, sister Margaret 
Thomas, cousin Betty Thomas, brothers-in-law David Jones 
and David (Haubot?), cousin James and lega- 
cies to Lewis David, John Hastings, Katherine Pris, her 
maid servant, "the residue of her time to be free," to Lewia 
Waker, to my negro, to John Simons, Nathan Thomas,* Owen 
Thomas, John, William, and Ann Habart (Habard), Eliza- 
beth and Katherine Thomas, Betty and Margaret Lewis, 
David Pugh, Mary Waker, John Pris, Mary, wife of Benja- 
min Humphrey, and her son John Humphrey, Mary, wife 
of David Morris, and to John Humphrey, Sr., and Jr. Lega- 
cies also to the "Meeting Houses of Merion and Haverford." 
Executors, Morris Llewellyn and James Thomas, Jr. 

1713, 22. 5mo., the Commissioners confirmed his land to 
Morris Llewellyn, amounting to three lots, 100, l.SO, and 
400 acres — bought of Lewis David, gent. 

•The will of "Nathan Thomas, of Merion, yeoman," signed 6. 2mo. 

1710, witnesses, Thomas Howell and David Evan, was proved 4 Aug. 

1711. He mentions his mother, Margaret Thomas, and "grandmother 
Thomas," brother Owen Thomas, sisters Katherine Pearson, and Eliza- 
beth Thomas, cousins Thomas and Mary Pearson, and John and 
Nathan Thomas. 


?CT£R. f'Jiv/iKDS 




Company No. 6 — The purchasers of the 5,000 acres of 
land for which Richard ap Thomas, of Wliiteford Game, 
subscribed, were not many, and his adventure appears to 
have been unprofitable. His heir had about the same trou- 
ble, as Dr. Wynne's had, in getting his father's land. 

From the Commissioners' Minutes 2. 12mo., 1701, we 
learn that Penn, by deed dated 2 1th of July, 1G81, for £100, 
conveyed to Richard ap Thomas 5,000 acres, to be laid cut 
"in the Welsh Tract," "of which none has been laid out 
Saving 600 acres on part of 1.300 Acres laid out to [Wil- 
liam] Wood and [William] Sharlow" [or Shardlow, Share- 
low, Sherlo, etc.]. Thi; , of course, was "not approv'd of by 
the Commis'rs". and the "100 Acres of Lib. Land [due, was] 
taken up by Hugh Roberts." At this Meeting "his Son and 
Heir, Richard ap Thomas, therefore requets Warr'ts to take 
up the said Land in the Welsh Tract." 

"The said Richard haveing been a Verry great Sufferer by 
his Father's embarquing for this Province, and deceasing 
before, or upon his Arrival, by which means he has been 
reduced to great hardships, 'tis Ordered that a War't be 
forthwith granted to take up 2,000 A's of Vacant land where 
to ]. i found in the said Tract, and that War'ts be also Issued 
for the remainder as fast as he can be accommodated." This 
was a very fair accommodation all things considered. But 
on 2. 3mo. 1704, he was assessed the quitrent to run "from 
the first laying out of the Welsh Tract." Before 7mo. 1702, 
Philip Howel bought 700 acres from said Richard. 

As to the 100 acres in the City Liberties, they were sur- 
veyed, 4. 7mo. 1701, "in pursuance of the Proprietor's War- 
rant, dated 8. llmo. 1700," to Hugh Roberts, to whom pat- 
ent for same was issued by the Commissioners 24 Nov. 1701. 



This land was located "upon the Indian Creek and the Mill 
Creek (Cobbs Creek), in Blockley tp., near Adam Rhode's 
Land," "in Right of Richard Thomas, first Purchaser of 
5,000 Acres." 

Richard Thomas, Jr., in the Spring of 1703, had consider- 
able trouble about his land, because the surveyor laid it out 
on a spot that the Commissioners had granted to "R'd In- 
gels, of Philad'a, Gent." in 2mo. 1636, in the Welsh Tract. 
On a resurvcy, it was found that Ingels had too much land, 
and with this "overplus" and some unclaimed land adjoin- 
ing, Richard Thomas was accommodated. 

Minute of 8. 9mo. 1703, Richard Thomas, the younger, wt.s 
granted "a High St. Lott of 132 foot in right of his Fathers 
Purchase, and 51 foot [lot] in the Front Street." 

On 3. 2mo. 1704, Richard Thomas, Jr., made returns of 
the following sales "of his 5,000 acres Purchased by his 
Father" :— 

To Philip Howel, 700 acres. 

To Robert Williams, 500 acres. 

To Edward Jones, 200 acres. 

To Hugh Roberts, 100 acres Liberty Land. 

To David Howel, 200 acres. 

To Robert David, 861 ^/i acres. 

"In all 178614 acres. [He] has taken up and Patented 
1,665 acres, which Make 3,45114, and there remains 
1,548%. To which 320 Being added, allowed to him (for 
which he is to Pay Rent for the whole 3,200 from tli;- first 
Location of the Welsh Tract as well P'r agreement), for tlie 
1,665 acres already Patented as for the Rem'd, makes 
1,868% acres to be Confirmed forthwith, he Paying the said 
arrears." See also letter of David Powell to James Logan, 
5. 12mo. 1701, super. 

It appears from the Minutes of Imo. 5th. 1715-16, that 
the 600 acre part of Richard ap Thomas's original purchase 
which was sold to Messrs. Wood and Sharlow, was laid out 
in New Town tp., Chester Co., and that Richard Thomas, 



Jr. claimed this tract, but tlie heii's of Wood and Sharlow 
protested, whereupon the Commissioners issued a patent to 
him, dated 8. Imo. 1716-7, for 243 acres in the "Chester 
County Welsh Tract," "in part of 600 allowed him instead 
of the like quantity confirmed to him in New Town." 

On 8. 2mo. 1717, "Richard Thomas, Son and Heir of 
Rich'd ap Thomas, haveing formerly obtained the Grant of 
a Lott of Ground on the River Schuylkill, to be laid out to 
him in Right of his ffather's Purchase, besides those Lotta 
laid out to him on Delaware side of Philad'a, which Lott on 
Schuylkill not being survey'd to him, he now desires that 
he might risign his Right to the said Lott, and that he would 
instead thereof grant him one whole Lott in the Back streets 
on Delaware side. The Comm'rs considers his disappoint- 
m'ts in not haveing his Lotts and Lands laid out to him be- 
fore he to age. Grants his Request, and a Warrant is 
signed and dated ye 25 of 7ber, 1717." This was done "for 
Richard ap Thomas in full of all his Demand." 

Richard ap Thomas, described as gentleman, as he was 
the owner of a freehold of £300 per annum, resided in Flint- 
shire, at "Whitford Garden," or Crossforth, when he first 
appears in the history of the "Welsh Tract." Nothing is 
certain of his ancestry. He was one of the early converts 
to Fox's teachings. 

He made arrangements to remove with his wife, and two 
children, to Pensylvania, but his wife backed out at the last 
moment, and remained at home with their daughter. It is 
tradition among their descendants, that Mrs. Thomas was 
never converted to Quakerism, and therefore was not "in- 
clined for Pensylvania." 

Mr. Thomas, with his only son, Richard Thomas, Jr., aged 
about ten years, and some servants, joined the Hugh Roberts 
party, and sailed from Mossom, in the ship Morning Star, of 
Liverpool, in Sep. 1683, and arrived at Philadelphia on 16 
Nov. 1683. Mr. Thomas arrived in ill health, and died 
shortly, in town, without having had opportunity to attend 



to • !ie locating- o.'' his land, or even the disposal of thr goods 
he brought over to sell. His will, dated 18 Nov. 1683, was 
probably drawn up just before he died, though it was not 
proved till 15 Jan. 1695-G, when Richard, Jr., was of age. 
He devised his lands in Wales and Pensylvania to Richard, 
his heir, and appointed Dr. Thomas Wynne the executor 
and guardian of young Richard. To his wife and only 
daughter, he devised his personal estate in Wales. 

Richard Thomas, Jr., lived with his guardian, at Lewes, 
in Co. Sussex, (Delaware), until Dr. Wynne died, in 1692. 
In 1693, he had considerable litigation over his Welsh land, 
attended to by his attorney, Gov. Thomas Lloyd. 

The difficulties he experienced, when he became of age, 
over his Pensylvania grant, are mentioned above. Of his 
father's 5,000 acres, he sold 1,785 acres to sundry parties. 
In 1703, he had patents for two tracts, one of 1,065 acres, 
on a part of which the present city of V/est Chester stands; 
the other, 600 acres, laid out in Nev/ton tp., he lost through 
bad surveys. In 1704, he had a third patent for 1,548 acres, 
but when it was laid out in Whiteland amounted to 1,869 

In 1699-1700, Richard Tiiomas, Jr., visited the place of 
bis birth in the old country. His descendant. Col. Rich-ard 
Thomas, in his memoirs, records that he heard that Richard 
found his sister "reduced to indigence," and his mother had 
married again, and was deceased, and that his step-father 
had dissipated all their joint property. 

When Richard returned to Pensylvania, he brought his 
sister with liim, and married her to Llewellyn Parry. They 
had a family, and descendants may be found in Chester Co., 

After his return, Richard Thomas, Jr., married Grace 
Atherton, and finally settled in the Chester Valley. In 1704, 
he is described as of Merion tp., a carpenter, and in 1711, as 
of Blockley tp. 



It is of record that Richard Thoinas, Jr., was married, 
by Friends' ceremony, (thougli there is no evidence that he 
was a I'"riend, or member of any Meeting here, so the cere- 
mony may have been performed by a Justice of the Peace), 
to Grace Atherton, at his own house, in Wliiteland tp., on 15. 
llmo. 1712-3, and that she was the daughter of Henry and 
Jennet Atherton, late of Liverpool. Richard Thomas, Jr., 
died at home, in Whiteland, in 1744, and was survived by 
his wife, who was buried with him in "Mahn's Graveyard," 
in East Whiteland tp., Chester Co. They had six children, 
and of these, E.-.nnah, b. 14. llmo. 1716-7, w. James Men- 
denhall; Mary, ( . 14. 5mo. 1719, m. John Harrison; Grace, 
b. 9. 7mo. 1722, m. Thomas Stalker ; Elizabeth, m. 28. 4mo. 
1750, Jonathan Howell, and removed to No. Car., and 

Richard Thomas, 3d, only son, heir to the Whiteland 
homestead, b. 22. 2mo. 1713, d. 22. 9mo. 1754. He m., at the 
Goshen Meeting, 10. 2mo. 1739, Phebe, daughter of George 
and Mary (Malin) Ashbridge, of Goshen tp,, 6. 26. 8mo. 
1717, d. 14. 6mo. 1784, and had five children, namely, Lydia, 
m. John Trimble; Grace, m. William Trimble; Hannah, m. 
Joseph Trimble; George, (see below), and 

Richard Thomas, 4th., of "Whitford Lodge," in West 
Whiteland tp., b. 30. lOmo. 1744, d. 19. Imo. 1832. Although 
a birthright Friend, on the outbreak of the war for inde- 
pendence he entered the army, and became colonel of a Pen- 
sylvania regiment, and served throughout the war. He was 
elected to the Pcnsylvania Assembly, in 1786, and in 1789, 
and the State Senate in 1790, and member of U. S. Con- 
gress, 1794, '96, and '98, in the 4th, 5th and 6th Congresses. 
He m. Thomazine, b. 26. 8mo., 1754, d. 4. 5mo. 1817, daugh- 
ter of Richard Downing, 1719-1803, son of Thomas Down- 
ing, the founder of Downingtown.* Issue. 

* Thomas Dov/ning, 1691-1772, a farmer, merchant miller, and a 
Friend, had also a daughter Sarah, who m. Thomas Meteer, a farmer 
and paper maker, member of the Falls, Birmingham, Wilmington, 



George Thomas, b. 21. 12mo. 1746-7, d. 17. 8mo. 1793. He 
inherited GOO acres of his father's estate, in West White- 
land tp., and when the Uwchlan Friends' Meeting House was 
used as a hospital, dui-ing the Revolutionary War, the 
Friends held their meetings at his house. He m., at the 
Merion Meeting, on 26. 5mo. 177<1, Sarah, daughter of John 
Roberts, and his wife, Jane Downing, (daughter of the 
founder of Downingtown), of Merion, b. 11. Imo. 1750, d. 
20. 2mo. 1840, and had nine children. 

and Baltimore Friends' meetings, and had Thomas Meteer, Jr., who 
m. Hannah, a daughter of Captain John Quandrill, of the Chester 
Co. militia, and had A'nn Meteer, 1798-1872, who ot. Eli Sinex, 1797- 
1830, of Staunton, Del., and had Thomas Sinex, 1820-1899, of Phila- 
delphia, father of John H. Sinex, of Philadelphia, and Edge Water 
Park, N. J. 



Company No. 7. The purchasers of the 5,000 acres for 
which "Richard Davies, of Welshpool, gent.," subscribed 
and had dc ;1, date 14. 7mo. 1681, were as follows, with the 
parishes in which they resided, tlieir deeds, bearing dates, 
19 June, and 30 July, 1682, give their occupations and sta- 
tion in life. 



Rowland Ellis, gent, Bryn Mawr 1100 

Richard Humphrey, gent, Llan Glynin 150 

Ellis Maurice, gent, Dolgun vcha 78 

Lewis Owen, gent, Gwanas 183 

Rowland Owen, gent, Gwanas 182 

Evan John 'William, gent, Llangylynin 156l^ 

Evan ap William, gent, Llanvachreth 15614 

David ap Evan, gent, Llanvachreth 1561/4 

Edward Owen, gent, "Late of Dalserey" 

James Price, gent, Mothvey 300 

John Roberts, gent, Llangian 150 


Ellis ap Hugh, [Pugh], (possibly of Merioneth) . . . .160 
Petter Edwards 100 



"To Richard Cook 100 acres, taken up for him in Radnor. 

"To John Lloyd 100 acres, laid out for hime likewise [in 
Radnor] . 

"To David James 100 acres, deceased — his daughter Mary 
James Executrix of ye sd father sold ye title & interest 
therin to Stephen ab Evan present possessor. 

"To Margaret James 200 acres, Samuel James in right 
of's wife the sd Margaret possesseth ye same. 

"To Richard Miles 100 acres, settles thereon. 

"To Thomas Jones [100] by his heirs the title thereof 
was made to William Davies the possessor. 

"To Evan Oliver 200 acres, deceased, his heirs sold ye sd 
quantity to ye sd William Davies the possessor. 

"To David Kinsey 100 acres, the Execut's of the deceased 
Kinsey sold the said tract to James James,* & ye sd James 
to Lewis Walker, who possesseth ye same. 

"To Petter Edwards 100 acres, he sold's title and interest 
to Thomas Parry, and the sd Parry to Tho Recs, ye present 

"The whole subdivided among ye above named first pur- 
chasers in England comes 5,000. 

"Whereof 2,656 accers & i/i- is laid out in ye Tovimship 
Rodnor, the remainder of ye property hath been laid pt in 
Merion the rest where the [mutilated] lives in ye Welch 

"Here foUoweth some ace more of lands taken up in ye 
said Township, part whereof by purchase & part rent land : 

"David Meredith 250 acres, purchased as by patent doth 

"Samuel Miles 100 acres, formerly took up att Rent, 
sometime after paid for as doth appear. 

*Will of "James James, of Haverford, yeoman," signed 18. 6mo. 
1708, v/itnesses, Richard Hayes, Rowland Powell, and Adam Roades, 
was proved 28 Aug. 1708. Wife probably dead. Names children, 
George, David, Sarah, and Thomas James (executor). Son-in-law 
David Lewis, and his children, not named. 



"John Evans 100 acres, took up att rent, in his posses- 

"William Davies 150 acres, formerly took up att Rent. 

"Stephen ab Evan 100 acres, hath taken up likewise att 

"all by orders in Radnor Welch tract." 

In pursuance of the order made by the Commissioners, 
23. 10, 1701, on 16. 12mo. 1701-2, the lands of these grantees 
of Richard Davis were resurveyed. John Roberts, malter, 
150 acres in Merioi: tp., and William Thomas 153i/i, acres 
in Merion tp., Radnor Tp., John Roberts, malter 150 acres 
in Radnor tp. The will of "William Thomas, of Radnor, 
planter," was marked in the presence of Philip Evan, and 
John Humphrey, 18. 7mo. 1687, and proved 4. 9mo. 1689, 
by wife Ann, to whom he left his estate, with remainder to 
William Thomas, if he will come to this country, otherwise 
his property was to be sold, "and the proceeds equally divid- 
ed between the children of my brother, and of my sister," 
unnamed. Legacies to cousin Rees Fetter, Ellis Ellis, Hum- 
phrey Ellis, David Lawrence, Katherine Morgan, Ellis 
Pugh, Evan Harry, Hugh Haney, and Daniel Haney. To 
Owen Morgan* one sow, and his son (Owen's) "to be re- 
leased after my departure, and if my wife depart before the 
time of his daughter be over, she also may be released." To 
brother-in-law David Davies, sister-in-law Katherine Da- 
vies. To be overseers, David Lawrence, Rees Petter, David 
Evan, and John Humphrey. 

Richard Davies' "alienation of his ;j,000 acres" was long 
the cause of misundei'standing by purchasers under him, 
especially as to city lots, and "Liberty lands" which went 

♦Will of Owen Morgan, of Merion, signed 23. 9mo. 1703, in presence 
of Daniel Thomas (marked) , John More, and John Bevan, was 
proved 26 Feb. 1703-4, by wife Blanche. Names son Humphrey Mor- 
gan, and daughters, Katherine Morgan, and Mary Carply. Friends 
Edward Morgan, and John Lloyd. To be overseers, William Lewis, 
Ralph Lewis, Ellis Ellis, and John Bevan. 



with such a purchase. Frequently the Land Commissioners 
had to explain that Richard Davies had no right to such 
extras on account of the whole purchase, because he had 
made it only in trust, and had conveyed the tract to parties 
interested, himself only being one of them, who had taken 
up lots in several parts of the city according to their shares 
purchased out of the 5,000 acres grant. And that Davies, 
himself, was only entitled to a twenty-five foot lot, which 
he had in High Street and Front Street, Philadelphia, Pa., 
on account of his share, namely, 1,250 acres of the grant. 
His Pensylvania land was managed and sold by many 
mentioned as his attorneys, as Thomas Lloyd, William 
Powel, Hugh Roberts, David and John Humphrey, Griffith 
Owen, Rowland Ellis, and David Lloyd. 

The Land Commissioners's "Welsh Minutes" give a few 
further details concerning the distribution of Richard 
Davies's land. He sold 2,656 acres in Radnor tp., and bal- 
ance was located in Merion and Goshen. 

Rowland Elhs sold, by deed 31 July, 1682, his 17 acres of 
the Liberty lands, to John Goodson. Of his 600 acres tract 
in Merion he gave 100 acres "to Edw'd Jones, of London, 
gent., for settling it," by deed of 6. 12mo. 1687. By deed, 
dated 11. 2mo. 1702, he bought back this land. Besides this 
Meriou land, he had 483 acres in Goshen tp. 

"John Roberts's, gent.," deed for his 150 acres in Merion, 
dated 30, July, 1682, recorded 24. 4. 1684, was witnessed by 
Rowland Owen, Ellis Moi-ris, David Evan, Owen Lewis, Sr., 
and Jr., Evan Harry, and Rowland Ellis. He also held 60 
acres adjoining where he resided, which he had from An- 
drew V/heelez', a Swede, 3 June 1699. 

(Will dated 25. 7mo. 1688, of "Jance John Morgan, alias 
Jane Roberts, of Haverford," left all her estate to "friend 
John Roberts, of Merion," who v/as to be sole executor. 
Signed in presence of William Howell and Blanche 
Sharpies) . 



Richard Humphrey died without issue, and his 150 or 
1561,4 acrcri, located in Radnor tp., were sold by his cousin, 
heir and executor, John Humphrey, 23. lOmo. 1693, to Wil- 
liam Thomas-. 

Richard Humphrey, "of Radnor, in the Welsh Tract," 
was the cousin and brother-in-law of John Humphrey, of 
Haverford. He had resided in the parish of Llangclynin, or 
Llan Glynin, Merioneth, and had the usual Friends' certifi- 
cate, dated 27. 5mo. 1683. His will, marked, and witnessed 
by Theodore Robert (marked), Benjamin Humphrey, and 
Rowland Ellis, 12. 12mo. 1691, was proved at Philadelphia, 
18. 12mo. 1692-3. He bequeathed all his land "to my brother- 
in-law, John Humphrey," who sold it. He gave legacies to 
brothers John Humphrey and Owen Humphrey, sister 
Katherine, or her children, unnamed, cousin John Owen, 
Lyddie Ellis, Rebecca, Ann, Daniel, Benjamin and Joseph 
Humphrey, also to the "Friends' Monthly Meeting for the 
service of Truth." 

Rebecca Humphrey and Elizabeth Owen, spinster, also 
came from this parish, bringing certificates which they filed 
with the Hiaverford Monthly Meeting. Elizabeth's certifi- 
cate was signed by Hugh Rees, Owen and William Hum- 
phrey, Robert, Evan, and Humphrey Owen, Humphrey Rei- 
nald, John Willia , Richard, Sr., Elizabeth, and Richard 
Stafford, Jr. Rebecca's was signed by the same, and Grif- 
fith Robert, Edward Ellis, Hugh David, Lewis Robert, Owen 
Lewis, Lewis Owen, David Edward, Ellis Moris, Robert 
Richard, Katharine Price, Janne Robert, Ellin Ellis, Anne 
Hugh, Margaret Robert, and Ann Humphrey. 

Evan John William, gent., divided his right to 1561,4 
acres, laid out in Goshen tp., giving part to his nephew, 
Richard Rees, and the other to "John Roberts, cordwainer, 
of Philadelphia, who is Rees Peter's wife's son." "Rees 
Petter, of Machanlleth, Montgomeryshire" brought certifi- 
cate, dated 27. 5mo, 1683, from the Quarterly Meeting at 
Dolyseerey, which he filed with the Haverford Monthly 



Meeting. It wa,", signed by Robert, Humphrey, and Richard 
Owen, Griflith and Owen Lewis, John Evans, Hugh Rcece, 
Amos Davies, William Thomas, and Evan, William, and 
Rowland Ellis. 

Evan ap William died at sea coming over. A letter of at- 
torney, dated 27 July, 1683, recorded 8. 5. 1684, at Philadel- 
phia, was given by Evan ap William, gent., and David Evan, 
both of Llanfaclireth, to John Roberts, of Langian, Caernar- 
vonshire, in a matter concerning their 3121/2 acres purchased 
of Richard Davies. It was witnessed by Tho Ellis, John 
Humphrey, Evan Ellis, and Rowland Ellis. By his will, his 
son Philip ap Evan, inherited his purchase, which was laid 
out near the New Town Friends' Meeting House, patent 
being confirmed to him, 27. 11. 1687. Philip died without 
issue, when his brother, David ap Evan, succeeded to the 
farm. The will of David Evan, of Haverford, was marked 
in the presence of John Bev.-n, Evan Bevan, and Elinor 
Bevan, 16. 1. 1698, proved 20 April, 1706, names his chil- 
dren, Harry, Sarah, and Elizabeth David. 

David ap Evan (David Evan) was himself a purchaser 
of 156i/i. acres from Davies, which tract was laid out, 22. 
llmo. 1687, along with his brother's tract, at New ToAvm, in 
the Welsh Tract. In 1701, David Evan had 398 acres in two 
parcels, in Radnor. 

Edward Jones's 250 acres were in Radnor. He, by deed, 
dated 4 Feb. 1690-1, sold same to James Morgan, who, in 
1701, had altogether 450 in Radnor, whose son and heir, 
John, inherited the place, but John Worrall had most of it 
in 1703. 

Ellis Jones assigned, on 12. 10. 1087, his 100 acres to Wil- 
liam David, who sold the same to John Morgan, by deed of 
15. 10. 1702, so the said John had 450 acres in Radnor tp. 
He sold 80 acres to Henry Lewis, of Haverford, who sold 
the same to John Worrall, or Worrell. 

Roger Hughes had deed, dated 20 June. 1682, for 250 
acres laid out in Radnor tp. By deed, 11. 7. 1691, he sold 



125 acres to David Meredith, who sold to Richard Moore. 
Roger sold his balance, in 1699, to Thomas Parry, after 
whose death, Richard Moore had it. 

Thomas Parry,* or Thomas ap Harry, a weaver, who 
bought this land, was the son of Harry ap Reos, of Henllon 
parish, Cardiganshire, and came to Pensylvania from Llan- 
elwith, in Radnor, bringing a certificate of membership 
from the Radnor Quarterly Meeting, dated 5. 5mo. 1699. He 
m. Elinor, daughter of John Edward, of Lanelwi parish, 
Radnor, and had two sons, Edward Parry, who m. 6. 8mo. 
1710, Jane, daughter of Robert Evans, and d. 28. 2mo. 1726, 
and Thomas Parry, Jr., who m. 27. 8mo. 1715, Jane Phillips, 
daughter of Philip Philip, of Radnor, (who d. 25. 12mo. 
1697), and had ten children. 

Roger Hughes subsequently bought 250 acres from the 
Commissioners, the money being paid to James Harrison. 
Of this, he sold, 20. 5. 1691, 150 acres to Stephen Evans, 
who had also 100 acres from David James. 

Richard Cooke located his 100 acres in Radnor tp., but 
did not come over from Wales, and probably lost his rights. 
Witnesses to his deed, 19 June, 1682, were Ed Jones, Tho 
Davies, Ric Jones, David Jones, Daniel Morris, Samuel 
Miles, Evan Evans, and others. 

"John Lloyd" remained in Wales, but had his 100 acre 
right laid out in Radnor tp. This probably should be Fran- 
cis Lloyd, who died, and his widow, Mary Lloyd, and son, 
Joseph Lloyd, cordwainer, both of Haverford West, gave 
power of attorney to Samuel Carpenter, a Philadelphia mer- 
chant, and William Howell, of H:.verford, to sell the 100 
acres, which they did to Mary, widow of David Haverd. 

*Will of Huprh Parry, of Merion, signed 26 April, 1731; witnesses 
Hugh Evans, Thomas Lloyd (marked), and Robert. Jones; proved 5 
June same year, mentions brothers Henry and Robert, and sisters 
Ellin, Jane, Elizabeth, and Katherine Pugh. 



Cook and Lloyd tried to sell throiigli D:ivid Meredith, and 
Stephen Evans, but they only disposed of their city lots in 
Walnut Street, near Fifth Street, in 1702, to Enoch Story. 

David Jones died, and his only child, Mary, sold his right 
to 100 acres, to Stephen Evans, in Radnor. 

Margaret James, spinster, after receiving deed, dated 20 
June, 1682, for her 200 acres, married by Friends' cere- 
mony, and in Welsh, at the house of Ann Thomas, in New 
Church parish, Radnorshire, 24. 4mo. 1682, Samuel Miles, 
of Hamhanghobyehoigen parish, Radnor, and they located 
the land in Radnor tp., removed to it, and bought 150 acres 
more from Thomas Lehnman. They sold 50 acres to brother 
Richard Miles, and, in Sep. 1705, had remaining 258 acres 
in Radnor, which, on resurvey, amounted to 352 acres, 
the excess they bought, paying 6s. 8d. per acre, and eighteen 
months' interest on the price of the surplus from the date of 
the original grant. 

Samuel Miles's will, signed in the presence of Edward 
Rees, Richard Miles, David Thomas, William Davies, and 
John Reece, 24. 4mo. 1707, was proved by his wife, [Marga- 
ret James], not named, 28 Apr. 1708. Names his children, 
Tamar, Phoebe, and Ruth, [m. Owen Evans]. To be over- 
seers brother Richard Miles, Stephen Sevan, and Edward 
Reece. Their first child, Tamar, was b. 21 Feb. 1687, and 
was the first Welsh child born in Radnor tp. She m. Thomas 
Thomas, of Radnor, and, after 62 years of married life, d. 
28. 7mo. 1770, a member of the Radnor Meeting. 

Richard Miles also located his right to 100 acres in Rad- 
nor, which re-surveyed amounted to 233 acres. He also 
bought from his brother, Samuel Miles, 50 acres, which was 
found to be 92 acres on a re-survey, and 20 acres from Ellis 
Jones, "the Govern's miller." By the first surveys in 12mo. 
1701, he supposed he had only 170 acres in Radnor, but the 
later survey showed he had 325 acres, so he bought the ex- 
cess from Penn, 155 acres, and paid interest on the cost of 
the "overs" from dates of the grants. 



Thomas Jones, of "Laulanread in Elvcl," or Glascombc. 
Radnorshire, gave his 100 acre right to his nephew, John 
Jones, who by deed, dated 30 Sber, 1685, conveyed the same 
to William Dayies, who sold it to David Evan, of Radnor tp. 

Evan Oliver's 200 acres were sold by his heir to William 
Davies, who, by deed, dated 18 Jan. 1702, conveyed 50 acres 
of the same to David Evan, of Radnor, and on 19 July, 1697, 
100 acres to Edward David. 

David Meredith, besides the 100 acres from Davies, bought 
100 from Corn (and on re-survey it was found 37 acres 
over, which amount he bought, paying a noble an acre), and 
125 acres from Roger Hughes, whicli he sold to Richard 
Moore. David Meredith, his wife Katherine, and children 
Richard, Mary, John, Meredith, and Sarah, came from 
Llanbister parish, Radnorshire, bringing the usual certifi- 
cate of membership in good standing in the Society of 
Friends, dated 20. 5mo. 1683. 

To Lewis Owen, 183 acres, Rowland Owen, 182 acres, 
Ellis Moi-ris, 78 acres, and Ellis ap Hugh, 182 acres, were 
conveyed 625 acres, in proportions named, in four deeds, 
dated 31 July, 1682. Witnesses to the deeds of the first 
three, as grantees, were the men of Merioneth, Owen 
Lewis, Sr., and Jr., Rowland Ellis, Evan Harry, and David 
Evan, and as grantors, were same, and Morris Ellis, and 
John Humphrey. 

The first three grantees, by deed dated 30 June, 1683, 
sold their rights to 443 acres for £19. 17. 2, English, to 
Thomas Ellis, as also did Ellis Pugh,* by deed dated 16 July, 
1686. This land, Thomas Ellis had laid out in Merion. By 
his will, signed 1. llmo. 1688, he ordered it sold to pay his 
debts, which was done 5. 7mo. 1698. 

♦Evan ap Hugh (Evan Pugh) made his will 21 May, 1703, and 
signed with his mark in the presence of Thomas Edward, Humphrey 
Bate, and John Robert. Proved 7 June, 1704, by wif. Ann. Names 
only son David Pugh, (but had other children) and nephew Hugh 
Edward. Overseers, John Humphrey, Edward Foulke, and Robert 



James Price, who had right to 300 acos in Radnor tp., 
by deed, 19 June, 1(;82, rented his land for three year from 
IG July, 1684, to David Price, and in case James did not come 
over to use the land, he could have it forever. "James never 
came," so Da -id sold the place, by deed 6. 1. 1696-7, to Hum- 
phrey Rces. David Price was also granted a city lot, "among 
the rest of his countrymen in Chestnut Street," between 
Fourth and Fifth Streets, and this by deed, 7 July, 1693, 
without even locating the lot, he conveyed to William 
Thomas, of Radnor, who sold it to Gov. Lloyd, whose execu- 
tor, David Lloyd, requested confirmation of sale, as said 
Thomas lost his life by accident before he executed the deed 
of sale. His widow gave the deed, 27. 2. 1702. 

John ap Evan, or John Evans, Sr., received his right to 
350 acres by deed of 19 July, 1682, witnessed by Edward 
Jones, Thomas Davies, David Jones, Richard Jones and 
David Morris. He located his land in Radnor tp. On i-esur- 

Roger Robert, of Radnor, marked his will, 5 July, 1720, in the pre- 
Bence of Robert Jones, Rees Thomas, W^illiam Thomas, and Robert 
Evans, and mentions his children, Robert, John, Owen, a'nd Jane, and 
grandsons Ro^er Robert and Roger Pugh. 

Will of Thomas Pugh, a mason, signed 3. 3. 1723: witnesses John 
Roger, Thomas Ellis, Ellis Robert, and Meredith David, proved 1 Oct. 
1723, by wife Ann. Mentions brother Job Pugh, and own sons Jesse 
and Roger Pugh. To be trustees, Robert Jones, of Merion, Meredith 
Davis, Robert Roger, Job Pugh, and Ellis Robert. 

Will of Heniy Pugh, of Merion, yeoman, signed 11 June, 1730, proved 
by wife Katherine, 1 May, 1731. Witnesses, Ellen Thomas (marked) 
Ellin Jones, Ann Jones (marked), Lowry Evans, Hugh Evans, and 
Robert Jones. Names children, Hugh, Robert, Jane, Katherine, Eliza- 
beth, Ellen, Henry, and Moses Pugh. Trustees, Thomas Thomas, 
Thomas Lawrence, Hugh Evans and Robert Jones. 

Will of William Pugh, of Radnor, yeoman, marked 19 June, 1705, 
witnesses Daniel Harry (marked) , Susanna Williams, and William 
Davies. Proved 19 June, 1798. Wife probably deceased. Names 
son, "Hugh Williams," and his children William, Catherine, Susanna, 
and Elizabeth Williams. Grandsons, Hugh Jones and Joseph Jones. 
Mentions "friends Richard and Ann [Roberts,] brother and sister of 
John Roberts, of Merion, and Jane, daughter of Robert Ellis." 



vey it amounted to only 300 acres, and was surveyed agai'n, 
and came out only 250 acres, and even then he had to buy an 
"over plus" of 25 v.crcs. By deed, 4. 4. 1688, Evans con- 
veyed 100 acres to John German, or Jarman, whose relict, 
"Margaret Jerraain," held it. On survey, it was made out 
to be 42 acres over, which her son, John, paid for at a noble 
an acre. "John Jarman, of the parish of Llangerig," in 
Montgomeryshire, and hi;, wife Margaret, and children Eliz- 
abeth and Sarah, brought certificate, dated 20. 5mo. 1683, 
from the Radnorshire Men's Meeting, which they filed with 
the Haverford Monthly Meeting. It was signed by Owen 
Humphrey, Danie! Lewis, Nathan WoodlifTe, David Griffith, 
Jon Lloyd, Edward Moore, Richard Watkins, Thomas Parry, 
Edward Jones, Richard Cooke, John Watson, Roger Hughes, 
John Robert, and Rees ap Rees. At same date (^i. <■. 1688), 
John Evans sold 100 acres to "Jno. Robert, of Haverford, 
smith," adjoining German or Jarman, on the north. The 
will of "John Robert, blacksmith," dated 26. 7. 1702, was 
proved 5 Jan. 1702-3. To daughter Margaret, wife of 
Thomas Kenderdine, and her children. Mentions his son 
John, and daughter, Elinor Jenkins, living in Wales. Exec- 
utors, John Bevan and John Rees. Among the witnesses 
was William Howell. John Robert, by deed of 9. Imo. 1699- 
00, sold same land to John Morgan, who also had 100 acres 
more of John Evans's land. Edward David, on 19 July, 
1697, bought "the remaining 150 acres," and this lot, with 
50 acres, he bought of William Corn (the son of one of 
Davies's grantees), was in Radnor tp., and he sold it to 
John Evans, "together with 500 acres of 'rent land,' of which 
he sold 50 to Edward David." In 12mo. 1701, the Land 
Commissioners supposed John Evans had 2,200 acres in 

Richard Corn, or Conn, got his 50 acres in Radnor, by 
deed, 20 June, 1682, his son and heir, William, sold it to 
John Evans, 6 Jan. 1690. 



By a triparty deed, dated 19, 6mo. 168G, between — 

Richard Duvies, Thomas Ellis, William Howell. 

Francis Howel, Ellis Ellis. 
Morgan David. 
Francis Lloyd. 
James Thomas, 
there was conveyed 410 acres of land, for £30, being part 
of 500 acres out of Richard Davies's 1250 acres, to William 
Howell and Ellis Ellis (son of Thomas Ellis), that is to say: 
— for Thomas Ellis, 10 acres, Francis Howel 100, James 
Thomas 100, Morgan David 100, and Francis Lloyd 100. 

The will of David Morgan, "of Merion, yeoman," marked 
15. 12mo. 169-1, in presence of Robert Owen, Robert Powell, 
and of John Humphreys, proved 18. 7. 1695, by wife Cath- 
erine, sole executor. William Howell, Morris Llewellyn, 
Francis Howel and David Lawi-ence, overseers. His estate 
to go to his two eldest sons, John and Evan, mentions son 
David. Legacies to daughters Katherine and Ehzabeth, and 
to the T.Ieeting House in Haverford. By deed of 8. 3mo. 
1695, the relict and the overseers onveyed David Morgan's 
100 acres to James Thomas, who willed the same to his 
second son, Nathan Thomas. In 12mo. 1701, James Thomas 
had 100 acres of the Richard Davies patent located in Mer- 
ion, and altogether, at this time, he held 300 acres in the 
Welsh Tract. 

"David James, from Llandigley and Glaseram [or Glas- 
cum] parish, in Radnorshire," and liis wife, Margaret, and 
daughter Mary, wrote to the Radnorshire Men's Meeting, 
from Pensylvania, in 8mo. 1682, asking for a certificate of 
membership, &c., which was given, dated 20. 5mo. 1683, 
and filed with the Haverford (Radnor) Monthly Meeting. 

David James had his purchase of 100 acres laid out in 
Radnor. His sole heir, Mary James, by deed, dated 23. lOmo. 
1702, conveyed the same property to Stephen Evans, of 
Radnor, yeoman, who came from Llanbister parish, Rad- 
norshire, bringing to the Haverford (or Radnor) Monthly 



Meetincr, his certificate from the Radnorshire Men's Meet- 
ing, dated :iO. 5mo. 1G83. 

Stephen Evans bought by deed of 20. 5mo. 1691, 150 
acres of David Meredith (who held 350 acres in Radnor, but 
in 1701, had only 200). Mnry James also sold her father's 
head right, or servant land, to Stephen Evans, whose son 
John Stephens had the whole surveyed. He declined to pay 
Quit-rent to the land officer, alleging that Penn was under 
some obligation to him for personal services. He probably 
satisfied the Commissioners, as there is no further mention 
of this matter. 

Roger Hughes, David Meredith, Richard Cook, David (or 
James) Price, and John Lloyd, had city lots, in Chestnut 
Street, between 4th and 5th Streets, reserved for the Welsh 
settlers, granted to them on account of purchases of land 
from Richard Davies, which lots were resurveyed to them 
28. 2mo. 1702. Hughes sold his lot to Meredith. Coo! and 
Lloyd sold their lots to said Meredith and Stephen Evans. 
By deed of 20. 9mo. 1702, they conveyed the four lots to 
David Lloyd, who then ovv'ned five city lots altogether, in 
Chestnut Street, between 4th and 5th Streets, which he sold, 
by deed of 23. lOmo. 1702, to Enoch Story, of Philadelphia. 

Stephen ap Evan, or Stephen Evans aforesaid, bought 100 
acres from. Richard Davies, and, with the two lots purchased 
as above, he had 350 acres in Radnor, and on resurvey, in 
6mo. 1703, it was discovered he had 47 acres "overplus," 
which he bought, paying Penn a noble an acre. The Land 
Commissioners found that he owed Mary James £11, and 
rent-money for her land from in 1684, and ordered this all 

Other land transactions in the account of Richard Davies. 

David Lloyd bought from attorneys of Richard Davies, 
15. 6mo. 1687, 90 acres, which he sold, 7. 7mo. 1687, to 
David Powel, who sold it, by deed 10. lOmo. 1687, to Evan 
Harry, and said Evan Harry also bought 74 acres from 
Powel, so that in 12mo. 1701, he had 104 acres in one tract, 



in Radnor. Evan Harry, who had land in Merion — 164 
acres he bought, which on the survey, amounted to 214 
acres, in 4mo. 1704. 

Grilfith Owen, John Humphrey, Rowland Ellis, and David 
Lloyd, acting as Davics's attorneys, and Edward Evans, 
conveyed by deeds of 6. Imo. 1698-9, and 6. Imo. 1696, 90 
acres to Joseph Growdon. 

"Richard Davies alias Frees," in 12mo. 1701, held 76^^ 
acres in Goshen tp., part of Richard Davies's 5,000 aci'es. 

Thomas Howell, in 12mo. 1701, held 100 acres in Haver- 
ford, being part of Richard Davies's 1250 acres there. 

Daniel Humphrey bought 5. 3mo. 1694, 50 acres of "over- 
plus land," due several purchasers of Richard Davies, in 
Haverford. He also held in Haverford, in 12mo. 1701, 200 
acres in rights of "T. Ellis, L. David and J. Poyer." 

Richard Moore, in 12mo. 1701, held 245 acres in Radnor, 
and Henry Price,* 300 acres in same township, bought out 
of the Richard Davies tract there. 

Griffith Owen bought some of this land in Goshen tp., 
which by first survey amounted to 401 1/2 acres. But on re- 
survey, in 9mo. 1703, amounted to 775 acres. He was al- 
lowed 40 acres "for measure," and promised to pay for the 

*Price families were numerous in the Welsh Tract. 

Will of Isaac Price, signed 4 Sep. 170G, witnesses, David William, 
Thomas Rees, and Rowland Ellis, proved by his wife, not named, 1 
Mar. 1706-7. Names children, Isaac, Mary, and Gwen Price. Over- 
seers same as the witnesses. 

Will of Philip Price, of Merion, yeoman, marked 11 Dec. 1719, in 
the presence of Rees Thomas, Owen Roberts, and Richard Thomas. 
proved 22 Nov. 1720, by wife Margaret. Names daughter Sarah 
Lewis, grandchildren Isaac Price, and S?muel, Daniel, Sarah, Mary, 
David, Isaac, Philip, Miriam, and John, the children of Thomas Rees, 
"late of Haverford," also grandchildren, ("children of John Lewis, of 
New Castle, Delaware county") , Elizabeth Stout, Philip, Stephen, Jo- 
siah, Sarah, Mary and Ann Lewis. Mentions Joan, wife of Hugh 
David, Lettice, wife of Samuel Rees, and Rebecca, wife of Thomas 
Rees. Overseers, Rees Thomas, Norris Llewellyn, and Robert Jones. 



Henry Harry, only son of Daniel Harry, grantee of 100 
acres in Radnor, in 168 — , asked confirmation by the Land 
Commissioners of this land to him, 25. 9mo. 1724. 

"From Macchinleth, in Montgomeryshire, Hugh Harris 
and Daniel Harris," is recorded on the passenger list of the 
ship "\'ine of Liverpool," which arrived at Philadelphia 17. 
7mo. 1684^ and from the minutes of the Havcrford, or Rad- 
nor Monthly Meeting, 8. 2mo. 1686, "William Howell and 
George Painter are ordered to speak to Hugh and Daniel 
Harry concerning their Parents money," and, in same, 10, 
4mo. 1686, "George Painter & William Howell according to 
former order did speak with Hugh and Daniel Harry, who promised yt if any friends would lay out money in 
England upon their parents account they would out of the 
Product or growth of this Countrey make them satisfac- 
tion." Their, as assumed, were variously Harry 
and Harris in dilTorent families. Hugh Harris, a weaver, 
and Elizabeth, daughter of William and Ann Brinton, of 
Birmingham tp., declared their intentions of marriage, at 
the Chichester Meeting 1. Imo. 1686. By deed 11. 4mo. 
1695, Mr. Brinton conveyed 250 acres of land in Birming- 
ham, to them, where they went to reside, and 19 Nov. 1707, 
Hugh bought 430 acres in East Marlborough tp., Chester 
Co. Hugh Harris died in 1708, having nine children. His 
four sons, Evan, William, Hugh, and John, and their de- 
scendants, had "Harry" as their surname. 

The will of Lewis Harry, of Radnor, marked 12. 7mo. 
1699, witnesses David Davies, Benjamin Humphrey, David 
Lewis, and Benjamin Lewis, was proved 1 April, 1700, by 
wife Abigail. Children named Harry, Mary, and Eleanore. 
The will of his son, Harry Lewis, of Radnor, signed 20 
March, 1701-2, in the presence of Peter Worrell, Edward 
Thomas, and David Evan, was proved 13 April, 1702, by 
brother-in-law John Worrell, names sisters Mary Worrell, 
and Eleanor Lewis. His father's servant, Richard Faddery, 
mentioned in both wills. 



John Evan Edwards, held at one time 625 and 194 acres, 
in Radnor. He bougth 200 acres of this land from John 
Williams, by deed of 10. 5mo. 1700, which was a portion 
of the estiite of Tliomas Ellis, whose administrator, Daniel 
Humphreys, had conveyed it to Williams. David Powel con- 
veyed, by deed of 22. 5mo. 1687, to John Evan Edwards 100 
acres, which was a part of the 500 acres he received from the 
Land Commissioners, by patent, dated 4. 4mo. 1686. On re- 
survey, it was found to be 123 acres, and Edwards bought 
the difference. 

The will of Thomas John Evan, of Radnor, who may have 
been a son of this landowner, signed 31, 1 mo. 1707, in the 
presence of friends Rowland Ellis, Sr., Joshua Owen, and 
Roviiand Ellis, Jr., was proved by his wife "Lowry John 
Evan." Children named, John, Joseph, and Elizabeth. 

All of these "Radnor town" original deeds had about the 
same witnesses, namely, Edward Jones, Thomas Davies, 
David James, Richard Jones, Daniel Morris, Samuel Miles, 
John Evans, and Daniel Meredith. 


C I r>f L « rv e|. Don r-r _3 o v>/ V t . 


Richard Davies was a recognized minister among: the 
Friends in Wales, and, as it appears, was an active friend 
of Penn, since he sold so much of his land. But, strange to 
say, he sold none of it in his home county. "The Journal of 
that ancient Servant of the Lord, Richard Davies," giving 
his autobiography, has frequently been printed. He was 
born at Welshpool, ]\Iontgomeryshire, in 1635. His parents 
were "Church of England people," but being apprenticed to 
an "Independant," a felt-maker, he became acquainted with 
Morgan Evan, of South Wales, a minister among Friends, 
who made the young man a convert to Quakerism. In 1659, 

he married in London, Tace , by whom, who died 

in 1705, he had a daughter Tace, who married 

Endon, and had a son, David Endon. Mr. Davies died at his 
home, Cloddan Cochion, near Welshpool, on 22. Imo. 1707-8. 

See the "Friends' Library," vol. XIII., for "An Account 
of Richard Davies," written in 1708, and a copy of the "Tes- 
timonies concerning him," given at the Quarterly Meeting 
held at Dolobran, 25. llmo. 1708. 

"Rowland Ellis, gent," a minister among Friends, with a 
good estate, the largest purchaser of land from Richard 
Davies, and subsequently one of the prominent men of the 
Welsh Tract, was born about 1650-2, on his father's farm, 
called "Bryn Mawr," near Dogelly, DyfTrydan tp., in Mer- 
ionethshire, where he resided till his removal to Pensylva- 
nia, having sold the old homestead, a modest stone house, 
wKich is still standing in a state of good preservation. 

Like other Welshmen who came over to settle here, he 
wrote out and brought his family genealogy, in Welsh style, 
still extant in the Evans family, so as to be in touch with 



"home." From it, we learn that he was the only son of 
Ellis ap Rees, or Ellis Price, whose father, Lewis ap Sion 
Griffith, of Nannau, built "Bryn Mawr House" in 1617. And 
that Rowland's mother, Ann Humphrey, was a daughter 
of Humphrey ap Hugh, of Llwyngrill, (the marriage settle- 
ment dated 1 Jan. 1649), and sister to John and Samuel 
Humphrey, purchasers of Welsh Tract land from the Lloyds. 
He is of record, 8. lOmo. 1704, as filing an account of his 
kindred and life with the Merion Meeting. 

Rowland Ellis became a Quaker about 1673, and like other 
Friends of his neighborhood, suffered impi-isonment in 1676, 
in Dolgelly goal, but, although he bought the largest block 
of land in the Welsh Tract purchased of Richard Davies, 
and helped get up his company, he did not remove to his 
purchase permanently till after sixteen years, when "beyond 
the Schuylkill" was no longer a wilderness. 

In 1683, Rowland Ellis sent in Hugh Roberts' party his 
farmer, Thomas Owen, who was said to be a relative, and 
Thomas's family, to have his land properly laid out, some 
in Merion, and some in Goshen, and to make a settlement 
on his Merion land, build a house, clear some fields, and 
begin a farm, and make the usual preparations for the com- 
ing of himself and family when convenient. Four years 
later, Rowland Ellis, then a widower, bringing his son and 
namesake, came over to look over the situation, with a view 
of permanently removing with all his family. 

On this trip to Pensylvania, he sailed in a Bristol 
ship from Milford Haven, on 16. 8mo. 1686. Many of his 
neighbors, about 100, all from about Dolgelly, accompanied 
him, and they had a long and tedious passage of 24 weeks, 
as they were obliged to come by the way of the Barbadoes, 
where the ship was detained six weeks, much to the dis- 
comfort of some of the passengers, but the saving of others, 
for coming, the immigrants generally experienced great suf- 
fering from being crowded in a small boat, and from the 
lack of proper accommodations for so large a party, and 
as it is recorded, "many died through want of necessary 



provisions, others from the remaining effects of their 'suf- 
ferings' [in Wales] and some that survived never recovered 
their former strength." If these passengers had not had 
the opportunity for recuperation at the Barbadoes, it was 
thought all would have perished before reaching the Dela- 
ware, so great was their suffering through bad food and 

Mr. Ellis remained here only about nine months, and 
then returned to "old Bryn Mawr," leaving young Rowland 
behind with uncle John Humphreys. So pleased was Mr. 
£llis with the outlook in the Province, that he bought a 
great deal of wild land in various localities at this time, 
and shortly after, and these land speculations eventually 
caused his financial ruin. 

Mr. Ellis seems to have made his second visit after 1687, 
and before his second marriage, as he brought a certificate 
of good standing from some Meeting (not named, and 
undated), probably the one held at Tyddier y Gareg, near 
Dolgelley, Merioneth, which he filed with the Haverford 
(Radnor) Mo. Mtg. It mentions him as "returning to his 
own country n; Lnely Pensilvania." It says that "he was 
free and clear from any promise or Ingagement up on the 
account of Marriage, as far as we know when he parted 
from us." Signed by Robert Ellis, Owen Lewis, Rowland 
Edward Humphrey, Robert and Harry Owen, Ellis Powell, 
Owen Humphrey, John Harry, and William Bevan. How 
long he stayed here is not known. 

In 1696, Mr. Ellis resolved to remove altogether, with 
his famil3% excepting his daughter Ann, who was left in 
possession of "Bryn Mawr," and who was then married to 
the Episcopal clergyman, to his American possessions. He 
sailed from Liverpool again, with a hundred passengers 
from his neighborhood, who having the experience of their 
former neighbors, provided against the discomforts of a 
long voyage. They arrived at Philadelphia in 4mo. 1697. 
He brought his certificate from the Garthgynfawr Meet- 



ing, dated 7. llmo. 1696-7, signed by Lewis Ow« n, Rowland 
Owen, David Jones, and others. 

He resit d for several years in the little house erected 
by Mr. Owen, on his improved lanrl, which he named after 
his paternal home, "Bryn Mawr," a name perpetuated by 
a beautiful town and a college, as his farm adjoined the 
Bryn Mawr College on the North. About 1704, (or was it 
1714?), he erected a more pretentious two-story stone man- 
sion on his "Bryn Mawr" farm, which is still standing, but 
renamed "Plarriton" by a subsequent owner. 

An interesting and long letter from Mr. Ellis, written in 
1698, to his son-in-law, Rev. Mr. Johnson, is preserved, (see 
Pa. Mag. 1894), and tells considerable about his new home. 
He wrote : — "Our house lies under ye Cold N. W. wind, and 
just to the South Sun, in a very warm bottom near a stream 
of very good water. We have cleared about this run about 
1'. or 12 acres for meadow land, very good so'l, black morld 
m.jl.^t over.... We have as much more such ground for 
meadow, when we may have to enclose it. Few, or none of 
our countrymen have the like convcniency of meadow land. 
We have above six acres of wheat sown in good order, and 
an accer and half of ye last summer fallow for barley. We 
now begin to clear in order for to sow Oats.... We are 
about to enclose with rail fence about 40 accre." 

He said his farm property here wps about forty perch 
in length, and four perch in breadth. From his statement, 
it may be imagined Mr. Ellis had but little of his land under 
cultivation, and hardly crops enough to sustain his family, 
and this all seems a very miniature farm, in his great hold- 
ings, for from the minutes of the Land Commissioners, 
12. 2. 1703, we learn that Rov/Iand Ellis, having purchased 
of Richard Davies 1100 acres, by deed dated 30 July, 1682, 
recorded 30. 5. 1684, witnesses being Ellis Morris, Row 
Owen, Owen Lewis, Sr., and Jr., David Evan and Evan 
Harry, he had 500 laid out in Merion, and 483 in Goshen 
tp., having sold 117 acres. And that on resurvey, he had 



in Morion 881 acres, and in Goshen 311 acres, and altogether 
1222 acres of land. It was found that he had only 39 acres 
of "over plus" land, and this he promised to pay for, so 
patent was issued to him for 1222 acres. 

By deed of 24 Feb. 1708, Mr. Ellis, for £180, conveyed 
to Rees Thomas, of Merion, and William Lewis, of New 
Town, 300 acres, "wherein the said Rowland Ellis now 
dwells, with the tract of land thereunto belonging." But 
Mr. Ellis's residence, still standing, was on the following 

In 1717-9, Rees Thomas and William Lewis sold 700 acres, 
(the above 300 acres included), and apparently "Bryn 
Mawr," which lay on what is knowTi as the Gulf Road, 
(that is, this road passed diagonally through the South 
part of the tract, and bounded it on the South- West), to 
Richard Harrison of Herring Creek, in Maryland, whose 
second wife Hannah, a Friends' minister, was a daughter 
of Judge Isaac Norris, and a granddaughter of Gov. Thomas 
Lloyd. 1719, Oct. 23, Mr. Ellis confirmed by one deed of 
this date, his whole tract of 718 acres to the said Richard 
Harrison, and for which he paid £600. The land of John 
Williams, Hugh Pugh, Thomas Lloyd, Hugh Evans, Owen 
Roberts, Thomas Nicholas, Philip Price, and Peter Jones, 
were bounds to Mr. Ellis's land in 1719. On this land is 
the "Harrison Family Cemetery," where Richard Harrison 
was buried in 1747-8. 

Mr. Harrison's son-in-law, Charles Thomson, the well 
known secretary of the Continental Congress, lived in Mr. 
Ellis's stone house, on the Gulph Road, some three miles 
from Gulph Mill, and changed its name to "Harriton." He 
was buried in the Harriton Cemetery, in 1824, with his 
wife. It was while Mr. Thomson lived here, "12 miles from 
the State House," that Gen. James Potter, of the American 
army, wrote the following report to President Wharton, of 
Pensylvania dated 15 Dec. 1777. 



"Last Thursday the enemy march out of the City with 
a desiiie to P\irridge, but it was Nessecercy to drive me out 
of the way; my advanced picquet fired on them at the 
Bridge; another party of one Hundred attacted them at 
Black Hors. I' was encamped on Charles Thomson's place, 
where I staeconed two Regments who attacted the enemy 
with viger. On the next Hill, I staeconed three Regments, 
letting the first line know, that when they were over pow- 
ered, they must Retreat and form behind the second line, 
and in that manner we formed and Retreated for four miles; 
and on every Hill we disputed the matter with them. I\Iy 
people Behaved well, espealy three Regements, Commanded 
by the Cols Chambers, Murrey, and Leacey. His Excellen- 
cey Returned us thanks in public orders.* But tlie cum- 
plement would have been much more substantiale had the 
Valant Generil Solovan Covered my Retreat with two Devis- 
sions of the Army, he had in my Reare, the front of them 
was about one half mile in my Reare, but he gave orders 
for them to Retreat and join the army who v/ere on the 
other side of the Schuylkill about one mile and a Half from 
me, thus the enemy Got leave to plunder the Countrey, which 
they have dun without parsiality or favour to any, leaving 
none of the Nessecereys of Life Behind them that they 
conveniantly could Carry or destroy." 

In those days, fifty years after he left the neighborhood, 
there were strenuous times about the old home of the mild 
Quaker minister. 

In 1700, Rowland Ellis represented the Welsh Tract, or 
at least Merion, in the Assembly, and generally he was an 
active man in Welsh affairs, and because of his sound judg- 
ment in all cases, civil and religious, he was highly respected, 

*"The Commander-in-Chief, with great pleasure, expresses his 
approbation of the behavior of the Pensylvaiiia Militia yesterday, 
under General Potter, on the vigorous opposition they made to a body 
of the enemy on the other side of the Schuylkill." From "Orderly 
Book," 12 Dec. 1777. 



not only by tli. Welsh Quakers, hut in the Province gener- 
ally. His last attendance at Quarterly Meeting was in 
Philadelphia on 31. Cmo. 1731, 

Mr. Ellis was taken suddenly ill, after attending meeting 
at Gwynedd, and died iii 7mo. 1731, in his 80th year, at the 
home of his son-in-law, John Evans, in "North Wales," or 
Plymouth, Philadelphia Co. (where he lived in 1717), and 
was buried there in the ground of the Gwynedd Monthly 
Meeting, which Meeting prepared a Memorial respecting 
him, stating he had "a gift in the ministry which was ac- 
ceptable and to edification." 

About 1672, Rowland Ellis* was married first to his 
cousin, Margaret Ellis, daughter of Ellis Morris, of Dolgun, 
and by her had a son and a daughter: 

Ann Ellis, "married out," in 1696, to the Rev. Richard 
Johnson, of the "Established," or P. E. Church, who was the 
curate of Dolgellj% and had issue. Mr. Ellis was much 
attaci ed to his wayward daughter, but as she was disowned, 
he did not know, in 1699, if she was living, and wrote to 
inquire "whether she is quite dead." 

Rowland Ellis, Jr., who came over with his father in 
1686-1687, seems to have died without issue. On 19. 3mo. 
1725, he requested warrant of the Commissioners for 
the survey on 3,000 acres which he had purchased, paying 
£130, by deed, dated 3 April, 1721, of Daniel Warley, Jr., 
the son and heir of a London wool merchant, who had 
bought the lai.d in 1695. 

Mr. Ellis married secondly, after his second trip to Pen- 
sylvania, his cousin Margaret Roberts, daughter of Robert 
ap Owen Lewis, of Dyffryddan, and had by her, who died at 

*In her will, marked in the presence of Edward Rees and Rowland 
Ellis, on 9. 8i. 1716, proved 19 Aug. 1717, Rachel Ellis, of Haver- 
ford, mentions cousin Rowland Ellis and Elizabeth Ellis, and her 
brother Evan Ellis, and William Ellis, and sisters Elizabeth, Bridget, 
atid Rebecca Ellis. 



Plymouth, about 1730, four children, of whom Elizabeth, 
Robert, and Catherine, b. 1G97, died unmarried, and 

Ellin Ellis, (or Eleanor) who d. 29. 4mo. 1765, aged 76 
years. She married at the Merion Meeting, on 8. 4mo. 1715, 
John Evans, of Gwynedd, Philadelphia Co., a Friends' min- 
ister, (a son of Cadwalader Evans, 16G4-1745, of Gwynedd), 
and had by him., who d. 23. 9mo. 1756, (his will dated 16. 
9mo. 1756, proved 22 June, 1757), eight children. Of these 
the only known grandchildren of Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn 
Mawr," — 

Cadwalader Evans, 1716-1773, m. Jane Owen. 

Rov^'land Evans, 1718-1789, m. Susanna Foulke. 

Margaret, wife of Anthony Williams. 

Jane, wJ. of John Hubbs. 

Ellen, second wife of Ellis Lewis. 

Elizabeth Evans, spinster, 1726-1805. 

John Evans, 1730-1807, m. Margaret Foulke. 

Thomas Ellis, of Dolserre, in Merionethshire, having 
bought a great deal of the Robert Davies land, is included in 
this section though he was not one of his subscribers, but was 
originally an independent purchaser from Penn. He was 
one of the party of Welsh Quakers who interviewed Penn, 
in London, in May, 1681, about land in his Province, and, 
being a personal friend of John ap Thomas, accompanied 
him. Becoming convinced of Penn's representations, he 
bought from him 1,000 acres, on his own account, and not as 
a trustee, or "Adventuring Company," which land was sub- 
sequently laid out to him in the upper part of Merion. 

It is supposed that Thomas Ellis was born in Mont- 
gomeryshire, though there is nothing definite known of 
his people. When he first came into notice, he is a minister 
among Friends, and travelled much throughout Wales, often 
in the company of the missionary, John Burnyeat, and was 
arrested at Machynlleth, and at Aberystwith, for being at 
meetings and preaching, and was imprisoned, and "suffered" 



in other ways, and by 1G83, he had had enough of Wales, 
joined the party of Hugh Roberts, and came over o Pen- 

lie filed with the Philadelphia Mo. Mtg. his certificate 
from the Dolserre Quarterly Meeting, dated 27. 5 mo. 1C83. 
He also filed with the Haverford Mo. Mtg. his certificate 
issued to himself, his wife, and family, from the Mo. Mtg. 
at Redstone, in Pembrokeshire, dated 2. 7mo. 1G83, signed 
by Edward Lloyd, John Poyer, John Bourge, James Thomas, 
William Jenkins^ Evan Rowen, Lewis James, James Lewis, 
Richard White, David John, David Rees, and Peregrin Mu3- 

Where Mr. Ellis, with his wife and family, resided after 
settling here, is not known, but from the following letter, of 
1685, it was not far from the Haverford Meeting house, and, 
afterwards, in the city, on account of his public life, and 
because of his travels. In the Province, he became a man of 
considerable prominence, even among the English, and, at 
the time of his decease, he was the register-general of the 
Province. His speculations in land were extensive and 
intricate, and on this account his estate was involved in 
litigation which caused his executor considerable trouble. 

There is a rather interesting letter, printed in full in the 
Journal of the Friends' Historical Society, London, (issue 
of Nov. 1909), written by Thomas Ellis, while at Dublin, 
dated 13. 4mo. 1685, addressed "To Phillipp ffoord att Hood 
an Scarfl[ in Bow Lane, London, for G. ff', these deliv'r with 
Care." This was the Mr. Ford with whom and his shrewd wife 
Mr. Penn had certainly peculiar relations, of which else- 
where, and which are fully set out by Mr. Shepherd in his 
"History of Proprietary Government in Pensylvania." 

Mr. Ellis's letter was written on his return from Pen- 
sylvania, where he writes he had "left a tender wife and a 
considerable family of children and Servants well settled 
and ordered, considering the time, in a good neighborhood." 



"Abt 15 families of us have taken our Land together 
and are to be abt 8 more that have not yet com, we took (to 
begin) 30 accres a piece, we built upon and doe improve 
[this land], and the other Land we have for Ranf^p to our 

"We have our buriyng place where we intend our [Haver- 
ford] meeting house [shall be], as neer as we can to fhe 
Center, [of the settlement]. Our first day and week dayes 
meetings [are] well observed, besides our mens and womens 
meetings, and another Monthly Meeting [besides the great 
Philadelphia Mo. Mtg.], both in week dayes, unto wch four 
townships, [Merion, Haverford, Radnor and Schuylkill] at 
Jeast belongs," 

I Mr. Ellis advises Friends to remove from Wales to Pen- 
sylvania, because there is no hope, so far as he can see, 
of their ever doing so well, or of ever being better off than 
now, in the old country. 

"I cam from home since the 12mo. intending to be at the 
yearly meeting but could not have any shipping for 6 weeks 
being there was so much winter wether the like was hardly 
known, and so no seasoning wetlier for their tobacco, and 
a sore visitation in Mariland, in so much that hundreds dyed 
there in this last falls and winter of all sorts of people, 3 
or 4 doctors [died] on the easter shore while I was there. 
dear Thomas Taylor and his wife [of Maryland], and Bryan 
Mele and Thomas fFurby, and many others, servicable 
friends, by a violent feaver, but it seems to be well over 
before I cai^i thence." 

"I suppose you have had an account of Pensilvania affairs 
by newyork as was intended at the monthly meeting at 
Philadelphia," he asks Mr. Fox, whom he addressed as "My 
dear and fatherly friend," and informs him, "the president 
[Thomas Lloyd] was not then at home, but was expected 
from newyork." 

"Several young people continue to com over without cer- 
tificates which is a trouble to friends, I am like to con- 



timie in Wales a wliile wlien I \vt)uld be glad to mei t with 
William Einyley or sucli. 

[Signed] "Thou knowest Tho Ellis."* lie requests his 
mail lying in London bo forwarded to him in care of "Pere- 
grine MusgravGs, clothier, in Haverford west, in Penbroke- 
Bhire, South Wales." 

In the "P. S.", Mr. Ellis continues, "I have sent a few 
lines for W. P.". . . ."dated here abt 4 dayes agoe." "If W. 
P. [has] not received it let him have part of this" [letter], 

Thomas Ellis's first grant, by general description, was 
1,000 acres, located in Merion. On survey it came out 819 
acres, and on a resurvey only 735 acres, which gives us 
a fair idea of the ability of Penn's official surveyors at 
that time. 

"Of the Richard Davies purchase Thomas Ellis, gent., of 
Jsoregenan, in Merioneth, bought of the mesme purchasers," 
namely, Lewis Owen and Rowland Owen, of Gwanas, Ellis 
Maurice (or Morris), of Dolgunucha, and Ellis Pugh, 625 
acres in Merion, for himself, and 1,000 acres as agent for 
ethers. These purchases were conveyed by deeds dated in 
1684 and 1686, and witnessed by Owen Lewis, Evan Harry, 
and John Humphrey, of Llanwddyn. Mr. Ellis took up 
these lands by warrants, dated 3. llmo. 1687., and kept for 
his trouble all of the lands in the city Liberties, due on ac- 
count of the purchases, besides all of the "overs." From the 
land records, he seems to have had over 3400 acres at one 
time, made up of Penn's grant, Davis' land, sundry rights, 
end "over-plus," but he had only between 800 and 900 acres 
in various places wher he died. 

Mr. Ellis was buried in the ground of the Haverford 
Mtg. By his will, dated 1. llmo. 1688, he desired that all 
of his land should be sold by his executors to pay his debts, 
but those he named as executors declined to act, because 

*For other particulars as to Thomas Ellis, see George Smith'* "His- 
tory of Delaware County," Pa., and "The Philadelphia Friend," maga- 
zine, XXVII. 



of the tangled state of his lands. Nor would his relict 
administer, and settle up his estate, for tlie same reason, 
and by her will, threw all this trouble to her executor Dan- 
iel Humphrey, and he generously undertook tlie task with 
the assistance of the mectinjj. 

As executor, Mr. Humphrey, by deed dated 5. 7mo. 1698, 
conveyed what was remaining- of the Penn grant, about 
625 acres, and 194 acres, in Merion to John Williams, and 
settled Ellis's account with William Penn, as he owed Penn 
£12.7.9, (being the balance due on the "1,000 acres," or 
763 and 84 acres, at 5s. per acre) — with a credit of £30 
Penn owed him. Some of Mr. Ellis's land lay in Duffryn 
Mawr, and Bertha Rowles bought 250 acres out of it, and in 
1701, his daughter, Rachel Ellis, held 250 acres there, in 
his right. 

A further account shows that Mr. Ellis had also about 
790 acres in Haverford, as there M^ere the following distri- 
butions and sales: — To his widow, Ellin, 30; son Ellis 
Ellis, 200; (and 30 from John Bevan) ; daughter "Brigid" 
100; son Humphrey Ellis, 90; (60, 20 and 10 acres), sold 
to Daniel Humphrey, 100 (90 only in Haverford) ; to George 
Painter, 90; (sold to John Lewis, Sr.) ; to Daniel Lawrence, 
90, (who also bought Humphrey Ellis's 90) ; to same, 60; 
to Daniel Humphrey, 20; to William Howell, 10, (sold to 
Rowland Powel) . Or, there was sold 690 acres, and daughter 
Rachel Ellis had besides 101 acres in Haverford. 

In 1700, Daniel Humphrey, of Haverford, held some 200 
acres, made up of 90 acres bought (23. 12. 1684) from 
Thomas Ellis; 30 acres from Mr. Ellis and wife Ellin; 20% 
acres from Humphrey Ellis, son of said Thomas, by deed, 
8. 9mo. 1694, and 60 acres from William Rowe, by deed of 
30 May 1700. 

ThoMan Ellis was survived by his wife, Ellen, (surname 
unknown). Her will to which she put her mark, witnessed 
by David Llewellyn, Benjamn Humphreys, Theodore Rob- 
ert, and John Humphrey, 27. 1. 1692, was proved 18. 12mo. 



1692-3. She left her estate to daughter Rachel Ellis, and 
if she died before receiving it, then to the six children, 
unnamed, of her sisters, Lowry and Gvven. Appoints a3 
executor, nephew Daniel Humphrey. To be trustees, Grif- 
fith Owen, William Howell, Edward Jones, John Roberts, 
Robert Owen, and John Humphreys. 
Of their children: — 

Ellis Ellis. He received some of his father's land, and 
held a warrant for re-survey, 18. 12mo. 1701, two parcels; 
found to be 330 acres, including 63 acres "over plus," which 
he promised to buy at 7s, 6d. per acre. He m. Lydia, daugh- 
ter of Samuel and Elizabeth Humphrey, of Haverford. 

The land deeds of the old Haverford School, and Hav- 
erford College, show the college land was originally part 
of the 410 acres which Richard Davies conveyed, on 19. 
6mo. 1686, to Thomas Ellis, gentleman, Francis Howell, 
yeoman, James Thomas, yeoman, Morgan David, husband- 
man, and Francis Lloyd, shoemaker. And also that land 
which Ellis Ellis, of Haverford, yeoman, conveyed, by deed 
dated 25. 12mo. 1703, to "Robert Wharton, cordwainer," 
and his wife, Rachel, (a daughter of Thomas Ellis), name- 
ly 255 acres of his father's land, for fifty shillings, Pensyl- 
vania money, is part of the college land. 

Humphrey Ellis, living in 1699. 

Rachel Ellis, m. Robert Wharton. 

"Brigid Ellis," who d. in England. 

Eleanor Ellis, who ?n. David Lawrence, of Haverford. He 
came over from Wales about 1683. His will, signed 12. 2mo. 
1699, in the presence of John Roberts, Rowland Powell, and 
John Bevan, was proved 1 July 1699. He left his estate 
to his wife and eldest son, Daniel. Names sons, Henry and 
Thomas, and daughters, Margaret, Eleanor and Rachel Law- 
rence, overseers, "brothers Ellis Ellis and Humphrey 



Ellis," and William IIowoll. Thomas Lawrence* ni. Sarah, 
b. 1G85, daughter of William ap Edward, of Blocklcy, and 
his second wife, her sister, Ellen, b. 1691, m. Henry Law- 
rence, and their brother "Edward Williams," of Blockley, 
m. Eleanor Lawrence. 

John Williams who bought in 1098, the balance of Thomas 
Ellis's Merion land, as above, sold 10. 5. 1700, some of it 
to Huo:Ii Jones and John Evans (John Evans held 200 acres 
of this land, in 12mo. 1701). 

Mr. Humphrey, the executor to both Thomas Ellis and hi3 
wife, as above, by deed dated 20. Imo. 1701, conveyed 
4091/2 acres of Ellis's land to Robert Lloyd, and Hugh Jones, 
aforesaid, and let Robert have 150 acres, which he con- 
veyed to his brother, Thomas Lloyd. 

The brothers, Robert Lloyd and Thomas Lloyd, came over 
in Hugh Roberts's and John Bevan's party, in l(i83, from 
Merioneth, and were young and unmarried. They next 
appear as subscribing witnesses at the marriage of Robert 
Robei's and Katherine Jones, at the Haverford Meeting, 
5. 3mo. 1696. Robert was one of the overseers to the will 
of Robert Owen, of Merion. 

Robert Lloyd's first purchase of land, as above, was loca- 
ted North of "Bryn Mawr" (Rowland Ellis''s tract), and 
was a portion of the Richard Davies grant from Penn. 
Robert had 2591/0 acres of this surveyed and laid out, in 
12mo. 1701. 

1703, 8mo. 4. Before the Land Commissioners, Robert 
Lloyd produced return of 432 acres, in Merion, on re-survey, 
on warrant dated 20. 2mo. 1703, to survey to him 409 acres, 
"being part of 819 acres out of Thomas Ellis's land." He 
requested a patent. Granted. And on 6. 12mo. 1707-8, he 
had title to his land confirmed to him, and this for good 
reasons, as explained elsewhere. 

*From him are descended Abraham Lewis Smith, of Media, and 
Benj. Hayes Smith, of Philadelphia, who are also descended from 
Dr. Thomas Wynne, Dr. Edward Jones, Robert Owen, of Merittn, Ralph 
Lewis, etc. 



Robert Lloyd* died 29. 3mo. 1711, and was buried at the 
Merlon Meeting House. His will, signed 30 April, 1714, 
witnessed by Edward Foulkc, William Roberts (marked), 
and Thomas Albin, was proved 16 Nov. same year, by his 
wife, Lowry. He names his children, David, Robert, Rees, 
Richard, Hannah, Gwen, Sarah, and Gainor. Mentions 
Edward Thomas and Owen Roberts, and his brother Thomas 
Lloyd, and nomed as trustees, Robert and Richard Jones, 
Thomas Lloyd, Jr., and friends Robert Evan, Rowland Ellis, 
and Robert Jones, of Merion. 

He married at the Merion Meeting, on 11. 8mo. 1698, 
Lowry Jones, who died 25. llmo. 1762, aged 80 years, and 
was buried with her husband. She was a child of Rees John 
William, of Merion. Of their children : — 

Hannah m. first, John Roberts, Jr., (grandson of Owen 
Humplirey) and had John Roberts, 3d. b. 1721, and w. sec- 
ondly, William Paschall, issne, and m. thirdly, Peter Os- 
borne, issv.e. 

Richard Lloyd, 1714-1755, of Darby, m. at Darby Mtg. 
24. 9. 173G, Hannah daughter of Samuel and Sarah Sellers, 
and had Hugh Lloyd, 1742-1832, of Chester Co., colonel 
of 3d Battalion, presidential elector and associate judge. 

Robert Lloyd, m. Catherine Humphrey. Issue. 

Thomas Lloyd, the younger of the brothers, held in 12mo. 
1701, the 150 (or 1541/9) acres in Merion, which had been 
a part of the Thomas Ellis estate, and lay North of "Bryn 
Mawr," and by deed, dated 10 Feb. 1709, his brother Robert 
further conveyed to him 154 acres of his land North of 
"Bryn Mawr," on payment of £40. He was a farmer, and 
his will, marked 26. 5mo. 1741, was proved 6 Feb. 1748; 

*From Robert Lloyd are descended Howard Williams Lloyd, Wm. 
Supplee Lloyd, and the brothers Samuel Bunting Lewis, Davis Levis 
Lewis, George Harrison Lewis, and Osborn G. L. Lewis, of Phila- 
delphia, descendants also of William Lewis, who came over in 1686-7. 
Samuel Marshall, of West Chester, Pa. is also descended from Robert 
Lleyd, and from Rees John William, of Merion. 



witnesses, David Davids and KicJiard Lloyd, trustees to be 
"neighbors Richard Lloyd and Grifllth Llewellyn." 

Thomas Lloyd was married about 1G98, by a justice of 
the peace, to Elizabeth, b. 1G72, who survived him, daughter 
of William ap Edward, or Edwards, of Blockley, liy his 
first wife. They appeared before the Morion Meeting, on 
8. 6mo. 1700, and humbled themselves for "marrying out." 
Her will, signed 2 Dec. 1748, was proved 6 Feb. 1748-3. 
They had seven children: Thomas, 1699-176-, resided in 
Bucks Co., Pa. ; Sarah, m. at Merion Mtg. 8. 9mo. 1721, John 
Morgan (son of Edward, of Gwynedd) ; Jane, m. first at 
Merion Mtg. 8. 8. 1725, Lewis Williams, of Gwynedd ; John 
1704-1770, m. at Merion Mtg. 31. 10. 1731, Eleanor, daugh- 
ter of Henry and Catherine Pugh; Elizabeth, m. at Merion 
Mtg. 9. 8mo. 1728, Joseph Morgan (brother to above John) ; 
Evan and William. 

Having now brought nearly all of the Welsh "first pur- 
chasers," and the early settlers to their new homes in the 
great Welsh tract, a review of the peculiar claims they made 
on Penn, or set up for themselves, and how thej' tried to 
(substantiate them, and, failing in this, see how it was that 
"the Welsh tract," as a district and indentity was wiped-off 
the map of Pensylvania should be interesting. 



The following is the summary of the foregoing transac- 
tions, and others in the Welsh tract, set forth in "D. Pow- 
els Acct of ye \^'elch Purchasers in Genl," in which he gives 
his personal "Account of the purchasers Concurned in the 
Welch Tract Granted by the Generall war't by wich the said 
Tract was Laid out and such Lands as hath bin Laid out 
by war'ts Duhe Executed within the same and ist of ye ould 
England Parishes" : — 

Charles Lloyd, and 

Margaret Davis 5,000 

Richard Davis, [Davies] . .5,000 

William Jenkins 1,000 

John Poy, [Poyci] 750 

John Burge 750 

William Mordant 500 

William Powc!i 1,250 

Lewis David 3,000 

Morris Llewlin 500 

Thomas Simons 500 

John Bevan 2,000 

Edward Prichard 2,500 

John ap John, and 

Thomas Wyn 5,000 

Edward Joanes, and 

John Thomas 5,000 

Richard Davis 1,250 

Richard ap Thomas 5,000 

Daniell Hurry, [Harry] . . 300 

Mordicia Moore in 

Right of 500 


Henry Right 500 

Daniell Med 200 

Thomas Ellis 1,000 

Tho Ellis for B. Roules. . . 250 
Th. Ellis on ac't Humph. 

Tho 100 

David Powell 1,000 

Burke and Simson 1,000 

John Kinsy 200 

John Kinsy 100 

David Meredith 250 

John Day 300 

David Davis 200 

Henry Joanes 400 

Thomas John Evan 250 

John Evans 100 

John Jormon 50 

David Kinsy 200 

Evan Oliver 100 

Samuel Mills 100 

Thomas Joanes 50 

David Joanes , 100 

John Ffish 300 

John Millin-ton 500 

"The whole Compl'nt 50,000 acres." 

As there are only forty-one grants in this list, and Holme's 
map indicated more than twice this number of land owners 



in tlic Welsh Tract, it may be presumed that Hohne did not 
compile ' his map as early as he claimed, when testifying 
before the Council as to the positions of the townships of 
Haverford and Radnor, as will appear. 

In this summary by Surveyor David Powel, without date, 
we find the names of the first large purchasers of land in 
Merion township, John Thomas and Dr. Jones, and those 
of the other six "Companies," or adventurers for ^^' 
Tract plantations, and also those of the other large inde- 
pendent "first purchasers," some of whose land was laid 
out in Merion, besides in Haverford, Radnor, and Goshen 
townships, and it may be noticed that there were very few 
not strictly Welsh had been granted land in the tract. 

Although the acreage given by Powel exceeded the orig- 
inal total of the grants to the Welsh, namely 40,000 acres, 
and look in much of the supplementary 10,000 acres re- 
served for them, it did not come up to "the whole Compl'nt 
50,000 acres." Mr. Pov/el, however, may have inadvertently 
overlooked some grantees, but it appears that he remem- 
bered to record a tract of 1,000 aci-es in his own name, and 
its future location he had probably selected, for which he 
had deed from Penn. It seems to have been for services as 
a surveyor, but the grant was not confirmed to him till in 
1705, as mentioned below. 

For the above reason, the date of Powel's list cannot be 
approximated by the mention of his own land, 1,000 acres. 
For his surveying work for the Land Commissioners, he 
probably received from them little cash ; but he was granted 
small parcels of land, and realized what he could by the 
sale of them. He had a patent from the Commissioners, 
dated 14. 3mo. 1686, for 611 acres, which he laid out in 
Radnor tp., in two tracts, 500 and 111 acres, and this is his 
first l.'.nd-ownership of record. This represented £100 to 
him. On 22. 5mo. 1G87, he sold 100 acres of this patent to 
John Evans, adjoining the land of Hugh Samuel. On 17. 
11 mo. 1690, he sold 100 acres more to said Hugh Samuel, 
(servant to Thomas Ellis), adjoining the land of David 



Huyh. On 17. 3mo. 1690, he .sold another 100 acres to James 
Pugh (servant to Steven Bevan), adjoining land of David 
Pugh, and bj' another deed of this date, he sold 200''/|, acres 
and closed out his 500 Acres, to William Davis and Griffith 
Miles, the land adjoining Hugh Samuel. Of this land, Wil- 
liam and Griffith sold 150 acres to Philip Philips, 
widow, Phoebe, sold the same to David Pugh, and, by deed 
22. 6mo. 1G90, William and Griffith sold their balance of 
50 acres to James Pugh, aforesaid, and here was the "Pugh 
District" in R.idnor. 

John Evans, aforesaid, by deed of 10. 5mo. 1700, bought 
200 acres in Merion, adjoining Rowland Ellis, from John 
Williams, who had it from the Richard Davies tract, (Com- 
pany No. 7), through Thomas Ellis and Daniel Humphrey. 

Evan Harry, by deed of 10. lOmo. 1687, bought 90 acres 
from Surveyor Powel, who received it, 7. 7mo. 1687, from 
David Lloyd, the lawyer, as a fee, who bought it from the 
attorneys of Richard Davies, 15. 6mo. 1687. Evan Harry 
also bought 74 acres more from Powel, and Abel Roberts, 
son of Ellis Roberts, of Radnor, also bought 100 acres from 
Powel, by deed of 1. 6mo. 1693, confirmed 9. 6mo. 1703, and 
these sales exceeded his patents. 

In 1704-5, Powel was still the Proprietor's surveyor in 
the Welsh Tract on the Schuylkill, and recei\ang no cash for 
his work, as he states in his petition, he asked the Commia- 
sioners, 28. llmo. 1705, to grant him 1,000 acres he had 
selected in the Welsh Tract. He asked this, because he 
had been compensated with only the above mentioned 500 
acres. Petition granted, providing he could find any vacant 
land, which, as an old surveyor in that section, he easily 
could, and apparently had. His lands were quickly disposed 
cf, as he may have been a good judge of land, and guar- 
anteed his bounds. 

The following transportation agreement between Mr. 
Powell and a skipper, suggests that he brought over the pas- 
sengers to buy land from him about this time. 



"Articles of Ifreightment, co\'en;intc(l, indented and made 
the seventh day of March, 1697-8, between Owen Thomas, 
of the county burroinrli of Carmathen, mercer, owner of the 
good shipp called the William Galley, now residing in the 
river of Towny, of the one part, and 

"David Powell, of the parish of Nantmoll, in the county 
of Radnor, and John Morris, of the parish of Karbardam- 
fyneth, in the said county of Radnor, yeomen, of the other 

"Contract to take to Pensilvania after 10th of May, start- 
ing with first good wind and weather, from said river 
Towny, and town of Rhaygsder, to Philadelphia in Pensil- 
vania, with them and passengers and goods." The charge 
for transportation to be £5 for each adult over 12 years old, 
persons under 12 years, fifty shillings, sucking children and 
freight up to twenty tons, free. The head of each family 
was also charged "ffive shillings encouragement to the doc- 
tor belonging to said shipp, and all single persons except 
servants, to pay one shilling each." 

The following is the list of principals in this venture, and 
how many each paid for in his party: 

David Powell paid for 11 passengers. 

John Morris paid for 6. 

Margaret Jones paid for 3. 

Edward Moore paid for 4. 

Thomas Powell paid for 3V2. 

Thomas Grifliith paid for 2. 

Rees Rees paid for 414. 

Edward Nicholas paid for 4. 

Thomas Watts, 1. 

Winnifred Oliver paid for 5 passengers, 

Evan Powell paid for 5. 

Thomas Jerman paid for 3. 

John Powell paid for 2. 

James Price paid for 2. 

John Vaikaw (?) 1. 

Lumley Williams, 1. 



Ann Lewis, 1. 

A'i'alter Ingram, 1. 

Benjamin Davis, 1. 

"Jolm Burge, of Havbrford-West, Pembrokesliirc, cloth- 
ier," mentioned in Powel's list, was another of Penn's per- 
sonal customers for Welsh Tract land. He bought by deed, 
dated 24. 8mo. 1681, 750 acres which were to be laid out in 
Haverford in several tracts. One of these, 250 acres, it 
was discovered, was laid out on land owned by Humphrey 
Ellis, and after a litigation. Purge had to look elsewhere to 
locate this parcel, so he sold the 250 acre right to William 
Kelly, of Haverford-West, a weaver, who had 141 acres 
of it laid out in Haverford, and 30 acres in city liberties and 
lots. On 2. lOmo. 1G94, said Kelly sold the 141 acres to 
Humphrey Ellis, who had also bought 79 acres from John 
Burge, or from Kelly, which he sold, for £8.9. Pensylvania 
money, 15 Feb. 1703, to Henry Lewis. 

Edward ap Richard, or Prichard, on Powel's list, was 
another of Penn's personal customers. He took 2,500 acres, 
deed dated 14 April, 1682, which was confirmed by patent 
dated 18. 3mo. 1685; 1,250 acres were to be laid out in Mer- 
ion, and balance in Radnor. Many of his deeds are of rec- 
ord in the office of the Recorder. 

John Poyer, on Powel's list, also purchased of Penn, by 
deed dated 24. 8mo. 1681, 750 acres, and by deed of 3 June, 
1686, he sold the rights to 250 acres to Henry Sanders, who 
had the sam.e resurveyed to himself, on Commissioner's 
warrant, dated 16. 12mo. 1701, when Owen Thomas re- 
quested a warrant to take up this land. 

"William Jenkins, of Tenby, in Pembrokeshire, emascu- 
lator," (subsequently of Abington tp.), on Powel's list, 
bought of Penn 1,000 acres by deed dated 24. 8mo. 1681. 
Of this grant, 245 acres were laid out to him in Duffrin 
Mawr tp., 12. llmo. 1689. By deed of 30. 7mo. 1686, he 
conveyed 250 acres to James Thomas, late of Landboyden, 
Carmarthenshire, a husbandman, which, on resurvey, 
amounted to 300 acres, and Penn issued a warrant for that 



amount, 2. 7mo. 1701. AJ'lerwarcls, Jamos was astonisheLl 
to learn that his purchase was not within the Welsh Tract, 
and, on IG. 12mo. 1701, requested a new warrant for Welsh 
Tract land to tliis amount, which the Commissioners 
granted, provided he could find such an amount of unclaimed 
land in the tract. But it seems he could not, as by his will 
he devised to his son, Nathan Thomas, lands in Duffrin 

William Jenkins, by deed of 3. 7mo. 16SG^ sold 500 acres to 
Francis Howel, of Lancilio, in Carmarthanshire, who de- 
vised 300 acres of the purchase to Thomas ITowel, which 
he sold, by deed 1. 7. 1700, to above James Thomas, 
From the number of these sales of land, it might be sup- 
posed that Penn had no difficulty in gettmg rid of his land; 
but he had, even before Ford's persecution cast a shadow 
on the titles. For some reason the bottom dropped out of 
his real estate business after the first boom, and when he 
supposed 100 "barons" in the "House of Lords" — each to 
buy 5,000 acres, was too small a number to stop at, he sud- 
denly discovered that he might not be able to have even 
half that number of "Lords." And his order that "no 1,000 
acre lot could be increased contiguously, unless within three 
years there was a family settled on each 1,000 acres," shows 
how sparsely the country must have been settled at that 

In the early land records of Chester Co., for the town- 
ships of Radnor and Haverford, thei'e are records of the 
following early grantees. 
These had deeds for land : 
1681. Acres. 

March 3. Lewis David ' 3,000 

" Thomas Rowland 1,000 

" David Powell 1,000 

March 17. John Bevan 2,000 

" 22. Thomas Ellis 1,000 

" " Thomas Holme 5,000 

" " Joseph Powell 250 

" " Thomas Powell 500 

June 16. Richard Davies 1,250 



!««' Acres. 

July 13. Thomas Rudyard 5,000 

Sept. 14. John & Wynne 5,000 

" " Richard Davies 5,000 

Oct. 21. John Poycr . . 7,50 

Jan. 19. Morris Llewelyn 500 

" " William Sharlow* 5,000 

These had patents for land. 

Ilaverfori! tp. 

1684. 11. 29. Thomas Ellis 791 

1688. 5. 23. Charles & John Bevan 230 

1703. 8. 25. Ellis Ellis 425 

1703. 8. 25. Daniel Humphrey 241 

1704. 2. 4. John Bevan 508 

1706. 5. 20. Henry Lewis 488 

Mar pie tp. 

1688. 5. 23. Charles & John Bevan 750 

1694. 2. 21. Thomas Ellis 330 

Radnor tp. 

1684. 5. 29. Thomas Wynne 250 

1685. 5. 30. David Davis 200 

1686. 3, 14. David Powell 611 

1687. 7. 9. David Pow, !1 300 

1688. 8. 1. Reese Prece 200 

1689. 3. 26. David Meredith 350 

1701. 7. 30. Evan Roddcrch 122 

1703. 8. 25. John Evan Edward 123 

1703. 8. 25. Margaret Jarmon 152 

1703. 8. 25. David Pugh 174 

1703. 8. 25. James Pugh 162 

1703. 9. 1. Thomas John Evan 340 

1703. 9. 1. Edward David 155 

1704. 1.14. John Evans 300 

1704. 3. 1. David JIc .edith 253 

* William Sharlow was a London merchant. He purchased from 
Mr. Penn, by deed dated 2. 5mo. 1683, besides the above, 500 acres, 
which was laid out and surveyed to him, 30. 7mo. 1684, and named 
"Mount Ararat." It lay on the Schuylkill, above the Thomas & Jones 
tract, but not adjoining it, as in Holme's map. Mr. Sharlow's Pen- 
sylvania attorney, by deed of 5. lOmo. 1692, conveyed 150 acres of 
"Mt. Ararat" to Thomas Potts, who by deed of 2. 2mo. 1695, conveyed 
his purchase to David Hugh, who .sold the same to "Robert Jones, of 
Meirio'n, Labourer," or "Robert Jones, Yeoman, of Meirion," who 
was a son of John ap Thomas. 



Some of the properties of curly settlers were located 
about as follows: 

Along the East boundary, ( a line and the Haver i'drd io;id, 
about o'Yi miles), of Radnor, in Merion, on the upper side, 
where are the settlements of Villa Nova and Rosemont, wei e 
the great estates of Rowland Ellis and John Eckley. And 
in Radnor, along and between this line, and where "Radnor 
Street," (or the present Radnor road, crossing Eagle road, 
if continued straight to the opposite line) , was to have been, 
passing through the center of the township. North and 
South, beginning at the upper end, were the properties of 
Evan Lloyd, Abel Roberts, John and William Thomas, Mat- 
thew Jones, David David, Richard Humphrey, John Moi'- 
gan, Henry Lewis, John Jarman, John Evans, Roger Hugh, 
David Frees, David Meredith, David James, Thomas Rces 
and Stephen Evan. 

In the same position in Haverford, that is between the 
line of the proposed "Haverford Street," through the center 
of the township from North to South, and the Eastern 
boundary line, about Sy^ miles long, were the properties 
of Hugh David, William Lewis, Thomas Recs, David and 
Ralph Lewis, Rees Rotherow, William Ellis, Ellis Ellis, 
Robert Wharton, Thomas Ellis, Lewis David, Daniel Hum- 
phrey, William Howell, all lying above the road passing the 
Haverford Meeting- House towards the road to Darby. And 
below this road, John Lewis, John Havard, Henry Ellis, 
David Hugh, Henry Lewis, Daniel Lawrence, Richard 
Hayes, Samuel Lewis. In both townships. West of the im- 
aginary streets, were the properties of some others. And 
in Merion, along the Haverford township line, at Haverford 
College station on the railroad, and below Wynnewood sta- 
tion, were the great estates of John Humphrey and John 

In 1734, the following Welshmen each paid assessments 
on 100 acres of land in Philadelphia county: Hugh Thomas, 
Daniel Jones, David George, John Thomas, James Jones, 
William Roberts, Evan Rees, John Humphrey, George 



George, Le^vis Jones and Edward Williams; "Robert Rob- 
erts, of Mirian," 50; David Morgan, 10, and "Thomas 
Winne," 50 acres in Blockloy. 

In an undated paper- (1693?) at the Historical Society 
of Pensylvania, giving "The Valuation of the Estates of 
the Inhabitants of the Township of Merion," and the amount 
of tax each was to pay ("one penny on the pound"), we 
have a list of Merion people, many of whose names are 
familiar, as follows: — 

Merion. Valuation. Merion. Valuation. 

John Roberts £120 Robert Owen 100 

Hugh Jones 40 John Roberts "of the Wain" 100 

Cadwalader Morgan 90 Robert Jones 72 

Rowland Richard 30 David Hugh 60 

Robert David [collector].. 100 Kathcrine David 30 

Hugh Robert.s 150 John Williams 30 

Katharine Tliomas 100 Benjamin Humphreys 60 

Griffith John 110 Reece Thomas .^. 100 

Richard Walter 70 Philip and Isaac Price 60 

Abel Thomas 30 Peter Jones 30 

■Reece Jones CO John Robert Ellis 30 

Edward Jores 9C Edward Jones 72 

Edward Reece 120 Edward Griffith 72 

Richard Cuarton 80 William Cuarton 30 

David Pugh 30 Thomas Rees 30 

David Price 30 Owen Morgan 30 

Daniel Thomas 50 John Moore 30 

Evan Bevan 80 Thomas Howell 40 

David Havard, James Thomas, Sen'r 70 

"with 200 acres of Land".. 82 James Thomas, Jun'r .... 40 

The following men of Merion wei-e each assessed six shill- 
ings, without valuations, (which was the tax paid on all 
estate valuations of £72), and probably were freemen:— 

Evan Hany. William Roberts. 

Thomas Jones. Robert William. 

David Ryederch. Philip Wallis. 

Meredith Davids. Owen Thomas. 

Joshua Owen. Robert David. 

Edward Edwards. Robert Hugh. 

Robert Lloyd. John Owen. 

Thomas Jones. Evan Harry, weaver. 



Robert David, vvlio lived in Mcrioii fifty years, was tlie 
collector of this tax, and he endorsed on the list, "Paid to 
James Fox, Recorder." If Mr. Fox was a recorder of Phila- 
delphia County, none of the accepted-as-correct printed lists 
of them include his name. Mr. Fox was commissioned, 12 
Feb. 1697-8, a justice of the Philadclpliia county court, and 
was a iTiember of the Assembly 1088-1099; will proved at 
Philadelphia, 10 April, 1701. 

It is presumed that the aforesaid assessment was made 
in 1693, because it is known that in this year there was one 
made in Chester Co., as below, for the same amount of tax, 
namely, "one penny per pound on Estates," and "six shill- 
ings per head on freemen." This was probably the levy 
noticed in the minutes of the Welsh monthly meeting, Bmo. 
1693, "tax levied of one shilling per hundred towards the 
taking of wolves." 

The following names are on the Chester Co. lists for the 
townships of Haverford and Radnor. The total amounts 
received were: Haverford, £3.14.5, and Radnor-, £2.19.3. 
The estates in these townships weie appraised lower than 
those of Merion, as may be seen. 

Haverford. Valuation. Hax-crford. Valuation. 

John Bevan £50 Lewis David 30 

William Howell 40 John Lewis 40 

Morris Llev/cllyn 40 Henry Lewis 50 

Thomas Reese 30 John Lewis, Jr 30 

William Lewis 48 Richard Hayes 43 

John Richard 30 Benjamin Humphrey 32 

llumphrey Ellis 30 William Howell, for 

Ellis Ellis 33 Thomas Owen 72 

Ralph Lewis 30 Richard Hayer, for 

William Jenlcen 45 David Lewis 72 

Daniel Humphrey 40 John Bevan, for 

David Lawrence 36 Evan William 72 


John Evans £45 Philip Evan 43 

David Meredith 70 David Evan 41 

John Evans 30 V/illiam Davis 31 

John Jarman 44 Samuel Miles 33 

John Morgan 32 Richard Miles 34 



William David 31 Evan Prothcro 43 

Richard Armes 52 John Richard 33 

Matthew Joanes 30 Stephen Bevan 46 

Howell James 44 Thomas Johns 32 

Following the custom- long established in Virginia, Penn 
granted fifty acres for each indentured servant brought into 
his Providence. In Virginia, this head-right, as it was called 
there, belonged to the person importing the servant. In 
fact, the importer, or master, received in Virginia lands, 
fifty acres not only for each of his servants, but the same 
amount for each member of his family, or particular partj'', 
whose passage he paid. While Penn not only granted {or 
intended to do so), fifty acres to the servant himself, and 
gave him a deed, and warrant of survey for the same, at 
the expiration of his term of servitude, or when his master 
freed him, but fifty acres to the master for each servant 
brought. This was a better arrangement, because in Vir- 
ginia it was notorious that the same servants and other 
head-rights, were used over and over, often with the same 
names, to procure lands, hence some of the great ti'acts of 
tide-water land in Virginia, held by Colonial worthies. 

In neither Virginia or Pensylvania were all of the "ser- 
vants" of the lowest social cla^s; nor were these, men and 
women, all servants as we now understand the term. In 
either colony, many of these servants were relatives of their 
"masters," even wej e their children, and frequently were 
at "home," and here, of equal social standing to their mas- 
ters. Many reasor, can be assigned to account for their 
servitude, or indenture, and many whose earliest record in 
America is that of "servant," in a short time became prom- 
inent for good in social, religious, or civil life. 

According to the Minutes of the Board of Property, 26. 
9mo. 1701, it was the intention of William Penn to set aside 
a township of 6,000 acres, to be used only as "head-land" for 
servants brought into his Province, in the years 1682-3, 



where they could settle when their "time" expired ; but this 
idea was p)obably abandoned, becaus, it was found the ser- 
vants nearly always conveyed away for a small considera- 
tion their rights to land. 

For instance, Philip Howel purchased their head-lands 
from the following servants, they unitin^v in a deed for the 
same to him, dated 18. 2mo. 1702: — 

"Humphrey Edwards, servant to John ap Edwards. 

"Inemry ( ?) Osborn, servant to Griffith Jones.* 

"Elizabeth Osborn, his v/ife (born Day), servant to same. 

"Jacob Willis, servant to William Cloud. 

"Evan Williams, servant to Thomas Ellis. t 

"Margaret Williams, his wife (born Richard), servant 
to John Bevan. 

"Edmund MacVeagh, servant to Thomas Holme . 

"Alice MacVeagh, his wife, (born Dickinson), servant to 
James Harrison." 

Robert Turner's servants, like himself, were from Dublin, 
and all named Furness : — John, Henry, Joseph, Daniel, 
Mary, Sarah, and Rachel. John Furness was Mr. Turner's 
barber, and in 8mo. 1683, was granted by the Commissioners 
350 acres, on account of himself, and the other servants 
of his surname. 

Reuben Ford, servant to John Gibbons, received head- 
land on his own account, by warrant of 8. 9. 1703. 

* Griffith Jones was one of the prominent Welsh Quakers of the 
Province. In 1703, he was chosen as Mayor of Philadelphia, but 
for some reason he () "lined to serve, and, as was the custom then, 
he was fined £20, but did not pay. On 3 Oct. 1704, he was again 
chosen for the mayoralty, and would have apain declined, but being 
threatened with a like fine, or a total of £40, he accepted the office, 
and it was such an honour to have him as the Mayor, the first fine 
was remitted. David Lloyd, another Welsh Quaker, was the Recorder 
of the city at this time. 

t Thomas Ellis came from a hamlet, near Dolgules, in Merioneth- 
shire, the name of which was variously written Dolserre, Dolserey, 
Dolyseei ey, Dolyserry, Doleyseere, Dolyserre, Doleyserre, etc. 



The I'oUowing were servants to the prominent famihes of 
Merion, the first settlers: — 

Edmund Griflith, and Katherino GrifHth, "iormerly wife 
to Edmund Griflith," were so'vants of Hugh Roberts. 

John Hugh was servant to Rees John William. 

Hugh Samuel was servant to Thomas Ellis. 

Mary Hughes was servant to John ap Edward. 

John Roberts and William Roberts were servant: to Rob- 
ert David. 

William David was servant to John Bevan. 

James Pugh was servant to Steven Bevan. 

Thomas Rees was servant to Evan Thomas. 

Susanna Griffith was servant to John Richards. 

Thomas Armes, John Ball (had four years to serve), Rob- 
ert Lort (aad eight years to serve), Jean, Bridget and Eliz- 
abeth Watts, and Alexander Edwards (who each had three 
years to serve), were servants to Griffith Owen, in 1G84. 

These were servants lo Katharine, relict of John ap 
Thomas, in Merion, Elizabeth Owen, Thomas David, and 
Ann David. 

Frequently servants were given certificates of good char- 
acter by the Friends' Meetings they belonged to in the old 
country. There are a number of these preserved on the books 
of the Haverford, now Radnor, Monthly Meeting, as John 
ap Evan and family, and Ralph Lewis, from Ti-everig 
Meeting, dated 10. 7mo. 1683, and John Richard, and Wil- 
liam Sharpless, from the same Meeting, of whom the Cer- 
tificate describe them "of small abilitie," and "harmless 
men"; but "ready to hear and Receive the Truth." And 
that they were "low in the Outward, yett lived Comfortable 
enough." John Lloyd, a servant to Mr. Bevan, was also thus 

Servants who claimed to have served their "time," re- 
quire a strong certificate of the fact before being released. 
For instance, in the case of Humphrey Edwards, mentioned 
above; on 9. 4mo. 1702, Edward Jones, William Jenkins, 
and Philip Howel, declared before the Commissioners, that 



Humphrey, "now of Gwynedd, came into this Province 
about the year 1683, as a servant to John ap Edward, and 
served his time to him faithfully, and according to Inden- 
ture." This occurred on his request for fifty acres of head- 

Thomas Jones also had a servant named Ellis Roberts, 
who according to the minutes of the Merion Preparative 
Meeting, 6mo. 6. 1703, was made free, having according to 
his certificate, which was read to the meeting, as was 
usual, served Mr. Jones's mother, brother, and himself 
twelve years. 

The certificate of Robert Goodwin, who had been a ser- 
vant for four years to Evan Harry, was also read in Mer- 
ion meeting, on 2. Imo. 1704-5, and, on 4. 6mo. 1704, that 
of Hugh Humphreys from his master, Benjamin Humphreys, 
and that of John Roberts from his master, Robert Jones. 
A letter from Thomas Jones, of Merion tp., to his cousin, 
Robert Vaughan, in Wales, tells of Owen Roberts' (son of 
the Friends' minister, Hugh Roberts) , adventures at sea, 
coming to Pensylvania, and that his company was captured 
by the French near the mouth of the Delaware, and carried 
as prisoners to the West Indies. Nine of the servants he was 
bringing were "pressed on board a ship" ; "Morris Richard, 
the Tailor, died at sea"; but the others finally reached Phil- 
adelphia. Among the latter were Humphrey Williams, 
Thomas Owen, Gadder John, Robert Arthur, Hugh Griffith, 
Edward rhomas and James Griffith. Thomas Owen died 
after reaching here. Owen Roberts returned to Aiitigua, to 
try and recover his impressed men, but could not find them. 

These were some of the servants who cai 3 over in the 
ship Vine, in Sept. 1684, besides Griffith Owen's servants : — 
Edward Edwards, a boy, Lowry Edwards, Margaret Ed- 
wards, Ann Owen, Hannah Watts and Charles Hughes. It 
appears from the monthly meeting minutes, 11. 2mo. 1695, 
that Charles Hughs "married out," and that because David 
Potts, Owen Thomas, and Evan Harry were at the wedding, 
"which marriage friends had no unity with," "they were 



dealt with by Robert Owen and Edward Joi , and there- 
upon g.ive forth the following paper of condemnation, viz. 
For as much as we whose names are hereunto written, for 
want (• ' due consideration have unadvisedly been at the dis- 
honorable marriage of Charles Hughes, and by so doing have 
transgressed ajvainst this good order as esL'iblishcd among 
friends of Truth," &c., hereby acknowledging publicly be- 
fore the meeting the mistake they made. But in 1722,^mo. 
the Radnor Mo. Mtg. was not so certain of its stand as to 
"dishonorable marriages," as it instructed its representa- 
tives to the quarterly meeting "to report that the monthly 
meeting was concerned whether ' was necessary to disown 
such persons as go to the priest to marry, or only advise 

The Gwjaiedo meeting was formed by sanction of the 
Radnor Mo. Mtg. at the desire of Friends there, and they 
were "to meet second weekly Third day of every month" 
beginning in 2mo. 1609. But they were not authorized till 
in 6mo. 1702, "to keep a preparative meeting among them- 

Recorded at the Radnor Monthly Meeting is the undated, 
unsigned, certificate, from some Meeting in Wales, un- 
named, of "Treharn David, who hath gone now 13 or 14 
months since for Pensylvania with Janne his wife, being 
noe more in family but they both." "Treharne lived with 
our friend John Bevan for many years," in Wales. 

William Morgan, and his wife Elizabeth, who came over 
in the "Morning Star," 20. 9mo, 1683, had been "servants," 
but in the passenger list they were described "both free," 
having served their "time." 

From the burial records of the Merion Meeting come the 
following particulars about other servants, white and black, 
of early times, who should not be passed by, for they, like 
their masters, had a part in the opening and settling of this 
new country. 

1714. 8. 9. "David Lewis, servant of Morris Llwellyn." 

1714. 10. 8. "Morgan Thomas, servant to Robert Evans" 



1714-5. 11, 16. "liobert Vincent, servant to Jon Jones." 
1714-5. 12. 27. "Bumbo, a young negro." 

1716. 4. 5. "Catharine Griffith, servant to Evan Harry." 

1717. 10. 30. "George Eves, burnt at Edward Jones'." 

1718. 10. 14. "Rowland Ellis' tenant," (? Thomas Owen). 

1719. 7. 14. Thos. Evans, "living at David Mirick's place." 

1719. 10. 27. "Ship, Henry Pugh's Negi'O." 

1720. 1. 5. "William Worm, servant to Hugh Evans" 
This Hugh Evans had considerable trouble when he pro- 
posed to marry the lady of his choice, according to a minute 

of uie Radnor Mo. Mtg. He desired to marry Lowrey Lloyd, 
the daughter of Rees John William, oL' Merion, and vv'idow 
of Robert Lloyd, of Merion, who died in 1714, but the 
union was objected to by friends on the ground "of too near 
affinity," "she being Hugh's deceased wife's mother's sis- 
ter's daughter." Hugh held that Lowrey was of no kin at 
all to him, but the monthly meeting thought otherwise, so 
the matter was referred to the quarterly meeting, which 
allowed the marriage to take place, and the wedding was 
at the Merion meeting house, on 13, 12mo. 1716-7. 
1720-1. 11. 26. "A young Negro of Edward Reese." 
1720-1. 12. 17. "old Bassel, negTO to Edward Reese." 
1726-7. 1. 13. "Black Hannah." 

1745. 6. 2. "A child of Edward Williams' maid." 

1746. 9. 2. "Will, a Negro of Edward Price." 

1748. 8. 29. "Black Peter." 

1749. lOmo. "Old Caesai', Reese Reese's negro." 

1749. 6. 28. "A Dutch from Evan Jones place." 

1752. 10. 10. "A Dutch woman from Evan Jones' place." 
1754. 11. 20. "A dutchman from Anthony Tunis''s." 
1754. 10. 22. "Dutch girl from Philip Creakbeam's." 
1756. 4. 13. "A Dutch Woman from William Stadle- 
man's. Supposed to be Poisoned by a Dutchman, from Lan- 
castei', who was Tryed & Convicted, but Reprieved" 

The Welsh monthly meeting several times issued instruc- 
tions to the preparative meetings, that as the matter of 
discharging servants, whose time had expired, was an im- 



portant one, masters were commamled to give the new 
freenii i certificates as to conduct, &.C., as a protection to 
the community (hence, possibly, our servant's "refer- 
ences"). It also ordered, none should encourage servants 
to buy their time, by lending them money to do so, or going 
bond for them without master's consent. 

In an advertisement in the Amcricmi Weekly Mercury, 
Philadelphia, 2G Way, 1720, "Samuel Lewis, of Harford in 
the county of Chester," offers thirty shillings reward for 
the return to him of his runaway servant, Thomas Roberts, 
aged about thirty years. The description of the clothes 
of this servant may give some idea of how his "betters" 
dressed. "He wore a duroy coat lined with silk, a leath- 
ern jacket and breeches." 

It is singular but never in all the wills of the ancient 
Welsh Friends, which frequently mentioned purchased Ne- 
groes, and bequeathed them as chattel, have I found an 
instance of a devisor liberating his slaves. It was the cus- 
tom of the day to o^vn "blacks," and Penn himself then was 
only interested in "regulating Negroes in their Morals and 
Marriages," and in "the regulations of their trials and pun- 
ishments." His whole interest in the negro was, that "he 
should receive proper treatmc;it while in bondage." In 1688, 
the Geiraan Friends were the first to protest to the Yearly 
Meeting against slavery of Negroes, but for fifty years, the 
Yearly Meeting went no further in the matter than to ad- 
vise against buying newly imported Negroes, although Ralph 
Sandiford, a Philadelphia Friend, worked hard in 1730-40, 
with pamphlets and addresses to suppress slavery- alto- 
gether in Pen j'lvania. 

Of the second and much smaller "Welsh Tract" much has 
been printed, but there never seemed to be the same interest 
in it for the Land Commissioners, which they had in the first 
and greater, and, in fact, they had no particular reason to 
watch it, for its settlers made no singular claims, nor were 
many of its men remarkable in provincial affairs. 



Of these "Gvvynedd Welsh," it is said they "in general 
did not at first profess with the Quakers, [being "Bap- 
tists"], but afterwards they, with "many others" as the 
neighborhood increased, joined the religious society with 
them, and were an i^'dustrious, worthy people." One of the 
longest to be remembered was Ann Roberts, who died 4 
June, 1750, aged 73 years, having been a minister among 
Friends for fifty years. 

The nucleus of this second Welsh Tract was a large ti'act 
of land in the upper part of old Philadelphia county, owned 
by Robert Turner, and purchased by people from North 
Wales, and afterwards was generally known as "North 
V/ales," and the "Gwynedd Settlement." This emigration 
Mr. Jenkins" places in 1698, and ascribes it to the influ- 
ence of Hugh Roberts, the minister, who was in Wales the 
previous year; but why Hugh did not secure these settlers 
for the greater Welsh Ti-act, in which he was certainly 
more interested, r;ither than for Gwynedd tp., where he 
owned no land, is net apparent. 

On 22 March, 1681, Penn granted by patent of this date, 
5,000 acres of Pensylvania land to Robert Turner,! who, 

*"Gwynedd" by Howaid M. Jenkins (1884). P. 22. 

t Mr. Turner, who became an important official in Philadelphia, 
had been frequently roughly handled for being a Quaker. In 1G57, 
"being at Meeting in Londonderry, he was haled out and dragged 
along the streets by his Amies and Leggs, the Mayor of the City help- 
ing with his ow'ne hands, and so turned him out of the City. And 
about two or three Dais after haled him again in like manner as 
before, and tied him upon a bare Horse Back with a Hair Rope, and 
so far their Sport, and Mocking led him at their Pleasure." But I\Ir. 
Turner's experience was not singular in Ireland, for there are hun- 
dreds of similar "sufferings" of Friends mentioned in the works of 
Fuller and Holme, (1671) ; "Sufferings of the People Call'd Quakers," 
(Dublin, 1731); Stookdal >'s "The Great Cry of Oppression," (1683); 
Wight, (1700), in his "I- -^tory of the People Called Q" l^ers," Dub- 
lin, 1751, and Myers's "Immigration of Irish Quakers into Pensylva- 

A score of Mr. Turner's deeds for lands to the Welsh at Gwynedd 
may be seen in Exemplification Book, No. 7, pp. 381, &c. Recorder's 
office, Philadelphia. 



with Robert Zane, and other Dubhn Friends, six years 
before this, had been a grantee for tracts of West Jersey 
land, purchased from Friend CylHngs, and had started the 
settlement of English speakinj'; people in that country, which 
furnished William Penn with the idea for anotlier such 
scheme for himself. Mr. Turner i creased his holdincjs as 
follows : — 

By deed, 8 Sep. 1685, he bought 2,500 acres which Penn 
had sold to John Gee, of King's Co., Ireland, and, 29. 7, 
1685, 1,250 acres from Joseph Fuller, of King's Co., and 8 
March, 1695, 1,250 acres from Jacob Fuller, of King's Co., 
making Turner's holding in Pensylvania 10,000 acres. Of 
this Penn confirmed to him 7,800 acres, laid out in Philadel- 
phia County. By deed, 10. Imo. 1698-9, Turner sold this tract 
to two Welshmen, William ap John and Thomas ap Evan, of 
Philadelphia, and they, by several deeds in 1699, sold this 
land to the following parties, who, on 25. llmo. 1702, hav- 
ing had their parcels of land resurveyed, according to the 
order, to find "overplusage" for Penn, rendered the follow- 
ing statement, showing their correct acreage : — 

Acres. Over. Acres. Over. 

Ellis, or Da'd Piigh. 220 231 Edward Pugh.* ... . 100 

Evan Hugh 100 110 Cadwall'dr ap Evan. 500 609 

John Hugh 500 648 Owen ap Evan 400 538 

John Humphrey 450 561 Rob't ap Hugh 200 232 

Rob't ap Evan 5,005 1,034 William John 1,900 2,866 

Edward Faulk 400 712 Thomas Evan 700 1,049 

Robert Jones 500 720 William John 150 322 

Robert Evan 200 250 Evan Robert 100 110 

Evan ap Hugh.* ... 400 1,068 Hugh Griffith 200 376 

David Pugh.* 200 

*" (Brothers, Evan holds all, other two dead.)" 

It may be seen that the overplus on these 7,800 acres 
was 11,436 acres. No wonder that Penn had new surveys 
made of old grants. However, he allowed these unfortu- 
nates to purchase in all 2,846 acres of the "overs," and, in 
llmo. 1702, these Welsh grantees, and their heirs, and these 
who had bought of them, obligated themselves to pay Penn 



the amounts as below. This table also shows the amounts 
owing, or "continued," aftei* a cash payment: — 

Obligation. Continued. 
Rob't John, Wm. John, Edw'd Faulk. £535.10. 8 £269. 5. 4 
Tho. Evan, Cadw. ap Evan, Rob't ap 

Hugh 140.18.11 80. 7. 5 

Owen ap Evan, Robert Evan 21G. 5. 3 104. 2, 7 

Robert Evan, Evan ap Hugh 131.12. 6 67. 8. 3 

Jno. Humphrey, Jno. Hugh 75.00. 3 37.10. 2 

Hugh Griffith & Son 22.17. 9 11. 8.10 

Robert Jolm 3.00. 

Owen ap Evan 5. 

William John, (Pd by Ja. Logan) 15. 

Thomas Evan, (Pd by Ja. Logan) .... 10. 

Robert Evan 10. 

John Hugh 15. 

Edward Faulk 10. 

Evan Pugh 5. 

In the latter end of the year 1698, the purchasers of these 
lands began removing to "North Wales." Among th.e early 
arrivals were Thomas, Robert, and Owen Evans, William 
Jones, Cadwalader Evans, 1664-1745, (an ancestor of Mr. 
Lewis Jones Levick, of Bala, as elsewhere) , Hugh Griffith, 
John Hugh, &c., as in these lists. Some of these gentlemen 
subsequently purchased considerable land in the first, or 
great Wels'; Tract, and removed there, having become Quak- 
ers, and intermarried with the Welsh pioneer families there, 
as may be seen in the following chart. 



3. o 

a o 

?= O 


P» > 

F M 


Notes to the aforesaid cliart. 

(1) — Some account of IIknky Lewis, and his Welsh 
Tract land, has been {jivcn. He came with his wife Marga- 
ret, from Narbcth, rembrokcshire, in 1G82. In 1G81, when 
still a member of the Philadelphia Monthlj' Meeting-, he was 
of a committee ;!ppointed "to visit the poor and the sick, and 
administer what they should judge convenient, at the ex- 
pense of the meeting." Besides being the foreman of the 
first Grand Jury of Philadelphia County, he was one of the 
three "peace makers," he being the representative from the 
Welsh Tract, appointed by the county court, an office created 
by act of assembly, at the second session. Their duty was 
to determine matters in litigation, and subject to appeal to 
Court; they were to prevent law suits if possible, and dis- 
courage litigation, and "to hear and end differences betwixt 
man and man." It has been said he was the beloved and 
trusted friend of William Penn. His daughter, Elizabeth, 
b. at Narbeth, 14. 12mo. 1677, married in 1697 Richard 
Hayes, Jr., who removed from Ilminston, Pembrokeshire, to 
Haverfoi'd, in 1687, with his parents. His mother, Isatt 
Haj^es, is frequently mentioned in Haverford Monthly 
Meeting minutes as active in work among the IlaverforU 
Friends. Richard Hayes, Jr., was a justice of the court 
in Chester Co., and member of the Pensylvania Assembly 
for many years. His wife d. 25. 3mo. 1742, and the Phila- 
delphia Qurrterly Meeting has recorded the testimony re- 
specting her: — "She was a faithful Elder among us for 
several years, a good example to the flock." 

(2) — David Jones removed from Wales with his wife 
Katherine and two children, about 1700, and bought 350 
acres of land, located in Blockley tp., at Haverford road and 
63d street. His sister, Ellen Jones, m. Robert Jones, of 
Merion, a son of John ap Tliomas, the associate of Dr. 
Jones. He was a prominent Friend in both countries. The 
Friends' minister, William Edmundson, in his Journal 
(printed), mentions him. He brought his certificate from 



the Monthly Meeting at Ilcndii Muwr, dated 21. 12mo. 
1G99-00, signed by Robert Vaiighan, Cadwalader Ellis, Evan 
Rees, Edward Ellis, Thomas Richards, Edward David, Owen 
Lewis, Ellis Lewis, Rowland Owen, Thomas Cadwalader, 
and John Robert. He also had a certificate from the men's 
meeting- in Haverford West, dated 4. Imo. 1690-00, and 
among the signers were Andrew Llewellyn, James Lewis, 
Peregrine Musgra\e, Evan Bowen and John Roger. The 
records of the Haverford Monthly Meeting say of him, "he 
was one of the first appointed an Elder in the Haverford 
Meeting." He d. 27. 6mo. 1725, and was buried at the Mor- 
ion Meeting House. His wife was also an active member 
of this meeting, being "an inspector of conversation," and a 
"visitor," and represented Haverford in the Quarterly Meet- 
ing. After her husband's death, she had a certificate from 
the Radnor Monthly lileeting to the Philadelphia Monthly 
Meeting, and d. 23. 5mo. 1764. Their Bible, "printed yn 
Llundian," 1678, records the bii'ths of James Lewis, on 8th 
mo. 10th, 1638, and "Katerin Lewis, ye 25th of 12th month 
1640," who may have been the parents of David's wife, 
Katherine, who had a brother James Lewis, of Llanddewy, 
whose letters to her are extant. Their son James Jones, b. 
31. 5mo. 1699, d. in Blockiey tp. 27. 3mo. 1791, aged 92 years. 
He m. Hannah Hayes, at Haverford Meeting, 10. 8mo. 1727, 
and had Isaac Jones, who m. at Burlington (N. J.) Meeting 
26. llmo. 1778. 

(3) — Cadwalader ap Evan, mentioned elsewhere, 
came from Fron Goch, Merionethshire, and died in the 
Gwynedd settlement, in 1745, age SI years. He married 
in Wales, Ellen, daughter of John Morris, of Bryn Gwyn, 
and their daughter, Sarah Evans, married John Hank, of 
White Marsh, and had issue as mentioned before. 

(4, 5, 9) — The ancestry of Robert ap Cadwalader is un- 
known. He was one of the early settlers of Gwynedd, 
and his son, John Roberts, who married Elizabeth, daughter 
of the Merion settler, (5) John ap Edward, of whom 



elsewlicre, was tlie founder of the Roberts family of "Wood- 
lawn" plantation, Whitpain tp., Montgomery Co., Pa., whci'e 
soven successive generations of Roberts blood have resided. 
On this property is another stone mansion, erected in 1715, 
acccording to the date-stone, called "VVoodlawn Farm," 
which was the home of (9) Job Roberts, who was knov^n 
as "the Pensylvania farmer," and was the pioneer of scien- 
tific farming, on which subject he published a book in 1804. 
He was a magistrate for twentj'^-nine year?;. This family 
v\\.3 also remarkable for longevity, as Job Roberts died aged 
96 years, his father, John Jr., died at 90 years, and his 
grandfather, John Roberts, at 9G years. 

(6) — E\AN MOKRis was an early settler in the Gwy- 
nedd district, and a prominent Friend. He and his wfe, 
Gainor, brought certificates, dated 8. 5mo. 1690, from the 
Quarterly Meeting at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merioneth, filed 
with the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. His son, Morris 
Morris, gave the land on which the Richland meeting house 
was built, and also endowed the Friends' school there, which 
many of his descendants attended. His wife, Susanna Heth, 
or Heath, was "an eminent minister in the Society of 

(7) — Elizabeth Wetherill Jones, (wife of Ebenezer 
Levick, and mother of the Friends' minister, Samuel 
J. Levick), whose interesting "Recollections of Her Early 
Days," in Philadelphia, were printed in book-form, in 1881, 
was born at No. 17 Pine Street, Philadelphia, her parents' 
home, on 5. 6mo. 1789. She was the youngest child of Isaac 
Jones, and his wife, Mary Wetherill, (who is buried at the 
Jlerion Meeting House), married at the Burlington Meet- 
ing, 26. llmo. 1778, and died at the home of her son, Di-. 
James Jones Levick, at 12th and Arch streets, Philadelphia, 
21. llmo. 1886, aged over 97 years and six months, and was 
buried in Friends' Southwestern Ground, Philadelphia. Dr. 



Le\ ■ k mentioned, was noted J'or his interest in the Welsh 
settlement of Pensylvania, and published many valuable 
articles about the settlors o£ "Jlerion in the Welsh Tract." 
He (I. 25. 6mo. 1893, aged 69 years. She also had a son, Wil- 
liam Manlove Lcvick, of Philadelphia, a lawyer. 

(8)— Samuel Jones Levick, of Philadelphia, whose 
Life was written and published, in 1895, by Hugh Foulke, of 
Philadelphia, was the son of Ebenezer Levick, a Philadel- 
phia merchant, and Elizabeth Wethcrill Jones, married at 
the Pine Strc t Friends' Meeting, Philadelphia, 1. 5mo. 
1816, and was born 30. 8mo. 1819. He was educated at the 
Friends' Westtown Boarding School, in Chester Co., and 
according to the memorial of him, prepared for the Phila- 
delphia Monthly Meeting, and approved by the Quarterly 
Meeting, 2. 5mo. 1889, "he became a public ambassador for 
Christ in his twenty-first year, continuing in the work of 
the ministry for over forty-five years. Plis gift therein was 
acknov.'Iedged by the Richland Jlonthly Meeting in Fourth 
month, 1842, and confirmed by Abingion Quarterly Meeting 
of ministers and elders, in Fifth month of the same year." 

The memorial tells that Mr. Levick travelled much in the 
work of the Friends' ministry in all parts of the Union, and 
that "he was a man of strong and earnest convictions, and 
very plain and outspoken in the expressison of his views." 
"He was deeply interested in public affairs, both nation,-.! 
and local, active in the work of organized charities in our 
city." At the time of his decease, he was the secretary of 
the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. In 
early life, Mr. Levick became an active worker for the aboli- 
tion of slavery, and was a member of the Junior Anti-Slav- 
ery Society. He was also a member of the "Peace Society" 
of Philadelphia, which, in January, 1839, took up the matter 
of forming a "Congress of Nations," in which such matters 
that led to war between nations could be peacefully adjusted, 



which is a prominent proposition of the present day. Mr. 
Leviclt died at his home in West Philadelphia on 19. 4mo. 
1885, and wag buried at the Merion meeting house, as he 
desired, when "testimonies were borne by several Friends 
in the ministry from different meetings," of both branches 
of the Society of Friends. He was twice married, first to 
Ellen, daughter of Caleb Foulke, at the Richland Friends' 
Meeting, on 3. 4mo. 1841 ; she died in 1842, and he married 
secondly, on 17. lOmo. 1844, Susanna Morris Mather, who 
died 9. 4mo. 1904, and was buried at the Merion meeting 
house. Mr. Levick had by his first wife an only cliild 

Jane Foulke Levick, who m. first, Edwin A. Jackson, issue 
died young. She m. secondly, in Philadelphia, 17 Oct. 1910, 
William W. J. Cooke. 

Mr. Levick by his second wife, Susanna Mather, who was 
the granddaughter of Isaac Mather (and Mary Morris), son 
of Rich. I'd (and Sarah Penrose), son of Joseph Mather and 
his wife, Elizabeth, only child of John Russell, who pur- 
chased several hundred acres of land from Penn, in 1683, in 
Cheltenham tp., much of which still remains with Mather 
descendants, had, — 

1 — Lewis Jones Levick, of Eala, and Philadelphia, m. 
Mary d'Invilliers, of Philadelphia, and had, — 

I. Henry Lewis Levick, of Bala. 

II. Mary Sabina Levick, m. Winthrop C. Neilson, of 
Philadelphia, and had Lewis Winthrop. 

III. Loui e Jamart, wife of George B. Atlee. 

IV. Suzanne Levick, of Bala. 

2 — Charles Mather Levick, deceased. He m. Henrietta 
Wilson, his brother's widow. No issue. 

3 — Samuel Jones Levick, Jr., deceased. He m. Anna E. 
Bullock, and had, — 

I. Anna Lucile Levick, m. Dr. Deemer. 

II. Florence Levick, m. Joseph Sullivant. 

III. Elizabeth Wetherill Levick, m. William Hicks. 



4 — William Ebenezcr Levick, deceased. He m. Henrietta 
Wilson. No issue. 

5 — James Jones Levick, Jr., unmarried. 

On an abandoned road, near Norristown, which was a 
short cut betv/een the two Welsh sottlemonts, was the little 
smithy of Ellis Robert, patronized by people we have heard 
of, as may be learned from his extant "Day Book," in which 
it is written that he bought it of Thomas Pugh, a Welshman, 
and a Philadelphia bookseller, on 21. Gmo. 1703. The black- 
smith's first entry in it was on "ye 13th of ye 3rd month, 
1703," when he records, "Cadwalader Morgan, dr. 1 day's 
harvest work, 3s. 6d." And "26th day of ye 4th month, 
1703, Ellis David of Goshen, 1 day's work, 1 shilling." In 
5th month, next, "For soying with Griffith Jones 12 hun- 
dred of Oak & Poplar, £1. 15s. 6d." "ye 18th day of ye 3 
month, 1703, Cadw^alader Jones dr. for 2 days' work, 3s. 
4d." His account book runs into the year 1705, and he had 
customers of many kinds, and from various places, but prin- 
cipally North Wales inhabitfiuts, and for these he repaired 
plows, sharpened hoes, mended implements, and harness, 
besides did some horse shoeing. Among his customers in 
these years were, Richard Pugh, Edward Jarman, John Wil- 
liamson, Thomas Craffot, Samuel Brockes, Jacob Cofing, 
Hen ell Caseel, John Good, Morris Roberts, the widow 
Clancy, John Michinar, Richard Blackham, Matthew Jones, 
David Hughes, John Meredith, Evan Griffith, William 
Thomas, John Welles, William Robert Ellis, Thomas Griffith, 
Rowland Richard, John Morgan, Thomas David, of Valley, 
John Evans, John Roberts, David Howel, Thomas Louis, 
John David Thomas, David Harvey Rees, William Thomas 
Hugh, Robert Williamson, of Goshen, Edward Watgin, John 
Davis, of ye Gulfe, and Jolm Cadwalader, who ''paid for the 
bell, 4s. 3d. Three pounds remain unpaid." John Cadwal- 
ader, who died in Oct. 1742, in the island of Tortola, W. I., 
where Thomas Chalkley died 4 Nov. 1741, was in debt to 



another man, in tho following item. The lonj? will, all in 
Welsh, of Cadwalader David ap Hugh, of Gwynedd, dated 23 
Nov. 1700, gives to Hugh ap Edward £18, and appoints 
brother Evan ap Hugh, and Edward Foulko to be guar- 
dians, and overseers. He had considerable money loaned 
cut at interest, although he was a "wcirkingman." Among 
his borrowers were John Cadwalader, Hugh William, David 
Evan, of Radnor, Hugh ap William, Edward GriflUh, Rob- 
ert Hugh, and Robert John, for whom he was working when 
the will was made. 




It has already been remarked that the leading men of the 
Welsh barony were well educated gentlemen, or yeoman, 
men of good standing, affairs, and estates, ' i the neighbor- 
hoods whence they came to America, before 1700. Further, 
some of these were remarkable as to their pedigrees; a 
matter always carefully looked after and transmitted by 
Welsh gentlemen, as well as by people of refinement of other 

Under their ancient local laws, the Welsh in the old coun- 
try, had good reason for keeping their pedigrees up-to-date. 
This was because fines and penalties could be levied on the 
distant relatives of guilty persons, if they were unable to 
pay. For instance, the "murder fine," (gahias), varied 
according to the status of the victim, and the murderer's kin 
to the fifth generation of his blood was liable for the pay- 
ment of the fine. But in case of a mere "insult fine," (sar- 
had), the offender's blood kindred was bound only to the 
third generation, or third cousins. Then, again, the Welsh 
were divided into two distinct classes, based upon "pedi- 
gree." There were the bonheddig, those having a pedigree, 
men with a lineage (nobilis) of the best strain, — pure 
Cymro on both sides, paternal and maternal, entirely free 
from bondsman's blood, and even of that of a foreigner, or 
alltud. Of such were the gentlemen of Wales. In the 
"lower class," was the taeog, the villain or the serf; the 
farm-hand and the yeoman, a freeholder without the re- 
quisite "pedigi-ee," and these were the most privileged, the 
mab aillt, of the unpedigrec d. 

Generally, the pedigrees of Welsh and Irish familios are 
as uninteresting as those of biblical characters, being only 
strings of names of successive heirs, or successors, 



w thout dates, places of habitation, or records of actions. 
But these following genealogies of a few of the pro- 
minent early planters of the Welsh Tract depart from 
the ancient method, the usual heir to heir line, and show 
these particular Welshmen and Welshwomen, Quakers all, 
to have been of distinguished lineages, and connected by 
blood with some of the great historic families of England, 
and being educated, refined men and women, moving from 
the homes of their forefathers into the wilds of a new coun- 
try, and nev/ experiences, they naturally brought their gene- 
alogies and family histories for the benefit of their descend- 
ants. That these Welsh Quakers did bring their pedigrees 
with them, or in a few years sent home for them, is not 
singular eitlier, because it is a fact that other immigrants in 
other parts of the new country did the same, that is when 
they had any they were proud of, or supposed was worthy 
of transmission. Therefore, these Welsh Friends were 
Penn's peers socially by birth, and were not obscure families 
to whom he had sold his land, under certain promises and 
conditions, which they clearly recalled, but which he pre- 
tended to forget, and certainly ignored, and did not keep. 

Robert Owen, Evan Owen, Owen Owen, Jane Owen, wife 
of Hugh Roberts, and John Cadwalader, identified with 
"Merlon in the Welsh Tract," it appears were lineally de- 
scended from the royal houses of France, England, and 
Wales, in the following lines, as may be seen in Dwnn's 
Welsh pedigrees, or "Visitations," and Dugdale's "Baronage 
of Engl: nd." 

i.—HoWEL-DDA, King of all Wales, A. D. 948, had by his 
wife, Lady Jane, daughter of the Earl of Cornwall, 

2. — Owen, Prince of South Wales, who had by his wife. 
Lady Angharad, daughter cf Llewellyn ap JTervyii, Prince 
of Powys, 

3. — Prince Einion, eldest son, who m. Lady Nesta, 
daughter of the Earl of Devonshire, and had : 



4. — TunoR-MAWR., Prince of South Wales, who had by his 
wife, Lady Gwenlian, 

5. — Rhys, Prince of South Wales, who had by his wife, 
Lady Gwladys, daughter of Rhiwlalon, Prince of Powis, 

6.- -Griffith, Prince of South Wales, who had by his 
wife, Lady Gwenlian, daughter of Griffith ap Cynan, Prince 
of North Wales, 

7. — Rhys, "Prince of South Wales," who, as "Lord Rhys," 
was the chief justice of South Wales (see Burke's "Ancestry 
of the Royal House of Tudor"). He had by his wife, Lady 
Gwenlian, daughter of Madoc, feudal lord of Bromfield, 

8. — RllY-GRYD, feudal lord of Yestradtywy. He m. Lady 
Joan, daughter of Richard de Clare*, fourth Earl of Hert- 
ford, &c., one of the celebrated twenty-five Sureties for the 
Magna Charta, 1215, and had: 

9. — RiiYS-MECHYLLT, feudal lord of Llandovery Castle, 
whose son, 

10. — Rhys-VAUGHN, was feudal lord of Yestradtywy. 
He m. Lady Gwladys, daughter and heiress of Griflnith, 
feudal lord of Cymcydmaen, and had : 

11. — Rhys-GLOFF, who succeeded to the estate of his ma- 
ternal grandfather. He m. Lady Gwyrryl, daughter of 
Maelywn ap Cadwalader, and had : 

12. — Madoc, who had, by his wife Tanghvyst, daughter of 
Gronowy ap Einion, 

13. — ' 'rahairk-Goch, lord of Llyn, Grainianoc, and Penl- 

*This Richard, Earl of Hertford, wns the son of Roger, third 
Earl of Hertford, second son of Richard, de Clare, created Earl of 
Hertford, son of Gilbert de Tonsburg. in Normandy, by his wife. Lady 
Adeuza, daughter of Hugh de Monchi, 2d Count of CIci-mont, and 
his wife^ Lady IMargui^RITE, daughter of Hildwin IV., Count of Mont- 
didier, lord of Rameru, &c., and Count de Rouci, by his wife, Adela, 
Countess de Rouci, daughter and heiress of Eblo I., Count of Rouci and 
Reims, and his wife, Lady Beatrix, daughter of Rainier IV., eleventh 
Count of Hainault, hy his wife, Princess Haviue, daughter of HUGH 
Capet, King of France, 940-996. 



lech, who had by his wife, Lady Gwyrryl, daughter of Ma- 
doc ap Meirig, 

14. — David-goch, lord of Penllech, in 1314, He m. Maud, 
daughter of David Lloyd ap Cyrveloc (see Browning's 
"Americans of Royal Descent," fourth edition, p. 95, for his 
pedigree), and had: 

15. — Ievan, lord of Grainianoc and Penllech, in 1352. He 
m. Eva, daughter of Einion ap Celynnin, of Llwydiarth, 
Montgomeryshire, a lineal descendant of Blcddyn Cynfyn, 
king of Powis, 1046, and had: 

16. — Madoc, lord of Grainianoc, or Grainoc, whose son, 

17. — DeikwS-DDU, had by his wife, Gwen, daughter of 
lev" i-ddu, a lineal descendant of Maelor-crwm, chieftain 
of the seventh Royal Tribe of Wales, in 1175, 

18. — Einion, lord of Grainoc, who m. Morvydd, daughter 
of Matw ap Llowarch, and had : 

19. — HOWEL, who m. Mali, daughti. ' of Llewellyn ap 
Ievan, and had : 

20. — Griffith, who in. Gwenlian, daughter of Einion ap 
Ievan Lloyd, and had : 

21. — Lewis, lord of Yshute, who in. Ethli, or Elian, daugh- 
ter of Edward ap Ievan, of Llanoddyn, parish Montgomerj'- 
shire, by his wife, Catharine v. Gryflyth Llewellyn Einion ap 
David, the feudal baron of Cryniarth, in Edermon, also of 
Royal Descent, and had : 

22. — Robert, lord of Rhiwlas, who m. Gwyrryl, daughter 
of Llewellyn ap David, of Llan Rwst, in Denbighshire, and 

23. — Evan Robert Lewis, of Vron Goch farm, Merioneth, 
lord of Rhiwlas, by his wife Jane, five sons, Owen, Evan, 
John, Cadwaladcr, and Grifiith. Of these: 

1. — Owen ap Evan, of Vron Goch farm, d. 1669, had by 
his wife, Gainor John, 



I.— Robert Owen, 1G57-1C97, who ?n., 1G78, Rebecca 

Humphrey (see below), and removed in 1690 to Merion, 

as mentioned elsewhere.f 

II. — Jane Owen, who ?re. Hugh Roberts*, the Friends' 

minister, and removed to Merion, as already mentioned, 

p. 96, &c. 

III.— Ellen Owen, 1660-169-, who m. Cadwalader 

Thomas Hugh, of Kiltalgarth, Merioneth, and had: 
John Cadwalader, who m. at the Merion Meeting, 
29 Dec., 1699, Martha Jones, see p. 74. 

IV. — Evan Owen, a Welsh Tract land owner. 

V. — Owen Owen, a Welsh Tract land ower. 

fAmoTip: the prominent descendants of Robert and Rebecca Owen 
are: Mrs. Element Acton Griscom, Mrs. J. C. \V. FrishmuUi, Mrs. 
Arthur V. Meigs, BIrs. Charles Williums, Mrs. Walter S. Wyatt, Mrs. 
Howard Wood, Alexander Biddle, Abraham L. Smith, Mrs. Georpe M. 
Conarroe, Benj. Hayes Smith, Mrs. Lewis Allair Scott, Mrs. Moncure 
Robinson, Jr., Mrs. Eugene Blackford, Mrs. Arthur E. Poultney, John 
Barclay Biddle, Mrs. Andrew A. Blair, Alex. Williams Biddle, Jr., 
Charles Meigs Biddle, Arthur Biddle, Mrs. John B. Thayer, Mrs. Wil- 
liam D. Winsor, Mrs. William R. Philler, Mrs. Samuel Bettle, Mrs. 
Clement S. Phillips, Mrs. Daniel F. Shaw, Mrs. James D. Winsor, Alger- 
non S. Roberts, Mrs. Edward Browning, Sr., John Browning Clement, 
Thomas Allen Glenn, Mrs. Charles C. Royce, Thomas Dunlap, Jr., 
Marquise de Potesdad Fornari, Henry Williams Biddle, James Wilmer 
Biddle, Princess d'Aragon, Mrs. de Grasse Fox, Rodman Wister. 

*Their son Roberts Roberts (sec p. 102), d. in Calvert Co., Md., 11 
Nov. 1728. He vi. secondly, 3 Dec. 1703, Priscilla, b. 21 Mar., 1681, 
d. 16 Apr. 1725, dau. of Richard and Elizabeth (Kersey) Johns, and 
h; 1 ten children by her. Of these: — Eltabeth m. Edward Parrish, 
Jr., see below; Isaac, b. 4 Feb. 1711, m. Hannah Paschall; Patience, b. 
1 Feb. 1725, vi. 1, Samuel Gray, m. 2, Isaac Howell; and 

Richard Roberts, b. 21 Nov. 1706, m. Elizabeth, dau. of Benjamin 
and Elizabeth (Tongue) Allen. Of their children: — Richard, b. 10 
Apr. 1735, vu 29 IMny, 1770, Mary (Thomas) Hairis (for descendants, 
see Mackenzie's "Clonial Families," p. 438) ; Hugh, b. 26 Jan. 1745, 
m. Hannah West Moore; Elizabeth on. Thomas Tongue, and 

Robert Roberts, b. 12 Jan. 1741-2, d. 18 June, 1791; jm. 6 Apr. 
1773, Catherine, dau. of David and Mary (Le Fevre) Deshler, and 
had, Elizabeth, 1781-18G8, m. 19 May, 1803, James Canby, 1781-1858, 
of Wilmington, Del. Issue. 



2.— Evan ap EvANf of Vron Goch fiirm, Merionethshire, 
who had: 

I.— Thomas Evans,! 1G51-I7r>8, removed to Gwj'nedd. 
II. — Robert Evan, removed to Gwyncdd, d. in 1738. 
III. — Owen Evans, 1G59-1723, removed to Gwynedd. 
IV. — Ca 'WALADEK Evans, lGGl-1745, removed to Gwy- 
nedd in 1G98. He vi, Ellin, daughter of John Morris, 
of Bryn Gwyn, Denbighshire, by his wife, Ellin, daug?i- 
ter of Ellis Williams, of Caifadog, also of Royal De- 
scent, and had : 
Sarah Evans, who m. at the Gwynedd Meeting, 11, lOmo. 
1711, John Hank, of White Marsh, will dated 12 Dec. 1730, 
proved in May, 1731, and had besides other children: 

1. — John Hank, Jr., b. 1712, who sold his farm near 
Reading, Pa., in 1787, and removed eventually to Fayette 
Co., Ky., where his daughter, Nancy, m. Thomas Lincoln, 
and settled in Larue Co., Ky., and here was born their on'y 
child, Abraham Lincoln, twice President of the United 

Edward and Elizabeth (Roberts) Parrish, aforesaid, had 
John Parrish, who m. Mary, his cousin, dau. of Edward Roberts, 
p. 154 (son of Hugh Roberts, p. 103), and had Mary, m. Stephen Col- 
lins, and had Elizabeth m. Richard Bland Lee (son of Col. Henry Lee, 
and his wife Lucy Grymes, also of Royal Descent, see Browning's 
"Americans of Royal Descent," fourth edition, p. 724, and seventh 
edition, Pedigree CXIII), and had Zaccheus Collins Lee, who m, 
Martha A. Jenkins, and had Richard Henry Lee, only son, m. Isabella 
George Wilson, and had Richard II., J. Collins; Robert E., and Eliza- 
beth Collins Lee, of Baltimore. 

Also descended from Hugh and Jane Roberts are Henry C. Baird, 
Mrs. Louis Starr, and Mrs. Edward T. Canby. 

fAmong his descendants are Allen Childs, Mrs. Levin Hill Jack- 
son, Miss Helen Erben, Jacob Sperry Vi'illing, and John M. Whitall, Jr. 

^Descended from Thomas Evans's son Hugh, and wife Lowry, are 
Mrs. Jawood Lukens, Mrs. Howard Comfort, Mrs. Robert R. Corson, 
Mrs. Geo. Mason Chichester, Mrs. Edgar W. Baird, and Mrs. Charles 
P. Keith. 



2.— Jane Hank, who m. John Roberts, Jr., of "Wood- 
Lawn," Penllyn, and had. Job Roberts, of "Woodlawn," who 
m. Mary Naylor, and had Jane, who m. Charles Mather, of 
"Woodlawn," and had, Susanna Mokris, who m. Samuel 
Jones Levick, of rhiladeli)hia, for many years a woll-l<no\\Ti 
minister among- Friends, and had, besides other children, 
Lewis Jones Levick, of Bala, who m. Mary d'Invilliers, of 
Philadelphia and had Henry Lewis; Mary Sabina, wifo of 
Winthrop C. Neilson; Louise Jamart, wife of George B. 
Atlee, and Suzanne. 

The Humphreys family, Rowland Ellis, of "Biyn MawT" 
farm, and Rebecca Humphreys, \vife of Robert Owen, of 
Merion, were descended as follows from the Royal Houses 
of England and France. 

1. — Henry HL, King of England, ?h.. Lady Eleanor, 
daughter of Raymond de Berenger, Count of Provence, and 
had by her: 

2. — Edmund, Earl of Leicester, lord high steward, who 
had by his second wife, Lady Blanche, widow of Henry I., 
of Navarre, and daughter of Robert, Count of Artois, second 
son of Louis VIII, King of France : 

3. — Henry, Earl of Leicester and Lan; aster, who m. Lady 
Maud, daughter of Sir Patrick de Chaworth, by his wife, 
Lady Isabel de Beauchamp, daughter of William, first Earl 
of Warwick, also of Royal Descent, and had : 

4. — Lady Eleanor Plantagenet, who vi. secondly (his 
second wife). Sir Richard Fitzalan, K, G., Earl of Arundel 
and Surrej^ and had: 

5. — Sir Richard Fitzalan, K. G., Earl of Arundel, who 
had by his first wife, Lady Elizabeth de Bohun, daughter of 
William, first Earl of Ncrthampton, K. G., also of Royal 
Descent : 

6. — Lady Eliz.\beth Fitzalan, who had by her third 
husband, Sir Robert Goushill, Kt., of Hault Hucknell manor, 
Derbyshire : 



7. — Lady Joan Gousiiill, who m. Sir Thomas Stanley, 
K. G., Lord Stanley, lord chamberlain of England, and had: 

8. — Lady Margaret Stanley (her brother, Sir William, 
crowned Henry VIL on Bosworth Field), who had by her 
second husband (see Dugdalc's "Baronage," vol. IL, p. 248), 
Sir William Troutbeck, lord of Prynes Castle, Cheshire, who 
was slain in the battle of Bloreheath: 

9. — Lady Jane Troutbeck (see Omerod's "Cheshire," 
■ il. II., Collins's "Peerage," III., p. 40), widow of Sir Wil- 
liam Boteler, who m. Sir William Griffith, lord of Penrhyn 
Castle, Caernarvonshire, chamberlain of North Wales, 
"made a Knight of the Bath on St. Andrew's Eve, 1489, 
at the coronation of Prince Arthur, and of his Bayne," 
and had : 

10. — Sir William Griffith, lord of Penrhyn Castle, 
knighted at Touraine, Christmas, 1513, "after the king came 
from mass, under the banner in the church" ; chamberlain of 
North Wales, 1520. He had by his second wife, m. in 1522, 
Lady Jane, daughter of John Puleston, lord of Caornarvan 
Castle (see D\\Tin'., "Visitations of Wales," vol. II., 154-59, 
or Pedigree CXLIX) : 

11. — Lady Sibill Griffith, who m. Owen ap Hugh, of 
Bodeon, high sheriff of Anglesea in 1563, and 1580, d. 1613, 
and had: 

12. — Jane Owen, who m. Hugh Gwyn, of Penarth, high 
sheriff of Caernarvonshire, in 1600 (see Dwnn's "Visita- 
tions of Wales," II. 172) , and had : 

13. — Sibill Hugh, who m. before 20 Sep. 1588, John ap 
Howel-goch, of Gadfa, Llanwddyn, Montgomerj^shire, who 
was buried in the parish church, 24 July, 1636, and had: 

14. — Elizabeth Fowell, who m. Humphrey ap Hugh 
Howel, of Llwyn-du, Llar:ielynin, in Merionethshire, d. 
1664-5, and had : 

1. — Owen Humphrey, of Llwyn-du, eldest son, 1625- 
1699, a justice in 1678. He had by his wife Jane, 



Rebecca Humphrey, who m. in 1678, Robert Owen, of 

Vron Goch farm, and removed to Merion in 1G90, as 

mentioned above. 

2. — Samuel Humphrey, of Porthcven, Merionethshire, 

who bought land in Haverford and removed here in 1683, 

but died in Wales. He w. in 1658, Elizabeth Rees, and had 

eight children,* wlio settled in Haverford with thc^r mother. 

3. — John Humphrey, who in. his cousin, Jane Humphrey 

(sister to Richard Humphrey, who was a Haverford land 

owner) , and bought land in Haverford, and removed to it. 

4. — Anne Humphrey, who ??i. Ellis ap Rees Lewis, or 
Ellis Price, of Bryn Mawr, in Merioneths- ire, 1649, also of 
Royal Descent, as explained in another page, and had : 

Rowland Ellis, 1650-1729, of "Bryn Mawr" farm, in 
the Welsh Tract. His daughter Eleanor, m. in 1715, 
John Evans,t of Gwynedd, also of Royal Descent as 

5. — Daughter (name not preserved), m. Owen ap , 

and had the following children who removed to the Welsh 

I. — Elizabeth Owen, second wife of "John Roberts, of 
Wayn Mill," Merion, d. 1703-4, who removed from Pen 
y Chyd, or Clwyd, in Denbighshire. 
II. — John Owen, a land owner in Merion in 1683-1703. 
III. — Joshua Owen, a land owner in Merion, unmar- 
ried in 1683-1703. 

*One of his children, Daniel Humphreys, m. Hannah, daughter of 
Dk. Thomas, and from them descended Joshua Humphreys, a 
celebrated naval constructor, Mrs. Thomas Stewardson, William Penn 
Humphreys, &c. 

t Among their numerous prominent descendanis are Mrs. John 
Henry Livingston, Gouveneur Morris Ogdeti, Mrs. Alfred T. Mahan, 
Glendower Evans, Howland Evans, Allen Evans, Edmund Cadwalader 
Evans, Hartnian Kuhn Evans, Mrs. Charles Mather, Mrs. Franklin 
T. Haines, William Elbert Evans, BIrs. Henry S. Huidekopcr, William 
W. Erwin, Manlius Glendower Evans, Cadwalader Evans Ogden, 
David B. Ogden, Cadwalader Evans, &c. 



John Ecvan, another of the prominent Welsh Tract land 
owners and settlers, also had ancient and distinguished line- 
age; one of his ancestral lines showing iiis lineal descent 
from kings of England and France, as follows : 

1. — Henry in., King or' England, had : 

2. — Edmund, Earl of Leicester, who had : 

3. — Henry, Earl of Leicester, who had : 

4. — Lady Eleanor Plantagenet, who m. secondly (as in 
the "Humphrej'" Royal Descent, above), Sir Richard Fitz- 
alan, K. G., Earl of Arundel and Surrey, and had: 

5. — John Fitzalan, Lord Maltravers, second son, d. 15 
Dec. 1379. He ?». Lady Eleanor Maltravers, d. 20 Jan. 1105, 
granddaughter and sole heir to John, Lord Maltravers, and 

6. — John Fitzalan, feudal lord of Arundel, heir, but 
d. V. p. His youngest son, brother to the twelfth Earl of 

7. — Sir Thomas Fitzal'N, Knt., ?w. Lady Katherine, 
daughter of Sir John Dynham, and sister to Sir John, Lord 
Dynham, K. G., and had: 

8. — Lady Eleanor Fitzalan, who in. Sir Thomas 
Browne, treasurer of the household to King Henry VL, and 

9. — Sir Anthony Browne, standard-bearer to King 
Henry VIL, whose daughter, 

10. — Lady Elizabeth Browne, m.. Henry Somerset, 
second Earl of Worcester, d. 26 Nov. 1549, and had : 

11. — Lady Eleanor Somerset, who m. Sir Roger Vaug- 
han, Knt., of Porthaml, Talgarth, Glamorganshire, and had : 

12. — Watiin Vaughan, of Porthaml, Talgarth, who m. 
Joan, daughter of Evan ap Gwilim Yohan, of Peytyn Gwyn, 
and had: 



13.— Sir William Vaugiian, of Porthaml, Talgarth, Knt., 
d., 1564, who m. Catharine, daughter of Jenkin ap Havard, 
of Tredomen, and had: 

14. — Cathaeine Vaugiian, who m. David ap Evan, of 
Neath, high sheriff of Glamorgansliire, in 15G3, and had: 

15.— Mary David Evan (widow of Edward Tiiberville, of 
Sutton), who VI. secondly, Thomas Basset, of Wiscin, and 

16. — Catharine Basset, who m. Richard ab Evan, of Col- 
lenna, Glamorganshire, and had: 

17. — Jane Evans, who m. Evan ah John, of Treverigg, 
Llantrisant parish, Glamorgan, and had : 

18. — John Bevan (John ab Evan), who removed from 
Treverigg, in 1683, to the Welsh Tract, with his wife, Bar- 
bara Awbrey, and family.* 

Edward Rees, and his sisters, Hannah, wife of Rees John 
William, or Rees Jones, and Jane, wife of Cadwaladcr Mor- 
gan, all of "Merion in the Welsh Tract," were also of dis- 
tinguished ancestry through their father's family, as fol- 
lows : 

1. — John, King of England, had by his second wife, 
Lady Isabella Taillefer, daughter of Ademar, Count of An- 

2. — Lady Eleanor Plantagenet, who m. secondly, Si- 
mon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and had, 

3. — Lady Eleanor de Montfort, who m. Llewellyn Gryf- 
fyth, Prince of North Wales, and the last sovereign Prince 

*Among: the prominent descendants of John Bevan are John W. 
Jordan, LL.D., Hon. Samuel W. Pennypaclrcr, Annesley R. Govett, 
Mrs. John Thomas Bell, Charles W. Sparhawk, ]\Irs. Duncan L. Buzby, 
Mrs. Thomas McKean, Mrs. Arthur Dudley Cross, of San Francisco; 
James Aull, Walter Bevan. Henry Clay Peniiypacker, Henry Clay 
Bevan, Aubrey Bevan, Robert Annesley Govett, Isaac R. Pennypacker, 
Francis Jordan, Jr., Walter Jordan, William E. Bevan, and Andrew 
J. Bevan, Francis K. Wainwright, Clement R. Wainwright. 



of all Wales, killed on 11 Doc. 1232, son of Llewellyn the 
Great, and had, 

4. — Lady Catherine, heiress, who m. Philip ap Ivor, lord 
of Iscoed, in Cardigan, and had, 

5. — Lady Eleanor, heiress, who m. Thomas ap Llewellyn 
Owen, of Trefgarned, lord of South Wales, and had, 

6. — Lad":' Eleanor, co-heiress, who m. (see Burke's 
"Royal Families," vol. 1. Ped. LII), Giyffyth Vj^chan, fourth 
lord of Glyndyfrdwy, whose descent from Bleddyn Cynfyn, 
King of Powys, 1016, is in Ped. CX. Burke's "Royal De- 
scents," and "Royal Families," IL p. LXI, see also Lloyd's 
"History of Powys Fadog," vol. IV. 118, and had, 

7. — Tudor ap Gryffyth Vychan, lord of Gwyddelwern, 
killed x5 May, 1405, brother to the celebrated Owen Glen- 
dower. He m. Maud, daughter of leuf Howel ap Adar, and 

8. — Lady Lowry Tudor, heiress, who m. Gruffydd ap 
Einion, of Cors y Gedol, Merionethshire, and had, 

9. — Ellissau ap Gruffydd, who m. Margaret, daughter 
of Jenkin ap levan (also descended from Kings of England) , 
and his wife, Leiki, daughter of Llewellyn ap Edneyfed, of 
Sonby, in Maelor, and had, 

10. — Lowry, who m. Reinaullt Gruffydd ap Rhys, of Bra- 
nas Uchaf, Llan Drillo Plas Ynghrogen (see Dwnn's "Visi- 
tations of Wales," II. 12C), and had, 

11. — Mary, who m. Robert Lloyd, of Gwern y Brechtwyn, 
and Glanllyn, also of Royal Descent, a: d had, 

12. — Thomas Lloyd, 1520-1G12, of Nant y Friar, who vi. 
Catherine, daughter of Robert ap Griffith, by his wife, Mar- 
garet, daughter of Cadwalader ap Rhys Lloyd, of Cydros, 
and had, Evan, 1555-1640, and 

13. — Mary Lloyd, who m. Richard, of Tyddyn Tyfod, 
Merioneth, and had, 

14. — Rhys ap Richard, whose son, 



15. — Griffith ap Rhys, of Tyddyn Tyfod, was the father 

16. — Richard Press, of GL-mlloidiogin, Llanfawr parish, 
Merionethshire, will dated 26 Jan. 1685-f'i, proved at St. 
Asaph registry, in 1686. His daughter, 

1. — Hannah Price, b. 1656, who was mentioned with 
her children in her father's will. She m. Rees ap John ap 
William, ( r Rees Jones, who d. in Merion, 26, llmo. 1697. 
Their children assumed "Jones" as their surname.* 

2.— Edward Rees, of Merion, 1682. 

3. — Jane, wife of Cadwalader Morgan, of I\Ierion, 1683. 

The above pedigree is partly made up from a quaint let- 
ter, extant but undated, and unsigned, but apparently writ- 
ten by a friend, or relative in Wales to Edward Prees, or 
a member of his family, who had curiosity about his fore- 
fathers. Aluch of it is faded and undecipherable. 

"My old friend, Edward Prees, hath w in his letter 

to Thomas Lloyd, requesting to send him some intelligence 
of his Pedigree. I know but little thereof at this time but 
give him this much while he stays for more. Edv/rrd Prees 
son of Richard son of Griffith son of Re no more than 

this of his Father's side these were own of th'it 

Land where you have seen William ap Robert and 

the name of that land is Tyddin Tyfod. And the mother 
of Rees Princhard was Mary the D Thomas son of 

Robert David Lloyd the son of D Vaughan son of 

*Their daughter, Lowry Jones, 1682-1762, m. first, Robert Lloyd, 
of Merion, d. 1714, and was the third wife of Hugh Evans, of Merion, 

1682-1772 (also of Royal Descent), m. 13 Feb. 1716, by whom she had 
Susanna Evans, 1719-1801, who m. 30 Jlay, 1740, Owen Jones, Sr., of 
Merion, 1711-1793, also of Royal Descent (an ancestor of Mr. Rodman 
Wister of Philadelphia), son of Johnathan Jones, of Merion, 1680-1770 

(and grandson of Dr. Edward Jones, of Merion, and greatgrandson 
of Dr. Thomas Wynne of Merion), and his wife, m. at the Merion 
Meeting, 4 Oct. 1705, Gainor Owen, daughter of Robert Owen and 
Rebecca (both of Royal Descent) , of Merion, their daughter, Hannah 
Jones, 1749-1829, m. 1779, Amos Foulke, 1740-1791, of Philadelphia, 
also of Royal Descent, Issue. 



Griffith soil of Evan Son of Madock the son of 

lervvith the son of Madock Flidd of Glan y Llyn 

the, : followed further by Ann John Vaughan of Mein y 

.The motlier of Mary the daurrhter of Thomas lloyd 
of Gwei'n y Brychdwyn was Catharine the daughter of 
Robert the son of GrilFith the son of Coch the son of Ddu the 
son of David the son of Einion the son of Canwri; , Vaughan 
the son of Canwrig the son of Ileilin the son of Tyvid the 
son of Tago the son of Ystwyth the son of Marchwyth the 
son of Marcheithian of the fifteen tribes of Gwyncdd North 
Wals from the Lord Ls Aled. 

The mother of Catharine vch Robert was Margaret the 
daughter of Cadwallader son of Rees Lloyd of Cydros line- 
ally descending from Enion Ardudwy, the motliei" of Rob- 
ert the son of Griffith was married the daughter of Tudor 
the son of Ewan lloyd of the Upper Plasin Llanfair. The 
mother of Griffith the son of Evan the son of Coch 
was Gwenhwyfir the daughter of Thomas David 
of the Court in Fenel Hill. 

Lineally ing from the Lady Dulas Gray. The 

mother as, the son of Robert Lloyd of Gwei'n Brj-- 

chwyn the dau of Raynold, the son of Griffith 

the of Upper Branas, the mother of Richard Griffith 

Ilian, the daughter of Rees of the House where 
wen Lived." 

The brothers Charles Lloyd, (who did not come over), 
and Thomas Lloyd, the deputy-governor, large land owners 
in the Welsh Tract, also had remarkable ancestry, in part 
as follows, 

1. — Edward I., King op England, had by his second 
wife. Princess Margaret, daughter of PHILIP HL, King 
OF France, 

2. — Edmund, Earl of Kent, who m. Lady Margaret, 
daughter of John, Lord Yv'ake, and had, 

3. — Lady Joan Plantagenet, the Fair Maid of Kent, 
(who was the mother of King Richard H., by her third hus- 



band, Edward tlie T'lack Prince), m. secondly. Sir Thomas 
de Holand, K.G., Earl of Kent, captain-general of Brittany, 
France and Normandy, and had, 

4. — Sir Thomas de Holand, K.G., second Earl of Kent, 
earl marshal of England, who ni. Lady Alice, daughter of 
Sir Kichard Fitzalan, K.G., Earl of Arundel and Surrey, d. 
1357, and had, 

5. — Lady Alianore de Holand, widow of Roger, Earl 
of March, who m. secondly. Sir Edward de Cherleton, K.G., 
fourth Lord Cherleton, of Powys castle, d. 1420, and had, 

6. — Lady Toan de Cherleton, who m. Sir John de Grey, 
K.G., created in 1418, Earl of Tancarville, killed at battle 
of Baugy Bridge, 1420, and had, 

7.— Sir Henry de Grey, second Earl of Tancarville, d. 
1449, who m. Lady Antigone, daughter of Humphrey, Duke 
of Gloucester, regent of France, and had, 

8. — Lady Elizabeth de Grey, who m. Sir Roger Kynas- 
ton, d. 1517, and had, 

9. — Humphrey Kynaston, of Morton, Salop, d. 1534, 
who 771. Elizabeth, daughter of Meredith ap Howell, of 
Llansilin, Denbi; ^ishire, and had, 

10. — Margari't Kynaston, who ?k. John Lloyd Wynn, 
of DyfTryn, (son of Evan Lloyd, of Dolobran), and had, 

11. — HUJIPHREY John Lloyd, of DyfTryn, whose daugh- 

12. — Katherine Lloyd, to. John Lloyd, of Coediowrid, 
1575-164-, a magistrate at Dolobran, also of Royal Descent, 
and had. 

13.— Charles Lloyd, 1613-1657, of Dolobran PLnll, Mei- 
fod parish, Montgomeryshire, a magistrate, who m. Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Thomas, son of Sir Stanley, Knt., of 
Knockyn, in Salop, and had, 



14.— CiiAKLES Llovd, of Dolobran Hall, and Dcp. Gov. 
Thoma.s Lloyd/'' the Welsh Tract land owners. 

Martha Awbrey, who came over with the family of John 
Bevan, "being engaged to be married to one Roes Thomas, 
who had gone to Pensylvania," and married him at the 
Haverford Meeting, 18 April, 1G92, was also one of the 
early settlers of Merion, who had a remarkable pedigree, 
as follows, 

1, — Gkuffydd ap Cynan, King of North Wales, cZ. 
1136, had a daughter, 

2. — Lady Gwenllian, sister of Owen, Prince of Wales, 
who m. Rhys ap Tewdwr, Prince of South Wal s, and had, 

*Soine of the prominent descendants of Deputy Gover'nor Thomas 
Lloyd: Jlrs. Georg:e Emlen, Jr., Miss Ellen Emlen, l\'rs. Richard 
■Vaux, Thomas Wister, M.D., Mrs. Travis Cochran, Mrs. Richard 
■Willing. Mrs. Richard H. Reeve, Mrs. Benjamin C. Reeve, Mrs. Augus- 
tus W. Durkec, Samuel B. Wheeler, Edward Shippen Willing, Countess 
Emily de Ganay, Mrs. Ale.xander C. Fergusson, Mrs. Charles C. Harri- 
son, Mrs. S. Bowman Wheeler, Frank L. Neall, Clement A. Griscom, 
Countess Ellen van Cuelebroeck, Mrs. Stiles Huber, Preston Carpenter, 
Mrs. Andrew Wheeler, Mrs. Charles E. Noblit, Mrs. John Jacob Astor, 
Hon. Lloyd C. Griscom, Mrs. Charles F. Hulse, Mrs. Malcolm LloyJ, 
Mrs. Robert B. Haines, Henry H. Collins, Jr., Richard M. Gummere, 
Mrs. Philip Trapnill Allin, WoodrufT Jones, Mrs. James S. Merritt, 
Mrs. Frank N. Hickok, Henry Jlorris, M.D., William Jlorris Collins, 
Mrs.Ludwig Wilhelmi, Edward Hacker, Mrs. Thomas S.K.Morton, Mrs. 
Henry Carey Baird, Jlrs. Charles J. Churchman, Mrs. John B. Bispltam, 
Charles Eliot, John Jay Smith, Samuel Rhoads, M.D., Mrs. Philip B. 
Chase, Bjnj. Raper Smith, Jlrs. James B. Morson, Adm. Louis JL 
Goldsborough, Henry Ewing Pope, William J. Wainwright, Mrs. Wil- 
liam H. Gardiner, Robert H. McClenachan, Mrs. Edward K. Rowland, 
Mrs. James A. Lowell, Mrs. Burnet Landreth, Jr., Mrs. Levi Morris, 
Mrs. Charles E. Smith, Rt. Rev. Bonj. W. Morris, Mrs. William J. Hardy, 
Jr., Mrs. John Lowell, Jr., I\Irs. Walter Abbott Wood, Mrs. Jacob 
Shoemaker Wain, Edward Wain, Mrs. Richard B. Jackson, Mrs. Na- 
thaniel Burwell Marshall, Isaac Norris, Charles Perrin Smith, Mrs. 
Charles Wilson Peale, Mrs. C. Emory McJIichael, Mrs. Tench Francis 
Joseph Parker Norris, Daniel Clark Wharton. 



3.— Lady Elizaeetii, who m. Edmund, feudal lord of Cay- 
rowe, ard had, 

4. — SiK Edgar de Garew, lord of Cayrowe, who had, 

5. — John de Carew, feudal lord of Carcw, whose daugh- 

6. — Anne de Carew (also called Nesta) , Hi. Thomas Aw- 
brey, son of William Awbrey, of Aberkynfrij? and Slough, 
in Brecknockshire, and had, 

7. — Thomas A\vbrey, of Aberkynfrig, constable, and 
I'anger of the forest of Brecon. He m. Johan, daughter of 
Trahaerne ap Einion, lord of Comond, and had, 

8. — Thomas Awbrey-goch, of Aberkynfrig, who m. 
Nesta, daught ;• of Owen Gethyn, of Glyn Taway, and had, 

9. — Richard Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who m. Creislie, 
daughter of Philip ap Elidor ('The ab Elerd"), and had, 

10. — GWALTER Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, second son. He 
ni. Johan, daughter and co-heiress of Rees Morgan, of Llan- 
gadog, CaiTuai-thenshire,* and had, 

11. — Morgan Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who m. Alice, 
daughter of Gwatkin Thomas ap David Lloyd, and had, 

12. — Jenkin Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who to. Gwenllian, 
daughter of Owain ap Griffith, of Tal y Llyn, and had, 

13. — Hopkin Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who m. Anne, 
daughter of John ap Griffith, of Gwyn, and had, 

*His pedigree (see Libscome's "Buckinghamshire," vol. I. p. 67) 
compiled in 1681, was as follows: 

Alfred, King of Dublin, m. Lady Eva, daughter of Dermot, 
King of Leinster, and had, 

SuTTKicK, King of Dublin, who m. Lady Nesta, daughter of Theo- 
dore-mawr, Prince of South Wales, and had, 

Ideo Wyllt, Lord of Clw^'e, in Brecon, who came out of Ireland 
into Wales with a band of soldiers to the assistance of Rees 
ap Theodore against the Normans." He w. Eleanore, daughter of 
DrjTiipenog, lord of Cantre Seliffe, and had, 

"Cadwgan Hen, Esq., descended from Ideo," whose son, 

"Griffith ap Cadwcn, lord of Llangadog, Esq.," had, Cadwgan- 
Gocii, who had, Howel-coch, who had, Einion, who had, Morgan, 
father of Rees Morgan, foresaid. 



14,— William Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, d. 27 June, 1517. 
He had by his second wife, Jane, widow of Thomas Lloyd, 
and daughter of Sir Richard Herbert, feudal lord of Mont- 
gomery castle, a gentleman usher to Henry VHL, by his 
second wife, Jane, daughter of Gwilim ap Rees Philip, of 

15. — RicilAUD Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, eldest son and 
heir, d. 1580, after selling his paternal estate. He m. Mar- 
garet, daughter of Thomas Gunter, of Gileston or Gillston, 
and had, 

16.— Richard Awbrey, of Llanelyw, Brecknockshire. He 
was buried in the parish church 25 Sep. 1646, with an in- 
scribed monument. He m. Anne, daughter of William 
Vaughan, of Llanelyw, and had, 

17. — Thomas Awbrey, of Llanelyw parish, third son, 
whose son, 

18. — William Awbrey, of Llanelyw parish, d. 16 Dec. 
1716, aged 90 years, and was buried with his ancestors in 
the parish church, under an inscribed stone. He m. in 1646, 
his cousin, Elizabeth, daughter of William, eldest son of 
Richard Awbrey, d. 1646, aforesaid, and succeeded to the 
farms in Llanelyw. Their daughter, 

19. — Martha Awbrey, b. 166-, became a Quaker, and vi. 
18 June 1692, at the Havcrford Meeting, Rees Thomas, who 
becam • a J. P. and member of the Pensylvania assembly, 
will prove:] 12 Feb. 1742-3. Issue.* 

Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr," in the Welsh tract, be- 
sides having the Royal line given in another page, had also 
further ren-arkably distinguished ancestry, as follows, be- 
ing descended from Lady Mary Kynston, a sister of Hum- 
phrey Kynaston, the ancestor of Dep. Gov. Thomas Lloyd. 

*Aniong their p' eminent descendants are Mrs. Charles Richard- 
son, Mrs. George B. Roberts, Mrs. Henry K. Dillard, Jliss Mary Wil- 
liam Perot, Mrs. Nathan Brooke, Hunter Brooke, Jr., Mrs. George H. 
Colket, William Thomas Brooke, Mrs. J. Howard Lewis, Jr., Hugh 
Jones Brooke, and Mrs. Harrison Koons Caner. 



1. — Edward I., King of England, had by his first wife, 
Princess Eleanor, daujjliter of Fekdinand IIL, King op 
Castile and Leon, 

2. — Lady Joan of Acre, who m. first, his second wife, 
Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Hertford and Gloucester, and had, 

3. — Lady Margaret de CijARe, who m. secondly, Hugh, 
second Baron D'Audley, cieated in 1337, Earl of Gloucestei*, 
and had, 

4. — Lady Margaret d'Audley, who m. Sir Ralph, second 
Baron Stafford, K.'. ., created in 1351, Earl of Stafford, and 

5. — Lady Joan de Stafford, who ?n. John, second Baron 
Cherleton, of Powys Castle, chamberlain to Edward IIL, 
(see Jones' "Feudal Barons of Powys"), and had, 

6. — Sir Edward de Cherleton, K.G., fourth Baron 
Cherleton, of Powys castle, who m. Lady Alianor, daugh- 
ter of Sir Thomas de Holand, E.G., second Earl of Kent, 
earl marshal, also of Royal Descent, and had, 

7. — Lady Joane de Cherleton, who m. Sir John de Grey, 
K.G., created in 1418, Earl of Tankei-ville, killed 22 Marc'i, 
1420, also of Royal Descent, and had, 

8. — Sir Henry de Grey, second Earl of Tankerville, d. 
1449, who m. Lady Antigone, daughter of Humphrey, Duke 
of Gloucester, regent of France, and had by her, 

9. — Lady Elizabeth de Grey, who ???. Sir Roger Kynas- 
ton, d. 1517, also of Royal Descent, and had, 

10. — Lady Mary Kynaston, who m. Howell ap levan, of 
Gnya y Maen-gwyn, and had, 

11. — Humphrey Howell, who m. Lady Anne, daughter 
of Sir Richard Herbert, of Colebrook, and had, 

12. — Jane Humphrey, who m. Griffith ap Howell, of 
Nannau, in Merionethshire, 1541 (see Dwnn's "Visitations 
of Wales," II. p. 226), a descendant of Eleddyn ap Cynfyn, 
a prince of Po^^vs, and had, 



13. — John Griffith, of Nannau, second son, who m. 
Elizabeth, ('xugliLcr of David Lloyd, of Trawsl'ynedd, or 
Tavvrynydd, and had, 

14.— Lewis John GraFFini, of Dyffrydan tp., Merioneth- 
shire, who m. Ellen, daughter of Howell Griffith, and had, 
Oioen Lewis* and 

15. — Rees Lewis, who m. Catherine, daughter of Elisha 
ap David Owen, and had, 

16. — Ellis ap Rees Lewis, or Ellis Price, of Bryn Mawr, 
Merionethshire, lG4t), who m. Anne Humphrey, d.-iughter of 
Humphrey Hugh Howell, and his wife, Elizabeth Powell, 
also of Roval Descent, (as in another page), and had, 

17. — Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr." in the Welsh 
Tract, d. 1729. Issiie. 

.\s members of the Foulke family, Welsh Quakers, which 
settled in Gwynedd Tp., intermarried with several Merion 
families, its pedigree is of interest here. To a certain point 
it is the same as those < Rowland Ellis, Gov. Thomas Lloyd, 
and Edward Rees, Hananh, wife of Rees Jones, and Jane, 
wife of Cadwallader Morgan, and is as follows : 

1. — Edwar; L, King of England, had by the Princess 
Eleanor, of Castile, 

2. — Lady Joan, who m. first, Gilbert, Earl of Hertford, 
and had, 

3. — Lady Margaret de Clare, who m. Hugh, Earl of 
Gloucester, and " ad. 

♦Owen Lewis, m. Blary, daughter of Tudor-vaughn, of Caer y 
Nwch, in Merionethshire, and had, 

Robert ap Owen Lewis, who m. Margaret, daughtc ■ of John ap 
Lewis, and had, 

Lewis Robekt Owen, who had by his wife, Mary, family unknown, 

Ellis Lewis, who removed into Ireland, and came to Pensylvania, 
bringing certificate from the Friends' Meeting at Mt. Mellick, in 
Queen's Co., dated 25 May, 1708. He settled in Kennett tp., Chester 
Co., Pa., where he d. 31 Aug. 1750, his will proved 29 Oct. following. 
He m. first, in 1713, at the Concord Mo. Mtg., Elizabeth Newlin, and 
had issue. 



4. — Lady Margauet d'Audley, who m. Ralph, Earl of 
Stafford, and had, 

5. — Lady Joan de Staffokd, who m. John, 2d Lord 
Cherleton, and had, 

6. — Lady Joan de Cherleton, who m. John, sixth Baron. 
Le Strange, of Knockyn Castle, also of Royal Descent, d, 
1397, (see Lloyd's History of Towys Fadog, vol. IV., 48), 
and had, 

7. — Lady Elizabeth le Strange, who m. GruITydd ap 
Madoc Vychan, third feudal Baron of Glyndyfrdwy, and 
lord of Rhuddalt, (see Burke's "Royal Families," vol. II, fo, 
LXI), and had, 

8. — Lady Isabel Griffith, who m. Goronway ap Gruffytb 
Madoc, and had, 

9. — Tudor, feudal lord of Penllyn, who had, 

10. — Howel Tudor, whose son, 

11, — David-llwyd Tudor had, 

12. — Lady Gweniiwyfar Tudor, who ?n. David ap levan- 
vychan, of Llanuwchllyn, in Penllyn, descended from the 
feudal Barons of Penllyn, (see Dwnn's Visitations of 
Wales), and had, 

13. — DAVID-LLWYD, who m. Lowry, daughLer of Howel- 
vaughan, and had, 

14. — Robert-llwyd, of Gwerny Brechtwyn, who m. Mary» 
daughter of Reinaullt, of Branas Uchaf, and had, 

15. — Thomas Robert-llwyd, 1520-1612, of Nant y Friar, 
or Nanfreur, in Penllyn, Merioneth, buried in the parish 
church of Llandderfel, 21 May, 1612. He ?h. Catherine,, 
daughter of Robert Griffith Evan-goch, who was descended 
from levan-goch, of Cwm Penaner, Denbigh, an ancestor of 
John Cadvwxlader, the Philadelphia school teacher, and of 
John ap Thomas, of "Company No. 1" (see Dwnn's Visita- 
tions of Wales, 1585-1603), and had Mary, wife of Richard, 
of Tyddyn Tyfod, and 

16. — Evan ap Thomas Lloyd, 1555-1640, buried at the 
Llanderfol church. He m. Dorothea Evans, buried with 
her husband, in Feb. 1619, and had, 



17.— Thomas Evan Lloyd, liiRh shcrifi: of Merioneth- 
shire, 1G23, (/. Nov. IGIO; m.. Catherine, daugliter of Wil- 
liam David, of Llanderfe], and had, 

18. — Ffoulke ap Thomas Lloyd, l)a2-)t. at Llanderfol, 
14 April, lG2o; m. Lowry, daughter of Edward David Ellis, 
of Llanvor, IMerioneth, and had (see Jenkins's History of 

19. — Edward Foulke, 1G51-1741, he removed from Coed 
y Foci, 2 Feb. 1G98, to a tract of 700 acres of land which 
he had bought in Gwynedd tp., Philadelphia county, with 
his family. He m. Eleanor or Ellin Hughs, (also of Royal 
Descent, as below), daughter of Hugh Cadwallader Rhys, 
of Yspytty, or Spytu parish, Denbighshire, and liad by her, 
who d. in 1733, nine children.* 

1. — John, King op England, had by his second wife, 
■Queen Isabella, 

2. — Lady Eleanor Plantagenet, vi'ho m. secondly, 
'Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and had, 

3. — Lady Eleanor de Montfort, who m. Llewellyn 
Gryfryth, the last sovereign Prince of Wales, 1232, and had, 

4. — Lady Catherine, who to. Philip Ivor, lord of Iscoed, 
and had, 

5. — Lady Eleanor, who m. Thomas Llewellyn, of Trefgar- 
ned, and had, 

6. — Lady Eleanor, who m. Gi-yffyth Vychan, lord of 
Glyndyfrdwy, and had, 

7.— Lowry Vaughan, sister to the celebrated Owen Glen- 
dower. She m Robert Pyllesdon, or Puleston, lord of Emral 
jtianor, Caernarvonshire, and had, 

*Ainong the prominent descendants of Edward Foulke are Ed- 
•ward Jeanes Foulke, Howard M. Jenkins, Frank Foulke, Charles 
Francis Jenkins, Richard Foulke Beirnc, Warren I\L Stansbury, James 
'Cresson, Thomas Corson Yocum, Mrs. Jawood Lukens, Mrs. Howard 
■Comfort, Mrs. Robert R. Corson, Geo. Rhyfedd Foulk, Wm. Parker 
Poulke, I\Ir.s. Henry Carvill Lewis, J. Roberts Foulke, Linford Foulke, 
Mrs. liichard H. Day, Richard C. Foulke, M.D., Allen Childs, Jacob 
Sperry Willing-, and John M. Whitall, Jr. 



8.— John Puleston, of Emral, heir, who jm. Aiigharad, 
dau. of Griffith de Hanmer, and had, 

9.— Margaret Tuleston, (sec Dwnn's Visitations of 
Wales), wlio m. David levan ap Einion, of Cryniarth, con- 
stable of Harlech Castle, in 1-4G8, and had, 

10.— ANGilAiiAD David (sister to Einion David, of Cry- 
niarth, in Edeznnon, mentioned above), who vi. Gwilym ap 
GrufTydd Robert, of Coch Willym, high sheriff of Caernar- 
vonshire, and had, 

11. — GvvENLLiAN WiLlJAM, who m. David ap Meredydd 
(or Meredith) ap Howcl, of Bala, Merionthshirc, and had, 

12.— HowEL Lloyd David, of Bala, m. Mallt vch. Howell 
Tychan, of Llnyaiarth, Montgomeryshire, and had, 

13. — Thomas Gethin Howel, of y Danyfaen, Denbig- 
sliire, m. Catherine v. David ap levan, of same place, and 

14. — Margaret Thomas, who m. Hugh Thomas ap David, 
of Cae Fadog, Ciltalgarth tp., Llanfor par., Merionth, and 

15. — William Hugh, of Cae Fadog, d. before 1627-8, His 

16. — Ellis ap William, or Ellis Williams, d. at Cae Fa- 
dog, where his personal estate was inventoried, and admin- 
istered, 26 Feb. 1645, by Margaret John, his relict, at St. 
Asaph Registiy. Of his children : — * 

*An extant memorandum, made about 174-, -which is copied into 
the cords of the Ilaverford Mo. Mtg., says, "Ellis Williams of Cai- 
fadog had four Daughters, viz: Margaret, Douse, Givenn, and Ellin. 
The said Ellin married John Morris of Brin Gwin in Dcnbigshirc, by 
her had one Daughter named Ellin who married Cadwalader ab 
Evan late of Gvo^nedd deceased," (he d. in 1745). "Givenn (another 
Daughter of the said Ellis Williams) had 3 children who came to 
Pensilvania," as given above. And also : "Evan Robert Lewis was 
an honest, sober man, lived in Fron Goch, [p. 155], he had five sons, 
viz: 1. Johti ab Evan, 2. Cadw'r, 3. Owen ab Evan, 4. Griffith ab 
Evan, and 5, Evan ab Evan. The first John ab Evan had 3 Sons & 
thri daughters by his first wife." 



1.- RlLin Williams, m. John Morris, of Bryii Gwyn, 
Denbigh, and hnd, 

Ellin Mo ais, vi. Cadwalader Evans, 1664-1745, re- 
moved to Gwyncdd tp., in 1G98, el.scwherc mentioned. 

2. — GWEN Williams, m. Hugli Cadwuladcr Rhys, of 
Yspytty parish, Denbigh, alive in Dec. 1688, and had, 

I. — Jane Hughs, m. William John, who removed to Gwy- 
nedd tp., in 1698, a son of John Evan, of Penmaen. 

II. — John ap Hugh, or John Pugh, removed to Gwynedd 
tp., w. and had Ellis Pugh, of Gwynedd. 

III. — Eli N Hughs, d. 1733, who m. Edward ffoulke, 
1651-1741 ; to Gwynedd tp., in 1698, also of Royal Descent, 
as above. One of their children, Jane Fonlkc, d. 8mo. 7. 
1766; m. 4mo. 5, 1718, Ellis Hughs, 1688-1764, of Exeter, 
Pa., and had, Willimn Hughs, of Exeter, 1716-1760, from 
whoj - descends Mrs. Walter D. Mansfield, of San Francisco, 
see Browning's "Colonial Dames of Royal Descent," p. 389. 




■ |_ ^r? 


V"'— °^/<- 



■ "^ -■"— -v": V' 

,.-'■ ■'.-, . 

.: :i^>,fc;>j|liy^fe: 





Having- seen thn Welsh Quakers put in possession of 
their land purchases ii; their tr:ict beyond the Schuylkill, 
and tlie settlements begun, we will now listen to the stories 
of some of them, as told in letters by themselves, or by 
their grandchildren, or Pensylvania annalists, of their ex- 
periences in early days here, and learn something of their 
habits, and environments in the time of the beginning of 
the city, and of the Commonwealth. 

As to these first comers, it was Proud's opinion, and his 
opinion applies as well to the Welsh as the English, "they 
appear to have been provident and cautious in their re- 
moval, so that rashness and inconsideration, so common in 
new attempts of this kind, was not for the most part much 
observable among them. Many of them brought servants, 
and had provided themselves with food and raiment for such 
a space of time after their arrival as it might reasonably 
be supposed their care and industry would afterwards pro- 
cure necessary subsistence in the province, besides sufficient 
quantities of household furniture, utensils, implements and 
tools." And "notwithstanding the precaution, which many 
of these adventurers had used, in bringing provisions and 
other necessaries with them, for a certain time, yet it cannot 
be reasonably supposed that the arrival of such a large num- 
ber of persons, in a wilderness, within the space of two or 
three years, would not necessarily be attended with incon- 
veniencies and difficulties," and then tells of cases of suffer- 
ing. "Besides," he continues, "these adventurers were not 
all young persons, and able to endure the difficulties and 
hardships whic are mostly unavoidable in subduing a wil- 
derness, nor as i ivilly regardless of convenient accommoda- 
tions as young, healthy, and strong men, accustomed to 



labour and disappoinlnient, but there were amonj'; tlicm 
persons advanced in years, with women and chihiren, and 
such as, in their native country, had lived well, and en- 
joyed ease and plenty." 

"Their first business, after their arrival," says Proud, 
writing out, in 1797, the annals descended to him from Caleb 
Pusey, the "Governor's miller," whose recollections easily 
went !. zk to 16S1-2, and applied to the 'Welsh, as well as the 
English, "was to land their property, and put it under such 
shelter as could be found; then, while some of them got 
warrants of survey, for taking up so much land as was 
sufficient for immediate settling, others went diversely fur- 
ther into the woods to different places, wdiere their lands 
were laid out, often without any path or road to dii'ect them, 
for scarce any were to be found above two miles from the 
water side [Delaware], not so much as any mark, or sign 
of any European having been there. As to the Indians, they 
seldomed travelled so regularly as to be traced, or followed 
by foot-steps, except, perhaps, from one of their towns to 
another. [This statement contradicts many 'old Indian 
path' claims in the Welsh tract]. So that all the country, 
further than about two miles distant from the river [Dela- 
ware] was an entire wilderness, producing nothing for sup- 
port of human life, but the v/ild fruits and animals of the 
woods." Yet there must have been some cleared grounds 
across the Schuylkill, since there are mentions of "old In- 
dian fields" in land records, and these Penn particularly 
claimed for himself. 

"The lodgings of some of these settlers were ai first in 
the woods. A chosen tree was frequently all the shelter they 
had against the inclemency of the weather. The next cover- 
ings of many of them were either caves in the earth, or 
such huts as could be most expeditiously procured, [havod- 
un-nos, as the Welsh term them], till better houses were 
built, the Welsh hendree, the stone house, in a hill-sheltered 
spot, near a good spring of water], for which they had no 
want of timber." The finest log cabins were built of barked, 



and hewn Icjxrs of equal thickness, witli stairs, or a ladder on 
the outside to reach tlic upper chamber, the first floor was 
pounded cartli, as was the floor;-, of all the early meeting 
houses. "The appearance of a wild and woody desert, with 
which they had now to encounter, among savages, must 
have created in them very sensible ideas, and made strong 
impressions, at first, on their minds. That likewise the con- 
sideration of the long and painful labour, and inevitable 
disappointments and hardships, which are naturally insep- 
arable from such undertakings, and for a .series of years 
must necessarily be endured, before a comfortable subsist- 
ence could be procured in a country, and a sufficient portion 
of land brought into proper order for that purpose, must 
undoubtedly have been very affecting to a thoughtful peo- 
ple, in this new, remote, and solitary situation." "These first 
comers, after their arrival, soon cleared land enough to make 
way for a crop of Indian corn, in the succeeding spring, 
and in a year or two, they began upon wheat, and other 
grain. Thus they went on improving till they got into a 
comfortable way of living." 

While not a Vvelsi, lan, "The Testimony of Richard Town- 
send, showing the providential hand of God, to him and 
others, from the first settlement of Pennsylvania," is not 
without interest in this connection. He relates, that having 
settled his business in London, where he dwelt, he and his 
wife and child embarked with William Penn, on the "Wel- 
come," "about the latter end of the Sixth-month," 1682. 
After referring to the passage as "properous," during which 
nearly every passenger had the smallpox, and thirty died, as 
others recovered, they landed and "found the New WorK. a 
wilderness, and the chief inhabitants Indians," and some 
Swedes, "who received us in a friendly manner, though 
there was a great number of us. The good hand of Provi- 
dence was seen in a particular manner, in that provisions 
were found for us by the Swedes and Indians, at very rea- 
sonable rates. Our first concei-n was to keep up and main- 



tain our i-eligious worship, and, in order thcrounlo we had 
sevoi-al meetings in the lioiisos of the inhabitants, and one 
boarded meeting-house was set up [Oct. 1(381] where the 
city was to be, near Dchxware, and after our meeting was 
over, we assisted each other in building little houses for our 
shelter. After a time, I set up a mill [belonging to Penn's 
milling company] on Chester Creel:, which I brought ready 
framed from Loudon, which :rcrv'Gd for grinding corn, and 
sawing of boards, and was of great use to us. There not 
being plenty of horses, people generally brought their corn 
on their backs many miles." This was when the Welsh 
Friends were foz'bidden by Penn to have mills of their own, 
conveiiient to their homes. 

As there were always a considerable number of Welsh 
in Phi' 'lelphia, it may be presumed that some abandoned 
their ci antry lots, or sold them, and removed to the "city," 
and that there were others who never got into the country, 
being tradespeople, and not farmers. The city life was be- 
coming attractive, for the ti vn grew rapidly. In 1683, Wil- 
liam Penn wrote, "from my arrival in 1682, to date hereof, 
being ten months, we got up four score houses at our town, 
from that time to my coming away, which was a year, within 
a few weeks, the town advanced to 357 houses, divers of 
them large, well built, with good cellars, three stories, and 
some balconies." John Goodson, 24, 6mo. 1690, telling of 
Philadelphia, wrote, "They build all with stone and brick 
now. Except the very meanest sorts of people, which build 
framed houses with timber and fetheredge-boards without 
side, two stories high." And there were seven "ordinaries" 
or taverns, in the town, as early as in 1683. Davis's Queej^'s 
Head tavern in Water Street, being the meeting place of the 
non-Quaker Welsh in town, where they had religious services 
in the Welsh tongue. Li 1685, Robei't Turner wrote of the 
town, "Thei-e are about 600 houses [put up] in three years' 
time." And Logan wrote, 2, 6mo. 1684, that 800 Friends 
attended the Philadelphia meeting. 



Although the I'l formation coniainLcI in the following let- 
ter, written about 1710, is hearsay, for its writer, John 
Jones, was born in Pcnsylvania, it is inlerestiny. He was 
a son of a Thomas Siou Evan, (or Thomas Jones), who 
came to the South River, or Delaware country, from near 
Bala, Merionthshire, in April, 1682, and subsequently set- 
tled in what became Radnor township, whose will, signed 
31, 1, 1707, was proved at Phila. 23, 7, 1707; to be guardians 
aid overseers, Rowland Ellis, Si-., Joseph Owen, and Row- 
land Ellis, the younger. The date of this interesting letter, 
entirely in Welsh language, is micertain, but it was writ- 
ten after 1707.* 

"My Dear Kinsman, Hugh Jones, 

"I received a letter from you dated I^Iay, 8th, 1705, and I 
was glad to !• d that one of my relatives in the old land of 
which I ha- heard so much was pleased to recollect me. 
I have heard my father speak much about old Cymru ; but I 
was born in this woody region — this new world." 

Then, mentioning many places in Wales he had heard 
his parents talk affectionately about, "and the kind-hearted 
and innocent old people who lived in them," he continued, 
"And now, my friend, I will give an account of the life and 
fortunes of my dear father, from the time he left Wales 
to the day of his death." 

"He was at St. Pc -r's fair, at Bala [10 July, 1681], when 
he first heard of Pensylvania, three weeks only after this, 
he took leave of his neighbors and relatives, who were 
anxiously looking forward to his departure for London on 
his way to America. 

"Here [in London] he waited three months for a ship ; and 
at length went out in one bearing the name of "William 
Penn." He had a very tempestuous passage for sevei'al 
weeks, and when in sight of the river Delaware, owing to 
adverse winds and a boisterous sea, the sails were torn, and 
the rudder injured. By this disaster they were greatly dis- 
heartened, and vt-ere obliged to go back to the Bax-badoes, 
♦Printed in the Cavihrian Magazine, 1833. 


where they continued three weeks, expending much money 
in refitting the ship. Being now ready I'or a second attempt, 
they easily accomplished their voyage and arrived safely 
in the river Delaware, on the IGth of April, being thirty 
weeks from ihe time they left London. During (his long 
voyage, he learned to speak and read English toleral)i> 

"They now came up the river 120 miks, to the place Phil- 
adelphia is at present situate. At that time, as the Welsh 
say, there was 'na thy nae ymogor,' [neither housi nor 
shelter], but the wild woods, nor any one to welcome them 
to land. A poor outlook this for persons who had been no 
long at sea, many of whom had spent their little all. 

"This was not the place for them to remain stationary. 
My father, therefore, went alone where chance led him, to 
endeavor the means Oa subsistence. He longed much at this 
time for milk. 

"During his wanderings, he met with a drunken old man, 
who understood neither Welsh nor English, and, who no- 
ticing the stranger, by means of some signs and gesticula- 
tions, invited him to his dwelling, where he was received by 
the old man's wife and several sons, in the most kind and 
hospitable manner. They were Swedes. Here he made his 
home till he had habitation of his own. 

"As you shall hear, during the summer of 1682, [October] , 
our governor, William Penn, Esq'r, arrived here, together 
with several from England, having bought lands here. 

"They now began to divide the country into allotments 
and to plan the city of Philadelphia (which was to be more 
than two miles in length), laying it out in streets and 
square., etc., with portions of land assigned to several of 
the houses. He also bought the freehold of the soil from 
the Indians, a sava^, race of men, who have lived here from 
time im.mernorial, as far as I am able to understand. They 
can give no account of themselves, not knowing where or 
whence they came here; an irrational set, I should imagine, 
but they have some kind of reason, too, and extraordinary 



natural cndowinoiits in their peculiar way; tlioy had neither 
towns nor villages, but lived in booths or tents. 

"In the autumn [August] of this year [1G82], several 
fjom Wales arrived here— Edward ab Rhys [Edward 
Frees], Edward Jones' of Bala [the doctor], \Villiam ab 
Edward, and many others. 

"By this time, there was a kind of neighborhood here, 
although, as neighbors they cou' little benefit each other. 
They were sometimes in making huts beneath some cliff, 
or under the hollow banks of rivulets, thus sheltering them- 
selves where their fancy dictated. 

"There were neither cows, nor horses, to be had at any 
price. Yet no one was in want, and all were much at- 
tached to each other. 

"During this eventful period, our governor began to 
build mansion houses at different intervals, to the distance 
of fifty miles from the city, although the country appeared 
a complete wilderness. 

"At this time, my father, Thomas Sion [John] Evan, 
was living with the Swedes [possibly the Swenson or Swan- 
son family], and intending daily to return to Wales. But, 
as time advanced, the country improved. In the course of 
three years, several were beginning to obtain a pretty good 
livelihood, and my father deteiTnincd to remain with them. 

"There was by this time no land to be bought within 
twelve miles of the cit/, and my father having purchased 
a small tract of land [in Radnor] married the widow of 
Thomas Llwyd [Lloyd] of Penmaen, [a poet]. He now 
went to live near the woods. It w'as now a very rare, but 
pleasing thing to hear a neighbor's cock crow. 

"My father had now only one small horse. In process of 
time, however, the little which he had prospered, so that 
he became possessed of horses, cows, and everything else 
that was necessary for him. During the latter years of his 
life, he kept twelve good milch cows. He had eight children. 
He was a muscular man." 



The wr;!.'!- of this letter, which is a fine advertisement 
of some school in Radnor tp., was the eldest child. He and 
his brother, Joseph 6. 28. 2. 1695, each received a farm from 
their father, as also did his sister Elizabeth, b. 8. IL 1691, 
she married, as stated, in the lettei", Kisiart ab Thomas ab 
Rhys. His mother, Lowry, he says, was then 75 years old. 

Piobably one of the most valual)le and interesting let- 
ters of the first Welsh settlers preserved is that of Dr. 
Edward Jones, the leader of "Companj'- No. 1," of Pensyl- 
vania adventurers, the first settler of Merion, since it was 
wiitten 26 Aug. 1682, thirteen days after landing here. It 
is what may be defined as a chatty letter, and a letter of ad- 
vice to immigi'anis, and is full of interesting items showing 
the state of affairs and prices current, in the home of their 
adoption as viewed by a man of education and refinement, 
to his partner, in this land adventure, John ap Thomas. It 
confirm. ^ much that John Jones told in the aforesaid letter. 

"Ye name of town [Philadelphia] lots," he wrote, "is 
called now Wicoco. Here is a Crowd of people striving for 
ye Country land, for ye town lot is not divided, & therefore 
we are forced to take up ye Country lots. We had much 
adoe to get a grant of it, but it cost us 4 or 5 days attend- 
ance, besides some score of miles we traveled before we 
brought it to pass, [this was locating the 5.000 acre sliare 
of the general purchase from Penn, and which became 
'Merion,' or (Lower) Merion township]. I hope it will 
please thee, and the rest yt are concerned, for it hath mosi 
rare timber. I have not seen the like in all these parts, there 
is water enough besides. The end of each lot will be on a 
river, as lai-ge or Inrger than the Dye at Bala, it is called 
Skool Kill River." 

The expected discomforts of the first settlei's of Merion, is 
further recorded in an old Bible by someone who probably 
had heard the immigrants relate them, thus : — 

"In the fall of 1682, William ap Edwards, with his family, 
Edward Jones, Edward Recs, Robert Davies, and many 



others, settled on the west side of the Schuylkill, Six or 
seven mile:, distant from the city, there dug caves, walled 
them, and dwelt therein a considei-able time, where they 
suffered many hardships in the beginning. The next season 
being wet and rainy, about their barley harv'cst [time], 
they could not get their grain dry to stack before it swelled, 
and it began to sprout, rendering it unfit for bread. They 
were in their necessities supplied by the natives with veni- 
son and wild fowl. Their first cows to milk were obtained 
from New Cp ;tle, and divided among the neighbors, and 
not having inclosurcs for them, they were obliged to tie 
them with rope of grape vine, some to a tree, or a stake 
driven into the ground, there being plenty of grass and 
sweet weeds. The Lord blessed them, and enabled them to 
bear their difficulties for a time, and blessed their labor 
with great success in raising grain, and every support they 
could wish for." 

However, we have William Penn's word for it that the 
first winter, 1682-3, the Merion sett' s lived here, was the 
coldest in the memory of "the oldest inhabitants," (White, or 
Indian). It may have been that being unprepared for 
weather colder than a winter in Wales, they "suffered many 
hardships," having only poor shelters for dwellings, and 
only green wood for fires. In Penn's letter to London share- 
holders of the Free Society of Traders, he wrote from 
Philadelphia, on 16. 8mo.* 1683, when he had been here 
almost a year. He said he had then "lived over the coldest 
and hottest times that the oldest liver in the province can 
remember '' so this first year must have been one of ex- 
treme of temperature. In general, what were Mr. Penn's 
experiences thi year, were those of Dr. Edward Jones, and 
his neighbors, on the bank of the Schuylkill, who had been 

*The date of this letter shows that Penn did not always begrin the 
jear with "the month called March," the then "First Month," for the 
letter is dated "Sth month," which according to the then custom would 
make it written in October, and he was writing in August. 



here just one year. Pc-nn says that from the time of his 
arrival in October, up to December, the weather was mild, 
"like an English mild spriny," and "from December to the 
beginning of the month called March, we had sharp, frosty 
weather, not foul, thick, black weather, [as in England], 
but a sky as clear as in summer, and the air dry, cold, 
piercing and hungry," and tells that the Delaware river was 
frozen over for a few days. We can imagine what sort of 
a winter he passed through, but he was writing an adver- 
tisement of his province to be published in England, so why 
tell of "zero weather" to possible customers used only to 
a mild winter. (Rowland Ellis was more candid in his de- 
scription of a Pensylvania winter, in a letter quoted further 
on). "From March to June," Penn continues, "we enjoyed 
swet spring, gentle showers, and a fine sky." "From 
thence to this present month, we have had extraordinaiy 

Thomas Ellis, of Haverford, in a letter dated 13. 4mo. 
1685, tells of the hard winter in Pensylvania he had just 
pas ed thi'ough. He says no ships could leave Philadelphia 
in February, "being there was so much winter wether ['twas 
certainly a bad spell of weather], the like was hardly known, 
and so no seasoning wether for tobacco." 

The make-shift protections against storms and freezing 
weather which the first settlers used in their necessity, nat- 
urally influenced the accounts of their first winter in Ameri- 
ca. It is notorious that the first settlers on the Delaware, 
where they supposed Philadelphia was to be, lived in 
"caves," dug in the river bluff. And it also may be pre- 
sumed that the Welsh Friends on the Schuylkill did the 
same. These artificial grottoes were by no means poor ac- 
commodations, excepting that the occupants must, in many 
large families, have been greatly cramped for room, and 
there could not have been any opportunity for privacy. 
But they were no woi-se off than the Western pioneers In 
their cabins. The d<; cription of one of the best "caves" 



has come down to ua as follows. First, a pit was dug, three 
feet deep, and twelve by fifteen feet in extent, in the river 
bank, well up from the water. The side towards the river 
was Ifvelled and left open. The side walls were carried up 
from the ground to the height of the tallest man standing 
erect, with interlaced and thatched saplings, and the roof 
over all was also made this way. The floor was beaten 
earth. So it may be imagined these temporary abodes were 
fairly comfortable, when the family was in the open much 
of the time, and certainly they were substantially put up, 
as in the city some were rented to pai'ty after party of new 
comers, and some became boarding houses, and worse, and, 
becoming a scandal to the city, all were extirpated. 

In the country, it is said some of these caves were in ex- 
istence* many years after the log cabin was put up, and 
became stables, and in many cases the old log cabin, re- 
placed by the stone house, was left standing and used for 
servants' quarters, or for storage. There are a few of 
these cabins still standing in the Welsh Tract, at least it 
is so claimed, which were the early home of the founders 
■ f our most pi'ominent families. 

*The only instance kno\vn to me of the original "cave dwelling" 
of an early settler being preserved, or identified, in the family of a 
present day descendant, is the one belonging to the Lownes family, 
in Springfield tp., now in Delaware Co. Hugh Lownes, and his wife 
Jane, and four children, sailed from Chester, England, for Pcnsyl- 
vania in 1685. They were Friends. Mr. Lownes had been imprisoned 
because he was "a practicing Quaker," and contracted a disease in 
jail from which he died f^ sea. His widow took up his land in Spring- 
field tp., and farmed it, and a portion of the old place is owned by 
descendants. On this property is the cave, a natural rock grotto, 
which served as the home for the widow and her children, till the 
log cabin was built, which in turn was followed by the present st ne 
mansion. The cave has been carefully protected .ill these years, and 
is marked on a tablet, ".lane Lownes's Cave and Dwelling, 1G85." 
Watson, in his "Annals of Philadelphia," mentions that the "cave," 
made and used by the Quaker family of Coates, was incorporated in 
the cell r of their brick house, erected at Front and Green streets, 
and survived till his day (1830). 



A preserved letter,''^ written in the spring of 1G98, by 
Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr," gives us a good view of 
the progress Mericin had made in ten years, and customs 
of its people in their new home. Mr. Ellis had shortly re- 
turned from Wales, where he went in the spring of 1688, 
after having been here about a year, so his letter may be 
considered one of an observant man considering contrasts. 

"They begin now to build t) i houses with Stone, & many 
with brick, whc may be made in any place here. * * * * 
There are but few natives now. Not 1 to 10 as formerly. 
As many as thei'e is, are very quiet. 

"A new comer may supply himself with horses, cows, and 
sheep, as many as he wants — good horse £4 with you, may 
cost iS more or less; Good Cow here, £5, or 6; beef ye last 
fall 2i/o per pound; pork 3d; cheese 7d; butter lOd. to Is. 
per pound; mutton 5d. also; wheat 8s; Rye Gs; Malt 6s. ye 
bushell. All other things are very dear, accordingly all 
things, whether foreign, or country commodities, will fall. 

"We had a very cold winter, such another people here 
cannot remember; hard frost, & deep snow, which con- 
tinued untill ye beginning of this month; we bore it I think 
as well as most, we had an indilTercnt good house, very 
good & large chimney ; we made fire night & day. * * * * 
It has been very sickly season here ye last fall & winter; 
several died of our Countrymen." 

Proud, in his History of Pensylvania, says further of 
these first colonists and early settlers, "Among those ad- 
venturers and settlers, who arrived about this time [1682-3] , 
were also many from Wales, of these who are called An- 
cient Britons, and mostly Quakers, divers of whom were of 
the original, or early stock of that society there. They had 
early purchased of the Proprietary, in England, 40,000 
acres of land. Those who came, at present, took up so much 
of it, on the west side of Sculkil river, as made the three 
townships of Merion, Haverford, and Radnor; and in a 

»Pa. Mag. of His., 1894. 



few years afterwards, their number was so much aug- 
mented, as to settle the three other townships of New-town, 
Goshen, and Uwchland." 

"Divers of these early Welsh settlers were persons of 
excellent and worthy character, and several of good educa- 
tion, family, and estate ; chiefly Quakers, and many of them 
either eminent preachers in the society, or otherwise quali- 
fied and disposed to do good, in various capacities, both in 
religious and civil, in public and private life. Of some of 
them there are particular and extraordinary accounts in 
manuscript, both respecting their eminent religious services 
among the Quakers, &c., and also of their great usefulness 
among their neighbors, in settling the province, and in re- 
gulating and managing tlie civil affairs of the government ; 
as persons highly and justly esteemed and distinguished 
both in private and public station." 

In his notice of these Welsh who were active in public 
life, and in the affairs of the Province, as well as in those 
of the Friends, Proud named as the most prominent only 
Rowland Ellis, Robert Owen, Hugh Roberts, and Ellis Pugh. 
But there were a few others of the Welshmen who were 
quite as prominent in the affairs of Philadelphia county, and 
who represented it in the assembly, before 1709, namely 
Thomas Lloyd, Griffith Jones, David Lloyd, Griffith Owen, 
John Bevan, Thomas Wynne, Rees Thomas, John Roberts, 

In the veiy first meeting of the assembly, in Philadelphia, 
on 10 and 12, Imo. 1683, out of the nine representatives 
from Philadelphia Co. two were Welshmen, Dr. Wynne and 
Dr. Owen. But in 1684 and 1685, no Welshman repre- 
sented Philadelphia Co., in which the entire Welsh Tract 
was then located, nor in 1690, but in other years there was 
always found some Welsh Friend willing to sacrifice some of 
his time for the public good, and sit in the general assembly. 

The early Welsh Friends seem to have been soon inter- 
ested in education, as among the petitioners for a charter 
for the first Friends' Public School, in Philadelphia in 1697, 



which was a Latin and grammar school in 1689, were David 
Lloyd and John Jones. In his final patent for this school, 
dated 29 Nov. 1711, Penn nominated as overseers of the 
public school, among others, Griffith Owen and Rowland 
Ellis, of Morion. This institution is still maintained, as the 
William Penn Charter School. 

During the "Keith Disturbance," at a general meeting of 
Friends, in Philadelphia to denounce and disown the dis- 
turber, Keith, among the signers of the "Declaration of 
Denial," 20, 4mo. 1692, were the Welshmen from over the 
Schuylkill, Robert Owen, and Hugh Roberts, and in town, 
Thomas Lloyd, and Griffith Owen. Mr. Keith came to Phil- 
adelphia as the first headmaster of the aforementioned Latin 

Penn in his letters frequently manifested his regard for 
individual Welshmen of Merion, which he did not have for 
the Welsh collectively. For instance, in a long letter dated 
London, 16. Imo. 1684-5, to his Deputy, Thomas Lloyd a 
Merion Welshman, he concluded, "Dearly salute me to dear 
friends, particularly Thomas Ellis, G. Jones, H. Lewis, T. 
Howel, J. B., [John Bevan] and the rest of the Welsh 
Friends, Captain Owen, &c., with their families." 

Oldmixon, writing in 1708, K:iid of the Welsh Tract, " 'Tis 
very populous, and the people are very industrious, by 
which means this country is better cleared than any other 
part of the countiy. The inhabitants have many fine plan- 
tations ; they are looked upon to be as thriving and wealthy 
as any in the province, and this must always be said of the 
Welsli. that wherever they come, 'tis not their fault if they 
do not live, and live well, too, for they seldom spare for 

Since we thus have their own evidence, and that of con- 
temporary writers, there is no occasion for one to draw any 
imaginary picture of the first years here of the Welsh 
Friends; nor to imagine what manner and quality these 
settlers were. As experienced farmers, they were well able 
to take care of their families. The soil was good we know, 



the seasons in general were not unlike those of Wales, and 
there was nothing to prevent them from exercising their 
industry and ingenuity. That they made no attempt at 
commercial faj-ming, or. cultivation of their plantations on 
a scale larger than to supply home necessities, is not sur- 
prising, since the early large landowners here had been 
gentlemen farmers in the old country, and they only re- 
sumed the life here. 

Nor is there evidence there were "country stores" in the 
Welsh Tract till many years after its settlement, so it may 
be presumed the Welsh Quakers did the buying of neces- 
saries they could not raise, or find, at the Philadelphia 
stores. In the years 1700, &c., the largest general store in 
Philadelphia was conducted by William Trent, and his ex- 
tant account books show that the country people brought 
him peltry of all kinds and got in exchange dry goods and 
groceries. Among his Welsh customers, who had accounts 
with him, were Richard Anthony, "John Andrew, ye 
shrieve," (1705), William Bevan, Mary Bevan, his widow, 
Owen Davis, Francis Ellis, Edvv^ard Evans, "Evan Evans, 
ye minister," Thomas Griffith, Thomas Harriss, Thomas 
Howell, "Evan Hari-y of Morgan," (bought a negro for 
£60, in 1708), John Jones, Sr. and Jr., Nicholas Thomas 
Jones, Griffith, Edward, Samuel, Moses, and Richard Jones, 
David Lloyd, Griffith Owen, "Ro Owen ye ministr," John 
Powell, John Richard, Elizabeth Roberts, "John Thomas, 
ye tailor," Richard and Lewis Thomas, and John Vaughan. 

Some of the household and economic features of the times 
I write of, are not without interest here. While the Welsh 
Friends were "plain people," they liked to have about them, 
and evidently did according to inventories, the best of all 
solid-wood furniture in their houses, modest though these 
were. But, if we could inspect one of the better class of 
these, the things we would not see would impress us more 
than what we did. We would see no carpets, nor rugs ; but 
hardwood floors, holy-stoned, or polished, and nearly always 



sanded; the clean creek sand bruslied into curious designs 
by the housewife, an artistic habor in which tliey had great 
pride. We would be pleased to see no wall paper, for the 
walls of rooms would be half, or wholly wainscoted au<I 
panelled and, if in hard wood, waxed and polished in na- 
tural color, but if only in pine wood, then painted white. 
We would also be pleased to see no stoves, only the large 
fire places, with pictured tiles about them. There would be 
a mantle-board, but never a marble mantle. If there was a 
mirror, it was in sections, framed in polished mahogany, or 
in black-painted wood. Of pictures, there wei'e none men- 
tioned in inventories. Of coux'se, we would see the chests, 
the high nests of drawers, the high-boys and the low-boys, 
peculiar to the times, the tall clock, the corner-cupboard, 
the hinged tea-table, the dresser, but no easy chairs would 
greet us; possibly not even the "winsor" ones, but many 
with rush seats, and always high backed, and uncomfort- 
able, companions of the high-backed bench. Candles in 
plain "sticks," never in girandoles, gave the artificial light; 
but they were dipped candles for ordinary use. At meals, 
if there was silver, it was solid, for plated ware was un- 
known, and the coffee, or tea sei-vice was of china, as it was 
considered more elegant. Delft-ware was held in reserve 
for grand occasions, and earthen-ware, and plates and plat- 
ters of pewter, and wooden trenchers, were in ordinary use, 
and it was long subsequent when silver waiters, for serving, 
succeeded wooden trays. There were glasses for wine, but 
not glass tumblers. But different times made different 
ways, and the ' Velsh Friends followed the fashions, ;is much 
as their convenience, and the war of the revolution, as did 
the civil wc.v, for us, marked distinct changes in their man- 
ner of living and furnishing, for innovations and luxuries 
invaded their dwellings and habits, and the general primi- 
tiveness, the relative differences, remained about the same 
from Penn's day till after the revolution's influence was 
experienced, just as our customs and neeJ^ are changed 
from our ante-bellum days. It is worthy of notice here, 



however, that the first carpet in Phihulelphia was laid, 1750, 
in the city dwelling of the Welsh Friend, Owen Jones. 

It is true that as a class the Indians were peaceable when 
the Welsh removed here, and were not murderers and 
scalpers, but yet there were some "bad Indians" then, as 
well as nowadays. There is evidence that some of these 
roamed the forests of Haverford and Radnor, apparently 
on innocent wild gam'- hunting, but, at the same time, were 
frightening the Welsh so they were obliged to complain to 
the Council, for there is a minute 16. mo. 1686 of "The 
Complaint of ye friends Inhabitants of Hertford against the 
Indians, for ye Rapine and Destruction of their Hoggs." 
Thereupon, the Provincial Council ordered that "Ye respec- 
tive India)"! kings with all speed" should be summoned to ap- 
pear before it, and "be made to desist" the raids on farm 
live stock. 

During the French and Indian war, some outlying fam- 
ilies, apparently, had to abandon their plantations, and 
come into the more thickly settled part of Merion. For in- 
stance, the following entry of a burial at the Morion Meet- 
ing, 5mo. 4, 1756, "Joseph, son of Joseph Conlin, who left 
their plantation for fear of the Indians." 

In the eai-ly books about America we find many state- 
ments that are silly, or amusing, as we may look at them 
from our point of view, and with our experience and knowl- 
edge. For instance, the Rev. John Campanius, a Swedish 
Lutheran minister, who was here for six years, 1641-46, 
and was the first missionary of religion among the Dela- 
ware Indians, took notes from which he hoped to write a 
book, but died in 1683, aged 83 years, without doing so. 
His son, Thomas, who was here when a lad with his father, 
re-wrote his father's notes on America, and added much 
information, and is the one responsible for their exaggera- 
tions, and printed the whole in Swedish, in 1702, the title 
translated being, "Brief description of the Province of New 
Sweden, now Pensylvania." 



What is particularly interesting to us, is the information 
recorded of the country about the Falls of the Schuylkill, 
whore the minister had been to visit the Indians. He tells 
of the alnindance of walnut, cliestnut, peach, and mulberry 
trees, of wild plums, wild grapes, and hemp and hops every- 
where. And of that wonderful gourd, "calabash," which, 
when dried hard, is fashioned into dishes and cups, tipped 
with silver, some being so large they hold a gallon. 

But what is recorded of our familiar fire-fly is news in- 
deed. "There is a kind of fly, which the Lidians call 'cuo- 
uye,' which in the night gives so strange a light that it is 
suflicient, when a man is travelling, to show him the way, 
one may also write and read the smallest print by the light 
which they give. W'hen the Lidians go in the night a hunt- 
ing, they fasten these insects to their hands and feet, by 
which they can see their way as well as in the daytime. 
One night these flies frightened all the soldiers that were 
on guard at Fort Christiana [Wilmington, Del.] ; they 
thought they were enemies advancing towards them with 
lighted matches !" "There is also," about the Falls, "a large 
and terrible serpent, which is called a rattle-snake. It has a 
head like a dog, and can bite off a man's leg as if cut with an 
axe! * * * These snakes are three yards long, and 
thick as the thickest part of a man's leg." What a life of 
wonder, and anxiety the ladies of Dr. Jones's settlement at 
these Falls must have led ! 

It is a well known fact that the Quakers never proselyte. 
but a fev/ years after the first settlements were made "out 
of town," the Welsh who then removed to Pensylvania were 
generally "Church of England" people, for when the annoy- 
ances ceased in V/ales, the well-to-do Friends stopped com- 
ing over. These "Churchmen" from Wales, having acquired 
the habit at home, resumed it here, and made attempts to 
proselyte the Quakers of Radnor, but there is no evidence 
that they made any remarkable headway. 



William Penn, in his "Agreement" willi these later emi- 
grants pi'omised them they should be at liberty to worship 
as they wished, and, if a body of settlers desired a minister, 
they were at liberty, as far as he was concerned, to ask the 
Bishop of London to send them one. The Churchmen in the 
Welsh Tract had been visited by missionary ministers; but 
imagining the influence a regular congregation, and a 
"steeple-house," would have in the community, about a hun- 
dred Welsh Episcopalians, in Radnor, Haverford, and Mer- 
ion, petitioned the Bishop of London for a permanent min- 
ister, one who could speak both Welsh and English, and par- 
ticularly one "who could be sober," "hoping to recover to 
the Church the non-conforming Quakers." 

Their petition was granted, and the congregation v/as 
united, and the church erected in Radnor, and called St. 
David's. It may have been only a small log building, as the 
present little stone church was not erected till 1717. The 
records of this earliest Episcopalian Church, West of the 
Schuylkill, begin only with the baptism, on 8 June, 1706, of 
Elizabeth, child of Morgan and Elizabeth Hughes, but there 
were regular services held here before this. It is estimated 
that about fifty families attended this church in 1707-8-9, 
but it is not until 1721-2 that there was recorded a list of 
members, when we find that among the communicants were 
David Howell and Evan Harry, the wardens, and Thomas 
Edwards, James Price, Thomas James, David Thomas, 
George Lewis, Francis Lewis, Owen Hugh, Philip David, 
John David, William Owen, Evan Jones, Richard Hughes, 

In the "North Wales," or Gv/ynedd settlement, was an- 
other Church of England congregation, holding services at 
Oxford and Evansburg. The Rev. Evan Evans, of Christ 
Church, in town, included all the little out-of-tow-n churches 
in his parish, and visited them at stated times, holding serv- 
ices and preaching in both Welsh and in English, but the 



Quake?- were not disturbed, a;id their meetings were held 
regulr ; !y in the Welsli Tract proper, at three, or four meet- 
ing houses, and at Plymouth, Oxford, Gwynedd, &c. 

At Gwynedd, wliere the majority of the early Welsh were 
"Churchmen," and met at the home of Robert Evans, where 
his brother, Cadwalader Evans, 1664-1745, conducted the 
services as lay-reader. The prominent Welsh Quakers in 
that neighborhood at that time were John Hughes, John 
Humphrey, and Thomas Evans. 





Now, as did these Welshmen, we, too, will look back on 
the conditions on which this land, the great Welsh Tract, 
was purchased and seated by them, for we have reviewed 
the reasons for their removal, and see that promises ver- 
bally made by grantor to grantees had no recognition 
subsequently by the proprietary and deputies, since they 
were not "so nominated in the bond." 

That William Penn promised to these Welsh gentlemen, 
his peers, that their individual purchases each should lie in 
one body ; that they so understood him ; (that these farm 
lands were divided in halves by miles of waste, or sparsely 
settled territory, we have seen) ; that he repudiated his ver- 
bal agreements with them, this we will see. 

That their great, joint tract of land was to be exclusively 
to their use; that it was to be controlled and governed by 
themselves, and through laws of their own enacting; that 
such was their undei'standing and expectation from 
promises made by Penn ; that this claim was ultimately 
denied and refused by him, that we will also see. 

Unfortunately for the Welsh Friends there could be no 
appeal from Penn ; his word in such matters was final. 

When William Penn received from Charles the Second 
the royal charter for the American territoiy, which his 
father had tried and failed to get, conditions for William's 
success being more favorable, dated at Westminster, 4 
March, 1681, for which William, as his father's heir, had 
petitioned the previous year, in lieu of a debt of £16,000, and 
intercut thereon, due his fath; r from the Crown for disburse- 
ments in the Victualling Office, and over which granted 
territory he was constituted "absolute proprietary," captain- 
general, and lord high admiral, with only allegiance to the 



Crown, and to hold the same forever by fealty only, on a 
trivial, or nominal annual payment, this territory was 
erected into a seijrniority, and named the Province of 

But it still continued to be territory of the kingdom, 
and ;; 'bject to provisions set forth in the royal charter, yet 
Penn's power within it was virtually feudal, though subject 
to these limitations, which defined his authority and legal 
status. His province he Avas to govern by the general laws 
of Engl; ad; but he could foi'm a constitution for it, with 
such scope he thought necessary for his domain, and enact 
laws for it covering peculiar cases or that were necessary 
under difi'erent conditions, with the assent of the freemen 
and land owners, if he saw fit to ask and consider their 
wishes, which did not conflict with those of the kingdom. 
That is, he had full power to form a government to suit his 
ideas. (With his inexperience in such matters, it is not sur- 
prising that when Fletcher superceded Penn as Governor, 
he declared, after investigation, "the constitution of their 
Majesties's government, and that of Mr. Penn are in direct 
opposition, one to the other.") 

Penn in full control "vas more than "absolute pro- 
prietary," in the sense that every freeholder is, as he 
appointed his courts and officers for the proper government 
of his territoiy, or province, and was authorized to erect 
counties and townships, incorporate boroughs and towns, 
and establish ports in his province. His deputy, residing in 
the province, ruled in his name the same as the king's lord 
lieutenant, or govenior-general, and Penn was virtually his 

*See the Pensylvania Colonial Records, vol. I. for the full te:;t of 
the principal papers relating to the beginning of Pensylvania, 
namely, the Royal Charter of Charles II. to Penn; Penn's "Condi- 
tions and Concessions to Adventurers for Land"; Penn's "Frame of 
Government," for his province, in its several shapes, as he would like 
to have had it, and as he had to have it, i'n the years 1G81, 16S3, and 
1696, and the "Laws agreed Upon." Also Pa. Archives, fourth series, 
voL I. 



.sovereign, for it was in his name councils and assemblies 
were called and dissolved, and these had no power to initiate 
legislation for his minatnre kingdom, and existed only to see 
that his laws, his wishes; his whims, were carried out in his 
domain, which he thought to govern from London, as a 
monarch did his outlaying territory, or as his king then 
did Virginia, New York and Georgia. Or as he expressed 
the conditions, "out of my great love and kindness," he had 
i:,ranted the people a charter * * * to ratify his bills. 

Penn deriving his authority over his province from the 
Crown, and, fortified by the Royal Charter, ordered his sub- 
jects, the freemen and freeholders, to choose from them- 
selves delegates to an assembly, to make them appear like 
men of affairs ; but they were for a time, only by courtesy 
"an advisatory body" to him, and really only voiced the 
Vi'ishes of their constituancy, for the province was palatine, 
even regal, in its nature, and William Penn, the Proprietary, 
was the petty king, the sovereign count-palatine of feudal 
times, and he fully expected his dignity would be supported 
by the revenue from rentals, quit-rents, customs, and taxes, 
paid into his treasury, willingly, or if not, forcibly, by his 
subjects, for he is on record under his own hand, that he 
"must be supported in state and proper magnificence," when 
residing in his Province, else he would not live here ! While 
Penn may have been sometimes a good Quaker, he certainly 
"put on airs," and was at fii'st, a stickler for style and pomp 
Tie supposed due his exalted position as a minor m.onarch. 
However, Quakers in his domain thought differently, and 
as mild as was the tribute he exacted, arrows, roses, skins, 
grain, shillings, etc., incorporated in his land patents, very 
little was willingly paid him, so he is found everlastingly 
writing that he got no income from his investment, and that 
his speculation, grandly conceived, but poorly considered, 
was his ruination. "Prepare the people," he wrote his agent 
once, "to think of some way to support me. So I may not 
-consume all my substance to serve the Province." But when 



his "ungrateful asserably" would malce no provision for him, 
he wrote in disgust : "I will sell the shirt off my baclc before 
I will trouble them any more." His idea, which he backed 
with his fortune, — and lost, bo it considered only a chimera, 
was a gr. it "experiment," as he called it, if not a grand 
scheme, and he had all possible liberty from the Crown to 
cany it through, and may be would have done so with con- 
fiding Quakers, in an entirely Quaker colony, but he never 
took into consideration the possibility of a mixed population 
in his province, and that he could not keep it exclusive, or 
have the "Meeting" paramount. 

Some other man, with the backing and freedom he had, 
might have done better, and made the province into a pay- 
ing concern, which was his dream, for, although it may in 
charity be claimed he was "far removed from mercenary 
consideration in founding Pensylvania," yet there are 
many instances to the contrary. "Though I desire to extend 
religious freedom, yet I must have some recompense for my 
trouble" he wrote. But this "province business" was a new 
one, in the way he proposed to carry it through, and he had 
no training to carry through such an undertaking. Other 
American proprietaries did business on different plans not 
better. But the chances against Penn's winning were like 
theirs in a measure, and none won out. Each could lay 
their undoing and loss to different causes. One of Penn's 
was, his humanitarian project in mind, that he carelesslj^ 
or unwittingly made promises to grantees, that subsequently 
were urged vigorously, and caused his agents much trouble, 
and him nearly the cancellation of his royal grant, which 
he frequently forgot was still in the power of the Crown to 
do ui;der certa i circumstances. 

Penn always an idealist, was certainly to be pittied, for 
with all sorts of claims, "trumpt-up" and legal, coming with 
every day, the general and necessarj' confusion of a new- 
settlement, made up of many sorts of settlers and specula- 
tors ; defective titles, and lapping grants to be straightened 
out; his money going out in a steady stream, and no cor-^ 



responding in-flow, were a few of llie causes of daily occur- 
ence that could have made a less warm hearted and "longer 
headed man" than William Penn "the greatest Englishman 
of his time," break under his responsibility. But if Penn 
had not been so vacillating in his promises, or forgetful of 
them, when not "so nominated in the bond," his Welsh 
grantees would have had a higher opinion of him, or have 
retained their respect for him, and we will see the reasons 
for their loss of faith. Even his agent here had to remind 
him he had better carry out his contracts with the grantees, 
and avoid further troubles. 

His career has been more studied than any other man 
of his day, and because he was no ordinaiy man, many of his 
deeds arouse inquiry, thei-eforc, from some points of view, it 
looks as if Penn had particular spite against the Welsh 
Friends, and we can believe this to be a fact from the 
records preserved to us of his treatment of them. His 
unfair treatment of them, and his pretended ignorance of 
verbal promises, till he succeeded in humiliating them, and 
through sundry devices recovered without payment much of 
the lands they purchased or engaged in good faith from him, 
are matters so interwoven that they can hardly be classed 
for separate consideration, so we will only consider the main 
features of what might be called his persecution of or his 
unfair dealing with his Welsh settlers. 

Even though Pen held to the opinion that the Welsh 
purchasers had nc )rivileges different from his other 
grantees, he did not accord them equal rights. Their grant 
was made to them for a valuable and sufficient consideration 
and conditions embodied in the lease and release were satis- 
factory, but this was not all there was to the transaction. 
We have seen they bought in blocks of 5,000 acres, and 
under his plan their property as "first purchasers," was "a 
propriety," subject to a nominal quit-rent, with his free-gift 
deed, given with each ach purchase, of a promise of a cer- 
tain amount of extra land in the city liberties, or suburbs, 
and a varied number of lots in the city, and this was a part 



of the bargain he made with the Welsh "first purchasers" one 
they could understand very well, as under a givarthal, it was 
a Welsh custom. 

But Penn tried to annul this gratuity, claiming that 
the Welsh gentlemen who bought in 1681-2, were only 
"trustee:," and, although they individually may have 
engaged to take 5,000 each, yet, he learned subsequently, 
they were only agents and trustees for the real buyers, or 
co-partners in the purchase, whose purchases out of these 
"allotments" were at bent only a few hundred acres to each, 
therefore, these "trustees" had no claim to gifts of liberty 
lands and city lots, as no one of them bought whole tracts 
of 5,000 acres, there being always two or moi'e concerned in 
*such purchases. There was no appeal. Purchasers held 
immediately of William Penn, not of the king. They had to 
accept the fact that the grant of 40,000 acres was not to one 
man, or to a corporation, but in fee to a number of individ- 
uals, some of vv'hom represented themselves only, while 
others were trustees for themselves and others, as we have 
seen, all by separate deeds of conveyance. This haii'-split- 
ting in the case of the Welsh purchasers was more evidence 
of Penn's unfairness to the Welsh Quakers, and they thought 
him diwyneb. 

*It appears from the minutes of the Board of Property (Book G), 
14, 7mo. 1709, the "The Swedes, v.'ho presented that abusive Petition 
in the Assembly, concerning their lands, having desired a meeting 
with the Commissiojiers, divers of them met at the secretary's office, 
and it being demanded what it is they complain off, they Said that the 
Prop'ry, at his first coming Into this Province, Promised them that he 
would be as a Father to Them, and that he Came not to Lessen or 
Take away their Rights, but to confirm Them to them, but that soon 
after he demanded a Sight of all their Pat's, which were delivered to 
him, that these had been detained from them, and that many of them 
had lost a Consider;-. ::!e Patent of the lands they hold of these Pat's 
taken from them. & that they were obliged To Pay for the Lands they 
held Greater Q't Rent than they had formerly Paid, which they Con- 
ceived to be greatly to their Wro'ng". 



In another way Penn showed unfair treatment of the 
Friends from Wales when lie exacted more quit-rent from 
them than he was justified either by his agreement with 
them, or by the terms of his deeds to them.* The title to 
the land were not alloidial, for the land was held of Penn 
by socage tenure, or payment of quit-rent annually, which 
was a well known fact. 

But Penn raised the question inadvertently, particu- 
lai'ly with the Welsh Friends, when he was hard pushed for 
cash, years after they were settled in their new homes, as 
to when the payment nf quit-rent should begin. He insisted 
it should start from t 3 date of the original grant, to enlarge 
his revenue, but it w.;s evident to the grantees that the pay- 
ment was due only after full and legal possession of pur- 
chases was had, which could not be till after the final 
survey of the land, confirmation of title, and receiving of 
the deed, and this was a matter of several years difference, 
and, of course, larger payment. 

Penn had decided the first surveys were only prima- 
tive ; made only to approximate the locality and extent of the 
purchases, and that the final surveys, which he ordered, 
when he suspected there was much overplus land, (which he 
took to himself, and sold at gve: ' advantage, for prices had 
advanced because of the settlement and improvement of 
the "country lots") , constituted the completion of the titles. 
That is, he would have it supposed that he ordered the final 
survey only to perfect the title, when, in fact, he made the 
order only to gather to himself the excess land, which he 
was entitled to. 

But this subterfuge re-acted on him, for when the quit- 
rent question came up, the Welsh, who had by this time 
considerable "inward light" on such m.atters, reminded him 
of his former decision, and held that not till the "final sur- 
vey" was made did they have legal possession of the lands 

*See Reed's "Explanation of the City and Liberties," also Shep- 
herd's "Proprietory Government in Pensylvania." 



standing in their names, and from that date the assessment 
and payment of quit-rent should begin. However, they had 
to pay from the time of the date of the grant, for the "law," 
that is Mr. Penn, so decided, for he held it was a matter 
of indifference to him whether they paid from the date of a 
grant and called it quit-rent, or paid him ordinary rental 
of his land, the overplus they used, from the date of the 
grant up to the time of the "final survey," and then com- 
menced paying quit-rent on their holdings. Being Quakers, 
there were no suits at law in this matter, and there could 
be no apr -al, for Penn's word was the last. 

Still another example of Penn's unfair dealing with the 
Welsh Friends was when he made the date of the original, 
the approximating survej% as the date to reckon from when 
he enforced his "Condition" that "in three years" the pur- 
chaser must seat his land, otherwise, Penn could confiscate 
it, and sell it again. He made the concession; the then 
holding gi'antee, however, should have the refusal of it for 
a "short time," to arrange to buy it over! This rule was 
particularly aimed at the Welsh Tract land holders. 

His "condition," to which many Welsh gentlemen sub- 
scribed, 11 July, 1681, was that "a family must be seated 
in three years," in each purchase of 1,000 acres in the 
"country lots." This was when he verbally declared to 
his interviewers from Wales, that no one could purchase 
more than 1,000 acres, excepting under this condition, and 
with this understanding. 

The question was raised by the Welsh Friends, when 
Penn notified them of his intention of enforcing this par- 
ticular "condition," as to when it was proper to begin to 
reckon the "three years" time. Penn ruled, as in the quit- 
rent case, "the three years must be reconned from the time 
of the survey." 

"Which sui-vey?" the Welsh inquired, for there had 
already been several, one of which was the "final survey," 



"certainly not the first one, nor the second, Friend William, 
for thee declared the 'final survey' was the only legal one, 
and we think the three years previlege should be reckoned 
from the date of it." 

"From the first and original one," was Penn's laconic 

As in the previous instance of the arbitrariness of Penn, 
there could be no appeal from his last word in this matter, 
so the Welsh had to hustle for tenants, or lose their pur- 
chases, which had increased much in value, for we have 
Isarned from John Jones' letter that "there was no land to 
be bought [in 1685] within twelve miles of the city," and 
Dr. Edward Jones, in 1682, wrote that there was "a crowd 
of people [in Philadelphia] striving for ye Country lam'." 

Another grievance the Welsh Friends felt was theirs, a 
thing much to their chagrin; but not pecuniary loss, how- 
ever; was when Penn divided the great Welsh Tract into 
three parts, or the townships of Merion, Haverford, and 
Radnor, and subsequently erected others. 

Penn cejtainly had authority, under the Royal Charter, 
to erect townships by patents, describing the bounds, num- 
ber of acres in each, locations, and names, which should 
be recorded, (which, however, was never done) , and grant 
power to the inhabitants of each "to chuse anealy a Con- 
stable, Overseei of ye Poor, and Overseer of ye highways 
for the Township." It seems the Welsh were not allowed 
"to chuse anealy" their tov. nship officers, which was their 
right, as they understood it, as they were appointed by the 
County Court. 

In this connection, it is of interest to hear what Penn 
wrote "at Worminghurst Place, 12. lOmo. 1685," in his 
"Further Account" of his sumoirous province. "Our Town- 
ships lie Square, generally the Village in the center; the 
Houses either opposit, or else opposit to the middle, betwixt 
two Houses ever the way, for near neighborhood. We have 
another Method, that tho the Village be in the Center, yet 



al^er a (■ifferent manner; 500 acres are allotted for the Vil- 
lage, which, among ten families, comes to 50 acres each. 
This lies square, and on the outside of the Square stand the 
House;;, with' them 50 acres running back, where, ends 
meeting, make the center of the 500 acres as they are to 
the whole. Before the Doors of the Hout s lies the High- 
way, and across it, every man's 450 acres of land, that 
makes up his complement of 500, so that the Convcniency of 
Neighborhood is made agreeable with that of the Land. I 
said nothing in my last of any number of Townships, but 
there are at least 50, settled before my leaving those parts, 
which was in the Moneth called August, 1684. I visited 
many of them." "We do settle in the way of Townships, or 
Villages," he also wrote, at another time, "each of which 
contains 5,000 acres, in Square, and at least Ten Families ; 
the regulation of the Country being a Family to each 500 
acres. Some Townships have more." 

But Robert Turner, in a letter from Philadelphia, 3. 6mo. 
168", to Penn, to be sent out as an advertising circular of 
the Province, to influence sales of land, was even more 
"enthusiastic" than Penn, when he wrote, "As to the Coun- 
try, the Improvements are Large, and settlements very 
Throng by the way of Townships and Villages"! Most of 
Penn's "Further Account" of his Utopia we know was "a 
pipe dream." There is no question but that his idea was to 
have townships of 5,000 (or 10,000) acres extent, with a 
village ij the middle, and five (or ten) families at least, in 
each township. But when he wrote the "glowing account", 
above, there were few families in any township, and these, 
with the exception of in Merion, (and there the Thomas & 
Jones party had settled in one corner, and although this 
township had the largest number of settlers in 1685, it was 
very far from being "throng"), were seated so scatteringly 
through any 5,000 acre tract, that a whole township was 
long called a "town," as much for this reason as for 
abbreviation. ^^-. 



The Welsh Friends contended that it was agreed their 
40,000 acres of land would lie in one undivided tract, or 
"town," and not be cut up into sections ; but, if now there 
must be townships in the Province, their tract should be 
only one township, in conformity with the desire which they 
had expressed, and Penn had agreed to, and that they alone 
should have the right "to chuse" its officers, and from among 
themselves, as was also promised, and to expend within it 
the local taxes collected. 

But this municipal district plan did not suit Penn, so the 
Welsh Tract was arbitrarily divided into three townships, 
and his Council appointed the first officers, and tried to 
collect the tithes, and thus the Welshmen were not allowed 
to have and support their ov/n government within their 
territory. However, the Welsh continued to exercise some 
civil authority through their monthly meeting, and held 
"town meetings" among themselves at the several Friends' 
Meeting houses, to regulate certain matters of their 
"towns" which they did not wish to take into court. But of 
this further. This solid township idea is what has come 
to be known as the "Welsh Barony." 

When you come to review the "Welsh idea," you may note 
that whatever the Welsh, when purchasing, wanted, Penn 
promised, and that they realized only disappointments out 
of their expectations. (And this v/as the experience of the 
Germans, too.) Their hopes for a township, or a "barony," 
in one tract, for themselves alone, their tract to be separate 
and distinct from every county, to have courts and magis- 
trates of their own, for there is the testimony of one Welsh- 
man, t^-at when they called upon Penn in London, they 
"asked that in our ti'act, within wliich all causes, quarrels, 
crimes, and disputes [arose], might be tried and wholly 
determined by officers, Magistr;-tes, and Juries of our own 
language";* its inhabitants not to do jury duty outside 

♦If the Welsh Friends had enforced some of the old laws peculiar 
to themselves in their State, there certainly would have been trouble, 
but probably no more than we are now experienci.r:g in our "united" 



of the "Welsh Town," which should be represented as a 
"barony" in the Provincial Council, and in the Provincial 
Assembly, by men of their own selection from among them- 
selves, although they claimed to have their own Assembly 
in their Monthly Meeting, to pay taxes raised only for the 
use of their Towns, they had reason to expect to enjoy, for 
they heard the "Great Man" promise, and for these, and 
other conditions, they often petitioned for confinnation. 

Because there was no deed from Penn to the Welsh cover- 
ing a solid tract of 40,000 acres of Pensylvania land, he, 
and his agents, took advantage of this oversight, and champ- 
ions of Penn have claimed there was no authority for sup- 
posing the several grants should be laid in one body. Yet, 
there is Penn's personal instruction to his surveyor-general, 

States where each has laws of its ovm choosing, especially in marital 
matters. The Welsh v ould have had the wife's dower (agwcddi, or 
givaddol) , or marriage portion, remain her property, but would have 
"comjiensated" the husband by having the bride's father pay him the 
"maiden fee," {amobr or gohr vierch), if she married by his consent. 
But not to be excelled in courtesy, the bridegroom would pay the 
father something, generally live stock, for the "loss" of his daughter's 
services in his household. And then further, on the morning after 
the marriage, "if the bride proved to be what he had a right to 
expect," the groom pre: nted her with cowyll, a gift of money for her 
own use; but this only once, and this was her eyvarwys, or per- 
quisite. And if the V/elsh Tract, or cymwd, had really been as they 
hoped, that is a gwlad, and hold by the Friends organized into a 
polity, their Welsh "la'nd laws" would have conflicted with Penn's. 
Mo ebediiv, nor gobr csty^i, no inheritance tax, nor investure fee would 
have been paid, providing all the land had been paid for by the 
decedent. Then there vrere peculiar "regulations" as to gorvedog, and 
mach, or bail bonds, and security for debt. But it is not clear how 
their law of marwdy, would work, for by it a house and contents 
"reverted to the lord" when the owner died intestate. Possibly Penn, 
as the penttaeth, or petty king, would have claimed it. But their laws 
as to trevtad, or patrimony, land, cattle, crops, etc., would certainly 
have made this "State" singular. The law as to horse trading was 
certainly peculiar; "Whom shall sell a horse or a mare let him be 
anserable for inward disorders, to-wit, 3 mornings for the staggers, 
nd 3 months for the glanders, and a year for the farcy. Let the 
person wio shall buy it look to an outside blemish." 



in his warrant of sun'ey, instructing him to do the very 
thing the Welsh claimed, and confirming what the Welsh 
said they understood him to promise them, and this war- 
rant was issued but a short time after the date of their 
purchases, when the conversation could have been fresh in 
Penn's recollection. Certainly, it was before he began to 
be unfair to his Welsh friends. But a stronger argument 
for unity of the Welsh Tract, and the larger purchasers 
in it, may be seen in the "condition" of 11 July, 1681, under 
which he sold to them: "That whenever any number of 
purchasers, whose acres amount to 5,000 acres, desire to sit 
together in a township, they shall have their township cast 
together." However, it was not that the tract was inter- 
sected by other tracts, or that part of a Welshman's farm 
was in one place, and miles off there was some more of it, 
for it really lay contiguously, and the complaint of the 
Welsh was that it was subsequently made to lay part in one 
county and part in another, so, as far as the unity of the 
tract was concerned the county line might as well have 
been a many mile wide strip. 

Their complaint of "division" also concerned another case 
within the greater one, but there was nothing to substan- 
tiate it, unless Penn's "conditions" of 11 July 1681, covers 
the case, and in part it does. This was the splitting up of 
the grants of 5,000, 3,000, and 1,000 acres of land, as we 
have seen was the case, for nearly all the Welsh Tract 
parcels, bought from the "trustees," were laid out part in 
one township, and the balance in a distant one, although 
within the Welsh Tract. And this affected not only the 
large tracts, but the small purchasers, for we have seen 150 
acre lots, half, the maenor, in Merion, and half in Goshen. 
The evidence seems to be against any cause for supposing 
thrt the grants to the trustees, or companies, should lay con- 
tiguously. The deeds to them all read the same, differing 
of course as to names and acreage, saying "the full quantity 
of Five Thousand Acres to be allotted and set out in such 
places, or parts of the said province," etc., as had been or 



may be agreed upon. There appeared to be no guarantee 
that the trustecs's tracts should be located in one place. This 
the Welsh overlooked to have in the deeds, never imagin- 
ing a purchase; or a cantrcv, would not be all together. 

But Penn was particuhr to have his own 10,000 acre 
tracts, which he reserved out of each 100,000 acre lot he 
sold, lie contiguously. This was the plan of "tenths" which 
he introduced into We t Jersey, when he was managing the 
Byllyngs domain, which, by the way, was not an humani- 
tarian venture, though the sales were at first made to 
Quakers almost exclusively, and led up to Penn's personal 
"holy experiment." 

There seems always, and particularly so in recent years, 
to have been considerable misconception about the Welsh 
Tract h ving been erected by Penn into a "barony," with 
all the honors and power pertaining to such a state. 

Just as had William Alexander, the poet and court 
favorite, in Nova Scotia, the proprietors of Maryland, and 
of Carolina had authority to create a nobility, and the latter 
only used it. But Penn overlooked, or missed such a con- 
cession, or, more likely, he never insisted upon it, for he 
knew it would not be to the taste of the plain people of his 
faith, to whom he hoped to sell his land. So, he missed 
of his own accord being "the fountain of honour, as well 
as the source of office," yet he was the seignior, with a 
court, administering and dispencing justice in his name. 

Penn, presumably, had no authority given him to create a 
baronage, and consequently to erect a barony of any degree 
in his domain, (yet he conferred on a Scotchman the "bar- 
ony of Inverie," in 1685), or to establish a semblance of 
an order of nobility. This only king and parliament could 
do, after he got his charter, and there was no suggestion 
that such would ever be their intention, or to delegate power 
to him, a dependent, to create a nobility, which would be 
feudatory to the Crown only through him, for this would 
have been what a baronage then meant, whether in Pen- 
sylvania, or England. 



Even his 10,000 acre reservations though culled manors 
were never such, for this was only their courtesy title. 

Penn's instructions to his surveyors-general to lay out the 
40,000 acres of land, (they took altogether 50,000 acres), 
which the Welsh Friends purchased, "as in a barony," was 
only a "figure of speech" so far as the tract was concerned. 
He employed the same expression in the same sense when 
formulating his assembly; "one representative from each 
purchase of a 5,000 acre baronage." That is, as to the 
Welsh Tract, he desired it laid out in a barony-like tract; 
"may be lay'd out contiguously as [like] one Barony," was 
the wording of his instruction. He meant all of the pur- 
chases of the seven, or more, Welsh "companies" should 
lie contiguous, in one body, a large sweep of land, or "broad 
lands," and this did not even suggest that the purchases 
lying contiguously should be a parish, or a precinct, but 
only "as one Barony." Penn owned property in Ireland, 
and had been there, and was probably familiar with the 
scheme of the plantation of Ulster, and with King James' 
"Orders and Conditions to be observed by the Undertakers 
upon the Distribution and Plantation of the Escheated 
Lands of Ulster," (these Orders, and the "Concessions and 
Agreements of the Proprietors of West Jersey," 1675-6, 
Penn must have consulted when he wrote his own "Con- 
ditions and Concessions to Adventurers for Land," as he 
copied their ideas, and expressions some places), which 
instructed that the ten "townlands" of 5,000 acres each 
should constitute a barony, and this term is still used in 
Ireland for every ten townships lying contiguously, or a 
precinct of 50,000 acres in size, which was the acreage of 
the Welsh Tract. 

I don't think the Welsh Friends, the pioneers, had any 
notion that Penn meant their tract of land should be "a 
real barony," under ancient conditions, as has often been 
claimed. All they were interested in was having their pur- 
chases "lie contiguously as in a barony," or whatever such 
a whole tract of land may be termed, and that Penn should 



keep his promises to them, aspocially as to the entire con- 
trol and management of it through their meetings, or their 
monthly meeting. 

And I do think that the "true barony" idea originated in 
the fertile imagination of some zealous, enthusiastic modern 
descendants of the Welsh Quaker pioneers. They imagined 
that the "barony" carried with it the feudatory right to sit 
in Parliament, overlooking the fact that the dignity of a 
baron, a lord of Parliament, was then, as now, a personal 
matter; not a territorial adjunct, but an honor confei'red 
by the king and confirmed by a writ of summons to 

A "true barony," the descendants' idea, I can imagine 
would have been an ineptly bestowed concession, if the 
ancient custom had obtained, and Penn had power to 
inaugurate it. Who among the Welsh Quakers can you 
imagine would have been the Welsh peer who would sit 
in Parliament? Who would issue the fee simple grants 
within the Welsh barony? From whom would have been 
held the land if at that time a baronage had been a 
territorial dignity? Whoever he would have been, who 
would have selected him? 

The nearest, the final, or acceptable Hoyal Charter came 
to giving Penn power to erect a dignity resembling a baron- 
age was where it gave him a baron's power to erect manors 
in his province, with all the authority peculiar to them, 
namely court-baron, "to hold view of frank pledge for the 
conservance of the peace," "to be fully exercised by the lords 
of the manors for the time being." Such manors may have 
been "a feudatory of the prince," for Penn at first had the 
authority of a petty king, but it did not carry with it the 
right of the manor-holder to sit in Parliament as a baron, 
though he was the "lord of the manor for the tinie being." 
His Royal Charter also gave Penn's grantees "power to 
erect any parcels of land within the province into manors," 
"and in every such manor to have and to hold a court-baron, 
with all things whatsover which to a court-baron do belong." 



Sydney George Fisher, writinjj of those limes in Pen- 
sylvania, has a view of them that is hardly justified by the 
facts. He said, Penn "had promised tliem [the Welsh 
Quakers] a tract of 40,000 acres, where they would have a 
little government of their own, and live by themselves." 
"They insisted that their 40,000 acres constituted a barony, 
or county palatine, and it was known as the Welsh Barony 
until modern times changed it to Vv^elsh Tract." "It was 
a manor, with the right of court-baron, like the one occu- 
pied by the Moravians on the Lehigh, and, if circumstances 
had been favorable, it could easily have been developed into 
a sort of a palatine." The Moravian "barony," was only a 
resen'ation, within one of Penn's "manors, and baronial 
rights, if any ever existed, were never exercised." A better 
suggestion of Penn's elastic grants was the one to Eneas 
Macpherson, a Scotchman of course, in 1685. Though it 
was similar in conditions to the grants to the Welsh "first 
purchasers," it was manorial, since it gave Mr. ]\Iacpherson 
power to erect his 5,000 acre lot "into the barony of Inve- 
rie," with privilege of court-leet, court-baron, &c. He fur- 
ther directed his Land Commissioners to grant large tracts 
of land with the same conditions, but, somehow they over- 
looked this order, which was very careless of them. This 
idea of manors, with court-barcn, and even the Board of 
Land Commissioners, was the same King James employed 
when dealing with the undertakers for Ulster. 

Penn knew better than to experiment with a petty nobil- 
ity in his refuge for Quakers, and, as said above, he con- 
sidered his manors were simply divisions of his territory 
for his own convenience. That is, his own manors were the 
lands kept in his own hands, for his personal use, or that 
of his family, and the "lord" of such manors, was simply 
his steward, appointed, or removed by him, at will. 

But it was not Penn's fault that there was not the order 
of nobility in Pensjdvania. Although not himself of the 
nobi^'ty he was an aristocrat, and so were some who assisted 
him in framing his government. But others, not living in 



ai'istocratic atmosphere, advised hiin, if he wished to realize 
on his land, :'.nd interest the "plain people" in it, he should 
change his "Frame," and eliminate the nobility idea from it. 

We have seen that one of his schemes was to sell land in 
lots of 5,000 acres, with the "patroon idea" of settlement. 
This idea he held on to when he early planned the "Parlia- 
ment" for his Province. He wanted a "House of Lords," 
composed of owners of 5,000 acre tracts of land, and a 
"Lower House," made up of their tent'nts. That is, the 
Upper House of Parliament, or House of Lords, should ba 
composed of fifty "barons" ; and to be eligible to it, or to be 
a baron, one must be a married man and own 5,000 acres, 
or "a propriety." The right to sit as a "baron" v/as to 
descend from heir to heir, so long as the "barony" v/as not 
reduced below 2,000 acres, in such a case the "baronage" 
should cease. This was a great advertising card for Pen- 
sylvania if Penn had not been argued out of distributing it. 
It seemed such a good thing to him, that another draft of the 
same "Frame" makes the number of "bai'ons" 100. The 
"lords and tenants" were to be organized into standing com- 
mittees, with, of course, the "Lords" in the majority, vi^hich 
should attend to all matters of "church and State." 

In Penn's draft of the charter, the one he would have liked 
the king to grant, but which was discarded, he mapped out 
for himself extraordinary powers. He was to have tlie usual 
and magnificent powers of a count-palatine of feudal times, 
or an independent principality, with homage and fealty only 
to the king. It gave him po\vers to coin money, confer titles 
receive and spend all the revenue, control all the coui'ts, etc., 
and be dictator in evei'ything Vv'ithin his domain. The con- 
ferred royal charter was veiy much modified, probably to 
Penn's chagrin. 

It cannot be denied that from the first the Welsh 
Friends had large ideas about the status of their tract, or 
"towns," for all along there are suggestions that they pre- 
sumed on what might be considered manorial, or baronial 
rights and privileges within their tract, and attempted to 



enjoy thorn. Their chief ofFensc ia this rcspoct against the 
supreme authority of tlie proprietary was tlie use, if not 
organization of the monthly meeting into an alleged local 
court, to settle disputes' arising in the tract, generally civil 
disputes arising among the nselves, but probably not crim- 
inal cases, and there is suggestion that "taxes" were levied 
within their bounds foi the use of the community, through 
the monthly meeting. And further, that they claimed that 
their "towns" should have delegates of their own selecting 
sit in the general assembly, and, if possible, one member 
from the tract i;i the provincial council. The "Welsh idea" 
of a tract exclusive to themselves, be it a barony, manor, or 
state, within Penn's province, may have been crude and 
impracticable, but certainly, if we are to believe Hugh 
Roberts, they originally had some encouragement from Penn 
in the matter of self-government, or that he held out some 
such inducement when effecting the sale of the land, and 
without actual'y committing himself to the scheme by sign- 
ing any agreement to this effect. Penn himself did create 
one barony, or m^anor, we know, and did instruct his com- 
missioners to do the same for him, so I do not doubt but that 
he made the promises to the Welsh Friends, which they 
claimed he did as late as in 1688-89. 

Pastorius, the German scholar, who bought 15,000 acres 
of Penn, in London, on 5 June, 1683, for himself, and "an 
aggregation of individuals," all Germans, known as the 
Frankfort Company, came over to Philadelphia, arriving 
20 Aug., 1683. It seems they experienced almost the identi- 
cal troubles the Welsh Friends had about lands, and con- 
cessions. His letters tell of the difficulty he had to get the 
land located and surveyed, after he had paid for it, and 
William Penn, "of his princely bounty," had granted it, and 
how he had to be satisfied with any location for the pur- 
chase the surveyor would give him, which we know v/as out 
on the hills of the present Germantown, across from the 
"Welsh Town." Pastorius may have supposed he should 
have had better treatment from Friend Penn, because Penn 



was part Dutch himself, his mother "Dutch Peg," (as Pepys 
called her) , having been a Dutchwoman, and Penn spoke the 
Teutonic language well enough to express himself in both 
Dutch and German, and preached in both lands. 

A minute of the Provincial Council, 5. Imo., 1700-1, re- 
cords that Pastorius presented a petition in behalf of the 
German corporation, "setting forth, That bj^ the Proprie- 
taries advice and Directions, they had seated themselves so 
close together that they Scarce have room to live. But 
Especially, That the Propriet'ry by his Charter in the Year 
1689, had granted Several Considerable Privileges to the 
Germans of the Said Town by making them A Corporation 
by virtue of which they looked upon themselves exempt from 
the Jurisdiction of ye County Court of Philad'ia, and from 
all Taxes & Levies of the Same, having a Court of Record 
& Magistrates within themselves, and Defraying all the 
Public Charges of their Said Town & Corporation without 
any Assistance from the rest of the County. Therefore, they 
requested to be exempt from general County levies. A copy 
of their Charter being produced. It appeared by it that they 
had full Power of holding Court of Recording, and of trying 
Cases Judicially within themselves, but had no other grant 
for Representatives to Sitt in Assembly, than what ye rest 
of the County had." Several reasons were advanced why 
they should not share and contribute to the Philadelphia 
county taxes, one being that the roads and bridges the 
county maintained near their bounds, were enjoyed more by 
them than any people, and therefore they should help pay 
for them. On the contrary, they replied this was offset by 
keeping at their own charge the roads and bridges within 
their bounds, which were used by the whole country. From 
this it may be seen that not only the Welsh experienced 
Penn's capriciousness.* 

*Even the beneficiaries under his will of his old friend, the noted 
apostle of Quakerism, Georg-e Fox, had an unpleasant expericnca 
with Mr. Penn. By deed of lease and release, dated 21 and 22 Oct, 
1681 (which v/as not recorded till 21 April, 1767), George Fox bought 



It may liave been for this reason that some of the leading 
English Quakers considered the Germans, as new settlers, 
were not acceptable. In 1717, Judge James Logan com- 
plained of "the great ntimber of palatines pouring in upon 
us, without any recommendation, which gives our country 
some uneasiness, for foreigners do not so well among ua as 
our own people." 

This German community kept together till about the year 
1707, not so long as the Welsh one, and the cause of dis- 
integration in both "towns," or settlements was the same, 
for the Gemnans, like the Welsh, presumed on too much, 
when they supposed they were to live by themselves, have 
a government of their own, under laws they had been 
accustomed to, and in their own tongue, and be represented 
in the general assembly of the province as a distinct "Ger- 
man State," for Pastorius, their leader and "Moses," says 

from Penn 1250 acres of land, to help along his "experiment," paying 
£25, for which amount Penn gave him a receipt, witnessed by Harb't 
Springette, Tho Coke, and Mark Swaner. Fox was, as bonus, to 
have a city lot of twenty acres, or if he preferred, IG acres of Liberty 
Land among the Welsh Friends, and two good city lots, and to pay 
one shilling per 100 acres in ground rent. Fox died in 1690, Vvfithout 
having had his patent recorded, but he devised the "city lots" for 
the use of Pbila. Friends, and this gift was confirmed to Friends 
Carpenter, liill and Mori is, as trustees, by patent dated 26. 6mo. 
1705. The remainder of his right, Mr. Fox devised to his wife's sons- 
in-law, Thomas Lower, John Rouse, and Daniel Abraham. Said 
Abraham, and Nathaniel Rouse, son and heir to John, by deed dated 
21. 4mo. 1715, for £8, released their interest in Fox's lands to Mr. 
Lower, who requested warrant to lay it out, which was granted, 22. 
9mo. 1717. The above trustees had Fox's city lots, ' for the use of 
Friends located at the corner of High and 2d Streets, and on this 
property a meeting house was erected in 1695-6. This "annoyed" 
Penn greatly (see the Penn-Loga'n Correspondence, letters of Oct. 
1703, and Sep. 1705), as he claimed these were lots he wished to 
reserve for his family, and that Markham had given them away 
without his permission. This, too, was a reflection on the trustees, 
but as they had had other similar experiences with the Founder, they 
let him fume, and did not surrender the lots, but had them confirmed 
to them as above. 



(just fiR the Friends minister, Hugh Roberts, also snid), he 
so understood Mr. Penn promised him at the time he bought 
and paid for the land, when, "not respecting his own profit, 
but the welfare" of the Germans, he was "graciously pleased 
to distribute" the lands of his province "to them as shall 
seek the same." As late as in llmo., 1693-4, these Germans, 
like the Welsh, wanted to know if their gi'ant, or charter, 
did not exempt their "town" from paying two sets of taxes, 
their own, and to Philadelphia County. 

Penn evidently made some promises, possibly "with a 
mental reservation" not to keep them if they did not suit 
him ultimately. Therefore, it is not surprising that we do 
find him "c'langing his mind" about having independent 
states within his province. Once, he might have supposed 
this plan practicable, but, as he wrote in his "Frame of 
Government" (1682), a most wonderful document, even if 
compiled from the ideas of previous promoters, but it had 
defects, yet it has "excited the enconiums of many histor- 
ians," "I do not find a model in the world that time, place, 
and some singular emergencies have not necessarily 
altered," so changed his mind. It is history that nearly 
every one of his ideas ' government, on trial, turned out 
dreams, and failures, and were easily replaced by the care- 
fully thought-out Charter of Privileges, in 1701. The prac- 
tical men on the ground rather than Penn, the almost 
stranger, knew what the province required. 

Penn was not only varillating in the manner of disposing 
of his land, and promises made concerning it, for at the 
veiy first, he had no fixed rule for either mode, or extent 
of his grants ; they were in consequence of an irregular, and 
informal nature, but even in the little matter of selling 
"whiskey," or intoxicating liquor to Indians. 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council, 21. Imo., 1683-4, 
at which he presided, it was left to him "to discourse with 
the Indians concerning an agreement with them about let- 
ting them have Rum." On 10. 3m. following, Penn in per- 
son informed the Council that he "had called the Indians 



together, and proposed to them to let them ha^ Rum, if 
they would be contented to be punished as ye English were 
[when they became noisy-drunk], which they did agree to, 
provided that ye law of not Selling them Rum be abolished," 
which we all know was a distinct departure from Penn's 
original ideas as to rum for Indians. 

Less than three years after the successful settlement of 
the great "Welsh Tract," the English of the province be- 
came jealous of its advancement, and started in to wrec:k 
it. Their pr-cedure was not systematic, but in point of 
date, the maUer of having a new boundary h'ne for Chester 
county, particularly between the counties of Philadelphia 
and Chester, that would be directed so as to place the 
"towns" of Haverford and Radnor within the county of 
Chester, wheri a big slice would be cut off from the tract, 
was the first move, in 1685, and deserves first considera- 
tion. Upon this first occasion, the Chester people were not 
so much vexed over the irregular and uncertain bounds of 
their county, as they Avere concerned in extending their ter- 
ritory, and increasing their tax, and consequently, 

From Minutes of the Provincial Executive Council, 1. 
2mo., 1685. Thomas Holme (or Holmes), the surveyor gen- 
eral, acting president, and present, the following matter 
was introduced: 

"Whep.has, The Gov'r in psence of John Symcock and 
William Wood, was pleased to Say & grant, That ye bounds 
of the Countys of Chester & Philadelphia should be as fol- 
lowed, Viz't: — 

"That the bounds should bigin at the Mill Creek ["Darby 
Mill Creek," or Cobbs' Creek], and Sloping to ye Welch 
Township, and thence to Scoolekill, &c., in obedience thereto 
and Confirmation thereof, 

"The Council having Seriously Weyed & Considered the 
same, have and doe hereby Agree and Order that ye bounds 
betwixt the said Countys shall be thus.-: That is to Say, 'theu 



follows the description of the lines proposed for Chester 
County laid down so as to take into it the Welsh town- 
ships of Harford and Radnor,' mentioning in the courses 
'the land of Andros Boone & Co.,' the 'Severall Tracts of 
Land belonging to the Welch & Other Inhabitance,' 'Land 
belonging to Jno Humpheris,' and 'land of Jno Eklcy.'* 

"The Question was put, whether the afore mentioned 
Creeks, Courses, and Lines, shall be the bounds betwixt the 
Countys of Philadelphia & Chester, according to ye Gov'rs 
grant as aforesaid; Unanimous Carried in ye Affirmative." 

No Welsh Quaker was a member of the Provincial Coun- 
cil at this time. No notice, or warning was sent to the 
Welsh that question of throwing their "towns" of Haver- 
ford and Radnor out of the Welsh Tract, and Philadelphia 
county, into Chester county, was sent to their leading men. 
The Irishman, Mr. Holme, was presiding that day over the 
meeting during the absence in New York of Thomas Lloyd,t 
and advantage of this was taken by the Chester members, 
as it was well known that Mr. Lloyd did not f; vor this trans- 
ference. Symcock and Wood, who brought up this matter 
at the meeting, represented Chester county, and it was 
upon their statements that the matter was considered, and 
there thus could never have been a more favorable chance 

*By deed dated 30 Oct. 1682, Edward Prichard, of Almeley, Here- 
ford, glover, for £25, sold 1250 acres, a part of his 2500 acres in tlie 
Welsh Tract, to John Eckley, of Kimbolton parish, Herefordshire, 
yeoman. Prichard also sold 312 acres, for £G.5.0. to John Vaston, of 
Docklov parish, Hereford, yeoman, and 312 acres to Elizabeth Good, 
of Kimbolton parisls. Both deeds dated 1 Nov. 1682. 

tThere is a lettei . rom Mr. Lloyd, preserved by the Pa. Historical 
Society, written in New York about lMs time. And there is one from 
Penn to Lloyd, dated London, 21. P i. 1686, sayi'ng-, "Thyn from N. 
York of Novemb'r last is come to my hand." Lloyd apparently in- 
tended to desert Pensylvania and take up his residence in New York, 
for Penn wrote at this time, "Since the Lord has cast thy lott else 
where, I am glad thou affordest the Province thy presence Some 



to introduce it, and have it acted on to satisfy their con- 
stituents of Chcrter. 

However, although the resolution had been properly 
passed in the Executive Council, it could not become opera- 
tive until it had the sanction of William Pcnn, or of his 
deputy governor, and Mr. Holme would not presume on 
using all the power of the latter entrusted to him. There- 
fore, at the next meeting of the Council, a week later, or on 
8. 2mo., 1685-G, the subject was again introduced by the 
Chester members, who urged the acting president to for- 
ward the resolution to Mr. Penn, to get him to ratify it, 
owing to the continued absence of President Lloyd. 

But by this time, the scheming of the Chester county 
peo; 'e had become known to the Welsh Quakers across the 
Schuylkill, and they did considerable lobbying and wire- 
pulling, as their efforts against the proposition would be 
known to us, and through their influence it was decided by 
the Council that the bounds of all the counties should be 
adjusted and detennined, for the purpose of properly col- 
lecting taxes, and defining sheriffs' jurisdictions, before 
sending the resolution as to the Chester line to Penn, and 
when all the counties had been bounded to send the descrip- 
tions together to him. It was decided to consider the bounds 
of Bucks county at the next meeting, and, in due time, the 
bounds were considered, and laid down, but no other county 
was reached before adjournment, which was just what the 
Welsh hoped would happen. At the next meeting, Mr. 
Lloyd presided, and for reasons of his own the matter of 
county boundaries was dropped. Whatever was the nature 
of Mr. Lloyd's influence over the Council and with Penn, 
it must have been strong, for the Chester line matter lay 
dormrnt for three years, although the resolution passed on 
the 1st of 2mo., had been sent by Holme to Penn, when Mr. 
Lloyd declined to confirr-; it. 

Up to March, 1689-90, the Welsh Tract was left in a 
peculiar position, with thanks to Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Eckley, 



and Mr. Turner, the majority of the five commissioners. 
Its large "towns" of Haverford and Radnor had been trans- 
ferred from Philadelphia county to Chester county by the 
resolution of 1 April, 1685, and this was acknowledged by 
the Philadelphia county authorities, as they made no at- 
tempt to collect taxes in these townships for Philadelphia 
county uses. And, although attempts were made to induce 
them to do so, they had paid no taxes, or assessments for the 
expenses and support of Chester county, the resolution 
aforesaid not having the sanction of Pcnn, nor had it been 
confirmed by him or his deputy governor. The Welsh 
Quakers did not care how long this state of afi"airs lasted. 
In fact, this being separate and distinct from all county 
organizations, was what Penn had given them to understand 
would be the status of their whole tract in the province, 
so they could only suppose they had come so far into their 
own (it was as near as the tract ever came to being a real 
"barony"), and accordingly, in these years, carried on the 
affairs of the two "towns" through their monthly meeting, 
and collect i assessments, and contributions within them 
for the use of the v^^hole "barony." 

But unexpectedly, on the morning of 25. Imo., 1689-90, 
the Chester line matter, and the assignment of Haverford 
and Radnor, was suddenly revived in the meeting of the 
Executive Council, Captain John Blackwell, the then deputy 
gove] or, presiding, by a motion to consider. 

Information as to this soon reached Thomas Lloyd, the 
attorney and champion for the Welsh in the "line matter," 
so he went to the Chamber, and inquired of the Governor 
as to the rumor. The Governor assured him, saying, "No 
such thing was yt brought before them, but that if any 
such thing were, wherein it should be found requisite to 
hear them [the Welsh Quakers] they should have notice 
1' ereof." 

That very afternoon, the justices, and some inhabitants 
of Chester county, appeared by appointment before the" 
Council, and presented a petition, stating: — 



"Whereas, Yc said County [Chester] is but a Small 
tract of Land, not above nine miles Square, & but Thinly 
seated, whereby ye said County is not able to Support the 
Charge thereof [the illproportioned tax put on it for the 
support of the Provincial Government]. Upon our humble 
Request to The Proprietor & Coer'r, and his Serious Con- 
sideration of our weak Condition, was pleased out of Com- 
passion to us, to grant an Enlarg:ement of ye same, in man- 
ner following, viz : to runn up ffrom Delaware River, along 
darby mill Creek, ye severall Courses thereoff, untill they 
took in Radnor and Herford Townshipps." 

The Chester county people thereupon again prayed for the 
confuTnation of the bounds named in the resolution of 1685, 
so their county would be large enough to be able to defray 
the charges against it, and the justices urged that the new 
line be run and recognized, on the ground of general juris- 
diction an J assessments. 

The Governor, John Blackwell, then demanded the Ches- 
ter county committee should put in writing, as a matter of 
form, and submit to the Council, "their allegations" as to 
the bounds of the county, and proof that the Proprietor said 
that Radnor and Haverford tovv'nships should be included in 
Chester county, for the object they claimed, as there was no 
documentaiy proof of it. 

John B:.nstone, of Chester Co., wrote: "A few days 
before Govern'r Penn left this Province that upon ye bank 
by John Simcock's house, I moved him to decide this mat- 
ter," .... "who then, before me and Others, did 
Declare that" . . . [the new bounds should] "ta'ce in 
the Townds of Herford & Rudnor," &c., "then I asked him if 
he would be pleased to give it under his hand, to avoyd 
further Trouble," and he said that Penn told him to see 
him the following day. A Chester Co. man, Blunstone con- 
tinued, was sent the next day. to see Penn, and came back 
without getting the order, "what then obstructed I am not 
certaine," said Blunstone, and Penn sailed to England tw^o 
days later, without leaving directions. 



Randall Vernon, of Chester Co., testified in writing, that, 
"some time since V/illiam Howell, of Harford [he served 
on the petty j\uy 28, 8, 1683], Signified unto mc, and gave 
it under his owne hand, yt some time after they there Set- 
tled that he aslced ye Govern'r to what County they should 
be joyned, or belong unto, & The Govern'r wa=! pleased to 
answer him that they must belong to Chester County." 

Thomas Usher, the sherifi" of Chester Co., testified, that in 
conversation with Penn, the Governor said to him, 
"Thomas, .... I intend that ye bounds of Philadel- 
phia County Shall Come about 3 or flfour miles on this side 
of the Slcoolkill." 

To clinch the "evidence," a map of Pensylvania,* "made 
for the Governor" by Surveyor Holme sometime after it was 
voted, in 1685, at the Council meeting over which Holme 
presided, that Haverford and Radnor should be included 
within Chester county, was produced, and examined by the 
President. It showed these two townships located in Ches- 
ter county, of course, for that was where Holme wanted 
them, and he had the resolution of 1685 as his "authority" 
for so placing them (that the "bounds of Chester county 
should begin at the [junction of Darby Creek and] Mil! 
creek [now Cobbs creek] and sloping to ye ¥/elsh township 
[line], and thence to Schoolkill," in a straight line, thus 
throwing the townships of Radnor and Haverford, and the 
lands of "Rowland Ellis & Company," "John Eckley & 

*"Thomas Holme's Map of the Province of Pensylvania, containing 
the Three Counties of Chester, Philadelphia, and Bucks, as far as yet 
surveyed and laid out," was the title of this map. The bounds are in 
different colors, and the statement is made: The di\'is:ons or distri- 
butions made by the dilTerent coullers aspects the settlements by way 
of towTiships." The map is drawn to scale of one mile to an inch. The 
information on the printed map is 'First printed and sold and dedi- 
cated to William Penn by John Thornton and Robert Green, of Lon- 
don.' The original map is in the Philadelphia Library. In 1845, 200 
ropies in facsimile, by "the asastic pi-ocess," were made from the 
original, for Mr. Lloj^d P. Smith. 



Company" into Chester county, while originally the divid- 
ing line bean at tlie mouth of Darby creek, and a straight 
line, with liaverford and Radnor Towns on the East side of 
this line, and New Town on the West side, continued to the 
uppermost line of the Welsh Tract), so it was taken for 
granted by the President that it was Pcnn's desire, although 
there was no evidence that he had confii-med the resolu- 
tion of 1. 2mo., 1685. 

Ever since then there has been mystery surrounding the 
date of Holme's map, as it bears none, yet it is certainly 
an interesting, if not valuable one to us. In October, 1690, 
cerlain Welshmen reported in a petition (quoted there- 
after) to the Executive Council that there were at that 
time "near four score" settlements in the whole Welsh 
Tract, which they desired should be understood as a fine 
showing of population after eight years' possession. But 
according to Holme's map, alleged to have been compiled 
in 1683-4, or in 1685, he mentions in it as settlements, or 
seated plantations, in the Welsh Tract, forty in Radnor, 
thirty-two in Haverford, and thirty-two in Merion, that is 
104 in all. He did not name the settlers of Haverford and 
Radnor, but did those of Merion, excepting the "17 lots" in 
the "Thomas & Jones" tract. He, being a surveyor and 
acquainted personally, or through his deputies, with this 
section, must have been certain of his statements. There- 
fore, from the statement of 1690, it looks as if Holme m.ade 
his map long after 1685, and about 1689, when it was dis- 
played to convince Blackwell, and when the actual seats 
numbered near eighty, the other score, or more, being 
names of land owners only. 

" 'Twas asserted," by someone, "that the Welch Inhabi- 
tants had Denyed themselves to be any part of The County 
of Philadelphia, by refusing to bear any Share of Charges, 
or [to] serve in office, or Jurys, And the like as to ye 
County of Chester." "That the pretence thereof was," said 



another, "they were a distinct Barrony, wch [and this] they 
might be, yet [that] severall Barronys might be in one and 
ye Bamv County." This was in 1680. 

The members of the Council present "Declareing them- 
selves satisfied Concerning their [Haverford and Radnor] 
being a part of Chester County, upon ye grounds alliged 
and proved as aforesaid," were going to confirm the bounds, 
when they were informed that Thomas Lloyd was without, 
and had something to say against this. 

On being bi'ought into the Council Chamber, Mr. Lloyd 
again said he "understood something had been moved about 
adding ye V/elsh Towns, or tracts, to the county of Chester, 
and if anything Vv^as proposed, desired they would give him 
an opportunity to speak." 

So, he was invited to come next morning and "shew cause 
v/hy they should not be Declared to be of the County of 
Chest r, as the Proprietor had promised." "Otherwise, the 
Evidence S' ;med so full as that thoy should proceed to 
Declare their judgment therein." 

The following morning, 26 March, 1689, "At the Goun- 
cill in the Councill Room," the minute of the Council, 
"touching the ascertayning the dividing lyne betweene the 
Countys of Philadelphia & Chester, dated ye 1st day 2. JIo. 
1685," was read. Samuel Carpenter and V\'illiam Yardley 
thought the Welsh of Philadelphia Co. should have a longer 
time to consider the boundary question, but the Governor 
thought the matter was so plain, there was no need debat- 
ing it further. However, if there was anyone without who 
wished to say anything at once, he would hear him if 
brought in. The Secretary, William Markham, was sent 
from the room to inquire, and brought back the attorneys, 
Thomas Lloyd and John Eckley. "The Governor asked 
them if they had anything to object (on the behalf of ye 
Welsh people), against the Running of the lyne as appeared 
by the map, which added them to ye County of Chester." 

"Tho. Lloyd sayd, 'the Proprietor assured them their 
Barony should not be divided, and had given them grounds 



to Expect thoy should be made a County Palatine.' The 
Govern'r inquired if any such thing had becne past? 
[recorded]. Nothing appeared." Apparently, Gov. Lloyd 
di'l not produce the warrant of nurvey as voucher that the 
Welsh tract was to be as in a barony. 

"Tho Lloyd asked the Govern'r by what authority these 
dividing Lynes were drawne? The minute on this matter, 
of the day before, was read to him as answer; to which 
Tho. Lloyd declared his opinion: That some more time 
should have been allowed for their appearing to make their 
Exceptions." "He also demanded of the Govor'r whether 
the Proprietor had power of himself to divide the Countyes, 
or whether the Proprietor & Councill. The Govern'r an- 
swerc 1 that by ye said Depositions, minutes, & map, it 
appp".red to be done by both in this case." 

",] >hn Fckley declared he had nothing to say, but that he 
thoug-ht further time might be allowed in the matter." 

After the attorneys for the Welsh has retired, the ques- 
tion was put in Executive Council as to accepting the 
bounds of Chester Co., "Expresst by the dividing line 
marked in the large map of the Province, dedicated to ye 
Proprietor, and being according to the Order of the Pro- 
vinciall Councill, dated ye 1. of ye 2d month, 16S5." The 
motion was "carried by a rising vote. Carpenter and Yard- 
ley voting contrary, because they thought the Welsh ought 
to have had a longer time for making their defence." 

Friend Thomas Lloyd, who had good reason for not liking 
Gov. BlackwcM, and the Governor had no liking for him, 
as he was one of the men he could not control, or bring 
into his way of thinking, was not only exceedingly annoyed 
at the loss of his "case," but was angry over the "snap 
judgment." Whether, or not, he wished to annoy the Gov- 
ernor, Col. Markham, the secretary of the Council, tells 
that Thomas hung about the Council Chamber door hai-- 
ranguing a crowd so loud about the injustice to his client 
that the Governor could not proceed with business in Coun- 



cil, "and desired ye sayd Tlio Lloyd would forbcare such 
lowd talking, telling him he must not suffer such doings, but 
would take a Course to suppressG it, and shutt ye Doors, 
So he went away." And the Governor, the erstwhile Crom- 
wellian, remarked, "Seems we have two Governors, one 
inside the Council Chaml^er, and one outside," thus recog- 
nizing the great influence the Welsh Quaker, Mr. Lloyd, had 
in the city, and the Province. 

After the Governor's decision, the regulation of Haver- 
ford and Radnor was left to the Chester Co. Court, and it 
had a hard proposition before it to make the Welsh Quakers 
submit to its authority. The first attempt to organize the 
toMmships with proper officers, was when the Court made 
he order appointing as constables, John Lewis for Haver- 
ford, and John Jarman for Radnor. But as they declined 
to appear at Court and qualify, the Court ordered that war- 
rants of contempt be "directed to the sheriff to apprehend 
the bodys of Lewis and Jarman for their contempt in not 
entering into their respective offices of Court, .... 
when thereunto required by this Court." Lewis does not 
appear to have surrendered, but Jarman was, in a few 
months, attested constable for Radnor by the Court. David 
Lawrence was drawn as a grand juror from Haverford, 
and declining to serve, "was mulct in ten shillings fine," 
William Jenkins for the same I'eason was also fined, and 
finally consented to serve. As early as in the June term of 
Court, William Howell, mentioned above by Vernon, was 
appointed the justice of the Court, in Haverford, but would 
not accept the commission, "But he did afterwards sub- 
scribe to the solemn declaration prepared by the 57th chap- 
ter of the great Law of this province." In Imo., 1689-90, 
John Blunston, mentioned above, was rewarded for his 
efforts in the "line matter" by being returned by Chester 
Co. to represent it in the Provincial Council for three years. 
But being unable to serve, William Howell, of Haverford, 
was elected in his place, but he, too, sent a letter 'setting 
forth his Incapassity of giveing Such attendance as is 



Requislto to that Service." LiK-e the others of the Welsh 
Quakers, he was stubborn, and could not be conciliated even 
by hiyji ofiicc, and the .'uipposition is, Vernon misquoted him 
at the hcarinj;-. The Court at Chester presented "the want 
of the Inhabitants of the townships of Radnor and Plarfort 
and the Inhabitants adjacent they not bein^r brought in to 
join with us in the Levies, and other public services of this 
County." But in about a year, the jurisdiction of the Ches- 
ter Court was recognized, and the Welsh "towns" had the 
proper officers in 1G90, when the civil authority exercised 
by the I\Ionth!y j\Iccting was supplanted by the usual tov/n- 
ship government. 

In fact up till now, no Welsh Quakers vv'ould accept 
appointments from the Chester Co. Court, else it would 
be construed a.i acknov/ledgment by the Welsh that Haver- 
ford and Radnor wei'e parts of the county of Chester. It 
was such continued refusals in p:Tst years that forced the 
Chester Court and inhabitants to bring the line matter up 
again before the Executive Council, as above related, and 
this is the proof that the Chester Court had considered the 
action of the Council, on 1. 2mo., 1685, as final, but to make 
the resolution valid, wanted the new Governor's confirma- 
tion, as Penn, nor Lloyd, would not give it. 

I don't suppose there ever was a better sample of fake 
evidence winning a cause than that of this use of "Holme's 
Map of Pensilvania." Gov. Blackwell, a stranger here, it 
would be charitable to believe was "easy" and credulous, 
and had no suspicion that Holme was always unfriendly to- 
wards the Welsh, and had made his map, in 1685, or later, 
after the Council meeting, on 1. 2mo., 1685, at which he 
acted as presiding officer, shov/ing Haverford and Radnor, 
located in Chester Co., and the AVelsh Tract bisected, for 
the very object in which it was used. 

What was Penn's part in this suspicable transaction? 
When he received the map in England, if he examined it, 
he must have supposed that his surveyor-general had placed 
the two 'Welsh "towns" in Chester Co. only to let him sec 



what the proposed county line would do, if he sanctioned 
it. He certainly knew that the Council passed the "lino 
resolution" in 12mo., 1685-6, for it was sent to him, and 
also that he, or his Deputy Governor, never confirmed the 
actio:.. But as there was no protest fi*om Penn on file, 
Governor Black veil, with the map dedicated to Penn before 
him, could have presumed it was just as Holme, and the 
Chester justices, and principal inhabitants of Chester Co. 
assured him, for although Lloyd and Eckley must have been 
familiar with the situation, they only asked that the Welsh 
have "more time to consider" about giving their consent. 
However, we have only the scanty Council minutes on this 
matter as authority for this. But there was more behind 
this "line affair" than "the county sheriff's jurisdiction," 
and "assessments," that shovv'ed the personal interests of 
Holme, et al. 

At this time there was an election shortly due for coun- 
cillors and assemblymen, and there was to be returned 
for Philadelphia county, in which the Welsh Tract lay, one 
councillor and six assemblymen. There were two sets of 
candidates — the Governor's tickets, and that of the Quakers. 
With the Welsh Tract Quakers voting solid against the 
administration's candidates, there was no hope of their 
election. Therefore it was the scheme of the political sup- 
porters of the administration to force the acceptance of 
Holme's Chester county line before the election. If they 
gained their point, as v;e see they did, this would throw the 
votes of the two big Welsh townships of R.Kjnor and Hav- 
erford into Chester Co., and with the lost of the sixty 
Welsh Quaker votes in these townships, or 72 votes, if we 
are to believe Holme, who, on his map, has this number of 
land owners in these townships, the power of the Welsh 
Tract would be broken. Further, the casting of these 
Welshmen's votes in Chester Co. would make no difference 



in that county, as it was overwhelmingly in favor of the 

But v/heii the election took place, the transplanted Welsh 
Quaker freemen declined to recofmizc the new dividing line, 
and cast their votes as with Chester Co., but voted for their 
candidate for councilloi', John Eckley, with Merion town- 
ship, as of Philadelphia county, with this solid Welsh Tract 
vote Ecldey was elected to represent Philadelphia Co. in 
the Executive Council, and the administration candidate 
was defeated. 

The Deputy-Governor and the Council i7nmodiately con- 
sidered this feature of the election, the irregularity of 
which was reported by the sheriff, 1 Sept., 1689, and threv/ 
out the entire Welsh Tract vote for Mr. Eckley, declaring 
"yt ye Election of Jo Eckley was not a good Election accord- 
ing to ye Charter," and ordered a new election. 

Then arose a momentuous question. The Council debated 
the proper manner of choosing the candidate, and conduct- 
ing the election, as all were not of one mind, and the "Fo; ;n 
of Government," and the "Charter" were ambiguous and 
uncertain on this subject, so "the usual custom" had to be 
considered as the rule, whether the election must be "by 
vote or by ballot," a distinction being made in these methods, 
that is, "by vote" the expression of choice was viva voce, 
and "by ballot" the proceeding was comparati". ^:'ly secret. 

In the second election ordered, the freen a, uncertain 
which was correct, generally "voted" by both methods, for 
the same candidates, in diffei'ent counties, so tlie proper 
manner of voting was not settled, nor was the result of the 
election changed. 

In this new election, the Welsh freemen of the three 
townships of the Welsh Tract, voted together again, and 
this time viva voce, and again elected Mr. Eckley 

But the Deputy-Governor and the Execut.v'e Council 
would not accept this second election, because "the Haver- 



ford and Radnor freeman voted in the WTong county," and 
because "all the jjolls were not taken uniformly," and a 
new election ordered, although the administration could be 
defeated without Ilaverford and Radnor votinj?r in Phila- 
delphia and refusinfr to vote in Chester Co. 

This brought up again the discussion between the free- 
men and the Council, over the manner and method of choos- 
ing at a poll. It was on this occasion that Griflith John, or 
Jones (the father-in-law of Thomas Jones, of Merion, son 
of John ap Thomas), deserted the Welsh column, and took 
side against the views of the Welsh Quakers beyond the 

One Jlr. Curtis claimed, in the debate, "it was a veiy 
fayre Election. In other places we are generally chosen 
by the Vote." Another gentleman said, "the balloting box 
is not used in any other place but this country." And 
Griffith Jones replied, "this was a mistake, for it is used at 
LTpland, and all the Lower Countyes, by black and white 
beans put into a hatt, wch is a ballotting in my sense, and 
cannot be denyed by the Charter when it is demanded." 
(Pa. Col. Rec. L 282.) 

The above gives a good idea of primative elections for 
officials in Pensylvania in 1689. But the manner, I don't 
think, agreed with the instructions in the 1683 "Frame of 
Government," which was to use a written ballot, as was the 
custom in Vv^est Jersey, since 167G, and in the New Eng- 
land colonies, following the ancient Roman institution. 

So bitter was the feeling against Mr. Eckley that the 
doors of the Council Chamber were shut to him, and he 
would not be allowed in the room even only as a spectator. 
But then spectators had the privilege of injecting remarks, 
expressing their opinions, if not actually taking part in 
debates. Nor was Thomas Lloyd permitted to enter the 
Chamber, because he annoyed the Governor even ' y his 
presence. Nor was Samuel Richardson, because he refused 
to recognize Blackwell's authority over the Welsh Friends 
in the "barony." Mr. Lloyd urged him to enter one morn- 

■ - - 1 [3G2] 


ing, but the Covernor hud him forcibly ejected from the 
Chamber. Captain Blaclvwell's tenure of office was as 
unpleasant to himself as to the people jjenei'ally, and when 
he was ordered home, he thanked God for his removal, for 
"he was sick of the Pensylvania mess." Thomas Lloyd' 
again received the appointment to Governorship, and suc- 
ceeded him, much to the delight of the Friends, in Jan., 

The Council refusing to accept the election of Mr. Eck- 
lej', the opinion of the Court of Chester was sought, as to 
the status of the Welsh Quaker votes, and manner of voting 
in Chester county. But as Mr. Lloyd shortly returned to 
the Deputy-Governorship, he settled the questions satisfac- 
torily out of court. 

Of course, after the Welsh Quakers of Haverford and 
Radnor found they were irrevocably located in Chester Co., 
they accepted county offices for their own protection, but 
as the Executive Council, or the Court of Chester had no 
control over their spiritual matters, the Haverford and Rad- 
nor Welsh Friends continued their allegiance to Merion 
Friends, and the three meetings continued as tlie Haver- 
ford (or, subsequently, Radnor) monthly meeting, and in 
the jurisdiction of the Philadelphia quarterly meeting, 
ignoring altogether the Chester quarterly meeting, in spite 
of its protests, and this situation still obtains. 

In this connection, the following note from the Haver- 
ford Monthly Meeting, addressed to the Chester Quarterly 
Meeting, preserved with the papers of John ap Thomas, in 
the Levick family, of Bala, is not without interest: — 
"To ffriends of the Quarterly Meeting in Chester County. 

"From our Monthly Meeting held at Haverford, the 10th 
of the Sth month, 1700. Dear friends. In the Truth of God 
our Salutation is unto you, desireing we may be one in it 

"The proposal Layd before our monthly meeting of 
friends appointed by your Quarteily meeting, viz. that our 



monthly meeting should be Joyned to your Quarterly mect- 
inc", was Laid before tlie Quarterly meeting at Philadelphia, 
by the friends of our monthly meeting ap;)ointed to attend 
the same, And their unanimous desire & sence, and also the 
general! sence of this our monthly meeting is. That being 
we Joyned to their Quarterly meeting from our first Settle- 
ment, That therefore & for other Reasons we Should So 
continue, which in answer to your desii'e we thought fitt to 
Signifi unto you. 

Signed by the approval 
of the meeting, 
By Thomas Jones". 
Sometime before the alleged final decision as to the posi- 
tions of Haverford and Radnor, the Chester County Court 
cited all the freemen of the county, inhabitants of these two 
townships includod, for not paying their taxes into Court. 
But these Welsh towns pa'd no attention to the command. 
When it was supposed there was no longer any question 
where they were, the Chester Court cited the Welsh Qua- 
kers alone to pay, not only current taxes, but "back taxes" 
even from the 12m( ., 1685, when it was assumed they were 
transplanted into Chester Co. Long and bitter was the 
contest over this fought out by Judge David Lloyd;* and 

*Judge David Lloj'd had more than the interest of a paid attorney 
in this matter, for though he was not an inmate of the Welsh Tract, 
he owned some land therein, and was a Welsh Quaker, and a relative 
of Gov. Thomas Lloyd. He and his wife, Sarah, a native of Ciren- 
cester, in Gloucestershire, came over in the ship Amity, of London, to 
Upland, or Chester, and arrived on 15. 5mo. 16S6. He was born in 
Manavan parish, Montgomeryshire, in 1G5G. In Pennsylvania and in 
England he had a reputation as both a shrewd politician and a 
learned lawyer, and in 1690, he was mentioned in a proclamation of 
Queen Mary, as a suspected conspirator against King William. In 
1700, he was appointed attorney-general of the province, and was 
Penn's champion in his troubles with the Q'larry-Moore faction. But 
in the next year, he turned and became opposed to the Penn-Logan 
party, and so stood when Penn died. He also served the province 
as speaker of the assembly, and was the register, and recorder of 



it all goes to make up the sum and substance of the harsh 
treatment of the Welsh Quakers. Judge Lloyd argued that 
payment was due only from the time of the decision as to in 
which county Radnor and. Haverford were, and gained his 
case. Some inhabitants of these townships had paid taxes 
into Philadelphia County. They were indemnified. Patents 
describing Haverford and Radnor lands as in Philadelphia 
County, were changed in the records to read as of Chester 

Yet, for all this, the arrangement at that time was only 
tentative, — accepted by the Welsh Friends because of their 
aversion at this time to "fighting the case in court," for in 
June, 1720, the dividing line question had not been settled 
definitely, for once more it was up before the Provincial 
Council to give opinion on the division line between the 
counties of Philadelphia and Chester, as the "inhabitants 
of the South side of Schoolkill" had been assessed in both 
counties. Nor was it settled in the ne::t year, when it was 
again asked that a proper adjustment and re-survey of the 
whole division line be made. And on this matter, on 26 
March, 1722, David Lloyd, the lawyer, appeared for the 
Commissioners, and also the petitioners. He declared that 
up to this time no regular division between the two counties 
"had yet appeared to this Board" of Commissioners, and 
"tax collectors did not know what to do, as an injunction 
stood," till the line was positively determined. Mr. Lloyd 
was thoroughly posted in this matter, having been con- 
cerned in it from the first. He mentioned the beginning of 

Philat" i)hia county, and was chief justice of the Supreme Court when 
he died, in 1731, aged 75 years. Ho was buried at Chester, where 
he resided in the mansion called "Green Bank," built in 1721, as a 
tablet in west gable said, subsequently owned and occupied by Como. 
David Porter. In Feb. 1S82, this old house, which had degenerated 
into a fire-works factory, was destroyed by fire. Judge Lloyd also 
had a Philadelphia residence, where the Bank of Pensylvania was 
erected. His second wife, Grace Growden, died in 1760, aged 80. 



the trouble in 1688-9, and curlier, but he said that the rec- 
ords of the early surveys and proceedings therein, except- 
ing the slight mention in Council minutes, could not be 
found, and therefore the Board was unable to determine the 
matter till these papers could be produced. lie knew that 
they had passed from official into private hands years ago, 
but who now had them he did not know, so an order was 
given to try to find them. 

One ( f the earliest annoyances the Welsh Quakers had 
was that a Chester Co. man, as Deputy-Surveyor, was con- 
tinually making lands, which he laid out for non-Welsh, 
adjoining the Welsh Tract, overlap the Welsh lands. So 
frequently did this occur, that the Welsh finally complained 
to the Executive Council. 

17, 7mo., 1685. Minute of the Council, Thomas Lloyd, 
president : 

"Complaint being made by Henry Lewis, John Bevan, and 
others, in ye behalfe of ye Welch friends, that their Lines 
runn out Regularly, accordin;- to ye Gov'rs Warr't, were 
notwithstanding, by Charles Ashcome, Deputy-Surveyor of 
Chester County, his undue Execution, of several Later War- 
rants, prevented from ye quiet Enjoym't of ye tract that 
was legally laid out for them. 

"The Board [of Land Commissioners], upon ye hearing 
of ye same, ordered yt Charles Ashcome be required to pre- 
pare and bring in to ye Council a Draught by a scale of a 
160 perches in an inch, for all ye Lands Surveyed and Laid 
out by him Westwardly of ye N.N.W. line, runn by Ralph 
ffretwell and himselfe, and to attend the Councill & Com- 
iss'rs with it ye next Third day, by ye hour in ye fore- 
noo 5, for ye Speedy Composing ye Differences & ascer- 
taining ye lines between ye Chester friends and others, 
and ye Welch friends, & in the meantime to Survey no more 
Land until further Or'd." 

At the Meeting, 22, 7mo., 1685, Ashcome appeared bring- 
ing "a Draught of ye Settlement upon ye West side of ye 



line liunn out, ye Couiicill upon perusall and observation 
of ye same, and Comparing tlu' lines thereof witli a Draught 
made up by ye same Scale by David Powell, of ye Tract 
surveyed by liim in behalfe of ye Welch friends, have recom- 
mended by adjustment of ye disputed bounds, and accomo- 
dating the Differences thence arising & further likely to 
Ensue, unto ye Council and Comiss'rs Joyntly, at their next 

At this meeting, Thomas Holme, the Surveyor-General, 
stated, to excuse himself, that he only kept Ashcome as a 
deputy-sui'veyor "on order of Gov. Penn, verball\ , and by 
letter." Ashcom.c was asked to explain the faults of his 
surveys; his answer not being satisfactory, he was sus- 
pended by Thomas Lloyd. 

Along in the next year, according to the minutes of the 
Commissioners of Land, the Welsh across the Schuylkill 
began to have other trouble about their Tract, not only with 
squatters within their bounds, and, as above, with influ- 
ential English patentees for whom land was surveyed over- 
lapping their Tract, but, what was more disappointing, with 
Penn's "^ommiKoioners, and even with the Proprietary 

Pres:-ure was brought or- him by those who coveted the 
fertile lands beyond the Schuylkill, and by those desiring 
the breaking up of the Welsh Tract, to dispossess the Welsh 
of their unoccupied land, and put it up for sale again. To 
satisfy the new applicants, realizing, by doing as they sug- 
gested, he could raise money, — he then needed it badly, — 
he established some new rules as to holdir.g land; the one 
aimed directly at the Welsh was embodied in the following 
Proclamation, "Given at Worminghurst Place in old Eng- 
land the 24th of the 11th Month, 1686":— 

"Since there was no other thii.g I had in my Eye in the 
Settlement of this Province next to the advancement of 
Virtue, than the comfortable Situation of the Inhabitants 
herein and for that end, with the advice and consent of the 



most eminent of the first Purchasers, ordained that every 
Tovvnsliip consisting of five thousand Acres should have 
tenn familys at least,* to the end that the Province might 
not be like a Wilderness as some others [West Jersey?] yet 
do by vast vacant tracts of Land, but be regularly 

He commanded his Commissioners "that they inspect 
what Tracts of Land taken up lye vacant and unseated, and 
are most likely to give cause of exception and Discourage- 
ment to those yt are able and ready to seate the same, and 
that they dispose of them, if not seated by the present pre- 
tenders within Six Months after the Publication hereof." 

This was followed by another proclamation by Penn dated 
1. 12mo., 16' 0-7, which contained many new rules jealously 
guarding his lands and rights, and thereby limiting those of 
the first comers. For instance, "no warrants of resurvey 
be granted for Land within five Miles of the River Dela- 
ware, or any Navigable River." In this document, he 
acknowledges that "I formerly granted a warrant for 
40,000 Aci-es for the Welsh People to lie contiguous on the 
West side of ye Schoolkill," yet it was the experience of the 
grantees that they could not have their purchases within the 
tract "lie contiguous." 

Penn further cl 'imed "one share" for hin df in every 
township, "with all ye Lidian Fields that are in the town- 
ships." The Welsh were undoubtedly sore over this rule, 
for it not only cut up their tracts, or far. iS, but took away 
from them cleared land, that the Indians had cultivated, but 
they could only protest, and that to no relief. 

This was mentioned in takinr notice of a survey of 4,000 
acres to Thomas Barker & Co., that over-lapped the Welsh 
Tract, concerning which trespass Messrs. David Powell, 
Hugh Hoberts, Griffith Owen, Edward Jones, William 

*This sounds very like the instructions to the Council of New 
Amsterdam, over thirty years before, — to have "Colonists settle them- 
selves with a certain number of families in some of the most suitable- 
places, in the manner of towns." 



Edward, Price Jones, and Rowland Ellis, the most promi- 
nent Welshmen, appeared before the Commissioners "in 
behalf of ye Welsh friends," on 13. Smo., 1G87. ^v matter 
that was settled to the partial satisfaction of the Wei h. 

Some years after the Welsh Friends had settled on land, 
for which they paid according to the acreage described in 
their deeds, their holdings being defined by rough sun-eys, 
marked by natural objects, Penn concluded to have all the 
grants of land carefully resun-eycd, and laid out according 
to the deeds, for he felt sure, on certain information, that 
his grantees held more land, or acreage, than their deeds 
called for. To this end, he included in his proclamation of 
1. 12mo., 168G-7, the notice: — "All overplus Lands upon 
Resurvey be resented to my use, and Dispos; 1." 

Penn was within his rights in this order, l.^ut when it was 
found that nearly every Welshman had more land in his 
possessioL than his deed called for, and that Penn informed 
them they could have the "overplus," but only by paying 
for it, at then current prices, they became verj' indignant, 
and felt much abused ; but Penn was obdurate. If we may 
be allowed to judge from the results of the resurveys of 
Turner's grantees, given above, where resurveys showed 
great overplusa e, and I have mentioned many other 
instances, Penn was right in discovering what belonged to 
him, and also in selling it at the best advantage, though it 
was considered a hardship to have to pay the advanced 
prices for land which had been improved by the holder, so 
this order, probably, should not be included in the catalog 
of Penn's un justness towards the Welsh Quakers, at whom 
the notice seems to have been paiiicularly aimed, although 
it was one of their grievances. 

All these sundry curtailments of gifts, promises and 
rights by William Penn, caused the Welsh Friends, not only 
mortification and annoyance, but loss of property, standing 
and respect, and these injuries brought out the following 
petition, written in English, but now almost illegible : — 

[369] .,: 


"Philadelphia, the 23rd, 3d mo., 1688." 

"To the Propriety," El. 

"The humble petition of the Inhabitants of the Welsh 
Tract, Showeth, 

"That, wherea.s William Penn, Proprict'J'" &c., &c. 
Because, not understanding with English tongue, and court 

proceedings," "he gave his most solemn 

word before they removed from the land of their nativity, 
that thej'', ye petion^, should have abt forty thousand acres 
of land contiguously laid out as a Barony, and that they 
should not be obliged to answer nor sweare in any court 
whatsoever, but should have Courts and Magistrates of 
their own, wherein justice should be ministered according 
to the laws of the Govern™*," or to that effect. 

"In consideration whereof, and for a manifestation of ye 
pet^ Love & gratitude to the Gov and his Govern™', they 
came o\^r to this Province. 

"And Whereas, these Proprietary, in pursuance of his 
former promise. Did grant a Warrant foi* Surveying the 
tract accordingly. 

"And thereupon, further, that y petion''^ should enjoy 
the said previledges in manner aforesaid, and be exempt 
from attending all others [?], save only that they should 
maintain members to serve in the CounciBs and Assembly. 

''^nd, also, whereas, this Tract extends to the county of 
Philadelphia, and therefore [? is as in a county or baronj^]. 
Y^" pet''^ have been summ"! to the County Courts of both 
these Counties to sen^e on juries, and ai'e likewise to be 
taxed in both places, to their great imposition. 

"Now, for as much as the priviledges & exemptions afore- 
said so [?] proposed by the Gov^"", is most thankfully 
acknowledged as a peculiar kindness to y'' Pet'''^, Neverthe- 
less, they desire to improve the same to no other end than 
to have their Courts & Magistrates of and among them- 
selve:-;, as they had in Wales, and to be governed by the laws 
of Pensilvania here as tL.^y were by the laws of England 



there; and [in orde ] that good rule and order may both 
better be kept amongst them, and are [make them] amiable 
with those English and others [our] neighbors." 

Further, they hoped especially that their monthly, and 
other Meetings may not be separated, and asked "what had 
been granted them by parole may now be confu-med to them, 
and other purchasers, and inhabitants of said tract." 

This "autograph petition," (pre.served at the Pa. His. Soc. 
among the "Penn MSS.") beautifully written, in quaint 
expression, with some words uncertain, was signed, in 
autograph, by the following prominent gentlemen of the 
Welsh Tract:— 

Thomas Ellis. John Humphrey. 

Griffith Owen. Samuel Rees. 

John Bevan. Morris Llewelyn. 

Hugh Roberts. John Roberts. 

Henry Lewis. Daniel Meredith. 

William Howell. Richard Moor. 

John Evans. Rees Peter. 

Robert Daviee. Hugh Jones. 

Francis Howell. David Evan. 

William Jenkins. John Fairman. 
Phylyp Evan. 

®- the reverse, the petition is endorsed : — "The petioners 
are worthy and are very earnest about it, but John Sym- 
cock much against, [and] as [to] also laying another 
County [the Welsh] beyond this," [Philadelphia]. 

It is almost impossible to imagine what the political 
development in the "Welsh Barony" would have been, if 
t} e Welsh Quakers — if so there had been enough of them, 
and there never was, — had had their rights as they under- 
stood them ; an independent State within the Province, with 
only one party in the field, and therefore no party struggles;, 
an arcadic condition. But this could not have continued. 



There would have rJways liave been a changed condition 
to face, and the crisis would come when non-Quakers became 
in the majority in the "Barony," unless the Quakers had 
intended putting a Chinese-wall of immigration laws about 
their State, for the Quaker yoke, though mild to Friends, 
would be galling to non-Quakers,* as was the Mormons's to 
the Gentiles. Spiritual authority and control might have 
been tolerated so long as the majority were Quakers; but 
this condition had been, and has been tried, never with suc- 
cess, as it never obtained long, unless the little common- 
wealth of San r.Iarino, which originated from a religious 
community, may be the exception, but the Welsh Tract 
Qualcers did not for long constitute a singular community, 
either of all Welsh, or of all Quakers. 

Or, if it would not be the religious atmosphere and 
authority in the "Barony," that would be repugnant to new- 
comers, who were not of the Society, then it would have 
been the owners of the small farms, and the sense of free- 
dom the General Assembly gave, and universal suffrage, 
woul have dragged down such suggestions of feudalism 
in their midst, as being dictated to by the owners of the 
princely estates. But this is only a trite conclusion, for it is 
a fact that "revolutions do not arise from discontent of 
the rich," and there was bound to be many small farmers 
in the Welsh Tract, because Penn had omitted the feudal 
law of primogeniture from his plan of government for his 
social and "holy experiment," since he was one of the 
advanced in thought who believed it the moral and 
religious duty of a parent to provide equally for all of his 
children, the laws of England, of course, preventing him 
from following the conviction in his own case. The benefits. 

*0r, as Mr. Isaac Sharpless says of the general governme'nt of the 
Pro\'ince, in his work, "A Quaker Experiment in Governraent," '"Had 
all the inh: tants been Friends and amenable to their discipline, very 
little civil government would have been needed in internal affairs, 
* * * * and the courts of lav/ would have been shorn of nearly all 
their criminal and much of their civil business." 



or discomforts, with or without primogeniture had often 
been thrashed out in his time, and apparently good found 
concealed in both plans, so it is only necessaiy here to 
observe that the incessant sub-division of property, that 
began in Penn's day, has not resulted in any remarkable 
general misery and poverty and barbarism as predicted 
would be the condition in Pensjivania in a hundred years 
.by the prophets opposed to the revolutionary principal he 
recommended. We have seen the great estates of the Welsh 
Tract pioneers divided in the second generation among all 
the sons, and sub-divided in the third, and then again cut 
up, all to the advantage of the general community. 

In inspecting the members' lists of the Welsh Tract Pre- 
parative I\Ieetings, and the minutes of the Welsh Monthly 
Meeting of Friends, when it was the "Baronial Assembly," 
it can be seen that the Friends's ministers and the elders 
were not only the leading men in the meetings, but were 
also the largest land holders, and the wealthiest men. So 
it can be imagined that in the Meeting-Assembly the 
patricians would be the "potent power of authority," and 
whether it was an Assembly, or an irregular Town Meeting, 
of Freemen, the ministers and elders v/ould control and 
direct the proceedings. Such was the case in the Swedish 
settlement dov/n the Delaware; in Dutch one of New 
Netherlands; in that of the Waloons, on Long Island, and 
notably the Puritans of New England, the minister 
was the chief man, just as the abbot was the "potent power" 
in the monastic "Towns" of England. Possibly, the only 
difference was that the Friends's ministers in the Welsh 
Tract were the richest men there. As late as in 1701, in a 
minute of Penn's Commissioners, they were all Frionds's 
ministers, those men from the Welsh Tract, "some of the 
Chiefs of that Nation in this Province," who appeared as we 
shall see, before this Board on a matter of the affairs in 
the Welsh Barony. , : „ ., , 



I have read that these Q.ahcrs transplanted into their 
Towns their Telsli "customs" and "laws," but they were 
never so distinct that they could be identified after the 
Revolutionary War, and there is only evidence that they 
hoped they would prevail in the Towns. The supposition 
that peculiar Welsh laws had been in force in the Welsh 
Tract may have \ ad its origin from what Minister Hugh 
Roberts said, in a letter quoted hereafter, Penn promised 
in respect to corporate rights in the "Barony." But cer- 
tainly Penn gave the Welsh no charters to establish "Towns" 
as they understood such, therefore, at the best, they could 
only assume they could have town officers and ordinances of 
their own selecting and making. And, whatever they were, 
it is likely the Welsh laws were similar to and as good as the 
English, for few laws of an old country are adapted to 
conditions peculiar to a new one, and certainly not without 
revision or amendment, and if Penn's "Laws" were traced 
back to their birth place it may be some were derived from 
the ancient Cymric code, though there is good evidence 
that Holland was the original home of his "Concessions, or 
Constitucons," and his "Frame." 

Apparently, the Welsh Quakers of the "Barony" enforced 
no peculiar Welsh code of laws, for the "Friends's customs," 
— committees on suffering, relief, peace, discipline, &c., 
were the working machinery of their "Assembly," and 
these were common to all monthly meetings. Whatever 
other intentions for self-government they may have had, 
they were never developed ; the independ; nt State was too 
short lived. So far as the "customs" could go, they were 
good and useful, but there were many matters they could 
not touch or cover, and, possibly the first to come up of 
this class of "annoyance," would have been suffrage 
privileges, and voting qualifications, when it came necessary 
to send delegates to the General Assembly to look after 
the interests of the Welsh "Towns," when they were hoping 
to enjoy representation without taxation, and their singular 
desire that their "State" was to flourish in the atmosphere, 



— no in t'le protection, for Pc^nn made no provision, or m: r- 
tial arrangement even to protect his Province from any 
possible enemy, — of a general government, without con- 
tributing to its support. 

This little territory of "G2l[> square mill ;" the Welsh 
Quakers thought would be the acme of comfort to have it 
all bj' themselves, — to which they fled from "sufferings," 
and where they hoped for complete release and rest from all 
the unpleasantnesses of that "high civilization" that then 
prevailed in the old country, and to be let alone, all of 
which might have been granted by Penn if they had not 
tried unusual political conditions, and not satisfied to be 
similar to the chartered New Netherland Company on 
Manhattan, and simply privileged to support themselves. 
But, as will be seen, they wanted more privileges, greater 
concessions than Penn could afford to allow, hence, as we 
shall also see, this was the cause of downfall of the Welsh 
Tract as a distinct settlement, a Welsh Utopia. 



Possibly, the gx'eatest dissatisfaction among the Welsh 
Friends beyond the Schuylkill was occasioned by the new 
Older as to "unseated lands" in the Province, mentioned 
before, for there can be no question but that they held the 
greatest part of such land. It was a fact that the seven 
adventuring Welsh land companies, the so called "land 
trustees," when disposing of the 40,000 acres, did sell much 
land to speculators, or to some who held for a rise in 
values, but, all the same, the vendors knew the purchases 
had been made in good faith, and that they were in honor 
bound to protect them. 

A resolution passed by the Land Commissioners, Messrs. 
Markham, Turner, Carpenter, and Goodson, (not Welsh- 
men), under Penn's warrant of 24.11-1686, began the cam- 
paign to get away from the Welsh Friends as much of their 
40,000 acres as possible, at a sitting on 25 Oct. 1690, when 
they "took into Consideration the Great Quantity of Land 
lying waste and rnsettled within a tract of about 40,000 
Acres, Commonly known by the name of the Welsh tract, 
the want of Seating and Improveing of which has been of 
great Dammage to the Proprietary and of Exceeding Loss 
and hinderance to the well seating and Strengthening the 
Province. Several Honest, able and Substantial! persons 
haveing either Leaft it for want of such convenient Seates 
that are unsettled in that Tract, or hindered from Seating 
Such as have been formerly layd out unto them in it. 

"Resolved, that notice be given unto David Powel, or some 
other purchaser concerned in the said tract, that they show 
cause wliy the land, not laid out, or not seated and Improved, 



within the said tract, accordinp: to rcpfulation, may not be 
disposed ofT as other Lands witliin this Province." The 
hearing was set for 19th of November following. 

On this date, 19 Nov. 1G90, the Minutes record : — "Griff 
Owen with several other Purchasers who have an Intei'e^t 
in the Wel^h Tract, was this Day with the Commiss'rs, 
according to notice sent to David Powcl, bearing date the 
25th of ye Last Month. They requested a longer time to 
Give their answer to the Commiss'rs' Pi-oposall, v/hich 
was granted untill the 13th of ye Next Month." 

On this date, "13th of lOber, 1690," the Minutes record: 
— "Griff. Owen, with several others, Inhabitants of the 
Welch tract, Came and gave in a Paper to the Commiss'rs, 
which follows verbatim : — 

"Wee, the Inhabitants of the Welch tract in the Province 
of Pensylvania, in America, being Descended of the Ancient 
Britains, who rdways in the land of our Nativity, under the 
Crown of England, have Enjoyed that Liberty and 
priviledge as to have our bounds and Limits to ourselves, 
within the which all cause, Quarrels, Crimes, and Tittles 
were tryed and wholly Determined by officers. Magistrates, 
Juries of our own Language, which were our Equals. 

"Having our faces towards these Countiys; Made the 
Motion to our Gov'r that we might Enjoy the same here, 
which thing was soon granted by him, before he or we ever 
came to these parls. 

"And when he came over, he gave forth his Warr't to 
lay out 40,000 acres of land, to the intent we might live 
together here, and Enjoy our Libcity and Devotion in our 
own Language, as b'"'fore in our Country. 

"And so the 40, ( acres was Surveyed out, and by his 
own Warr't, Confirmed by several orders from the Com- 
miss'rs of ye Propriety and Settled upon already with near 
four score Settlements, and, as we have good gi'ounds to 
believe, if the way had been Clear from troubles, there 
might had been so many Settlers upon it, by this time, as in 
Reason it could Contain. 



"And besides, it is well known, there was several Scores 
of our men Serv'ts who was veiy desirous to have out their 
head land, according to promise, but could have none with 
any convenientcy that was worth to settle upon, whereby 
many are like to Desert the province and go to other 
Country s. 

"Also, some of our F lends that have Concerned them- 
selves with tile fTrst that came over to this Country, have 
lived a while here, and Returned again to their families. 

"Friends and Relations, that had Disposed themselves to 
come over with all speed, if Providence had permitted, and, 
as far as we are given to understand, are Still waiting for 
the opportunity to their great Dammage. 

"And now to Deprive these of their lands and Libertys, 
which they Depend upon when Coming here (and that in 
their absence), Wee Look upon it to be a Verry Unkind 
Dealing, like to Ruining many Families, as also a Subtill 
undermining to Shutt that Door against our Nation, which 
the Lord had open for them to come to these Countrys. 

"For we can declare, with an open face to God and man, 
that we Desired to be by ourselves for no other End, or 
purpose but we might live together as a Civill Society, 
to endeavour to deside all Controversies and debates 
amongst ourselves, in a Gospcll order, and not to entangle 
ourselves with Laws in an unknown Tongue, as also to 
preserve our Language, that we might ever keep Corres- 
pondence with our friends in the land of our Nativity. 

"Therefore, our request is, 

"That you be tender, not only of violating the Governor's 
promises to us, but also of being Instrumental of depriveing 
us of the thing, which were the Chief Motives and Induce- 
ments to bring us here, and that you would be pleased, as 
far as in you lies, to preserve us in our properties, by 
removing all such incroachments as are made upon the 
Lines and Boundaiys of our said tract, and by Pattent, or 
otherwise in Due form of Law, to Establish and Confirm 



the same to us, so that we may not by any further pretences 
be interrupted in the peaceable Enjoyment thcreolF, accord- 
ing to the Governor's true intent. 

"And then we shall with all readiness become responsible 
for the Quit-rent accruinjc to the Proprietor, the Commence- 
ments whereof? we shall referr ai ' submitt to his Con- 
sideration, and if these our reasonaljle desires be not 
answered, but our antagonists Gratifyed by our being 
exposed to those uncertainties that may attend, wee shall 
choose, rather than Contest, to suffer, and appeal our Cause 
to God, and to our friends in England." 

As four years passed before his Land Commissioners in 
Philadelphia, began to act on Penn's order about the idle 
lands of the Vv'elsh, over the Schuylkill, it may be presumed, 
if the order was published in 1686-7, that the Welsh tried 
to meet Penn's wishes, and failed, or that the Commis- 
sioners suppressed the Proclamation till they got the Welsh 
"just where they wanted them," and then began their attack, 
when they could make out a clear case against them, or 
when would-be purchasers were clamoring for this valuable 
land. Anyway, it was a well planned procedure. 

The reply of the Welsh, it may be seen, was dignified, 
and in part it was just and proper in their interest, though 
of quaint expression. It may be noticed, they claimed Penn 
promised them, befoz'e they bought his land, the right to 
govern themseh s, in the manner they had been accustomed, 
within their tiTict on the Schuylkill, (just as he also 
promised the German settlers, as we have seen), else, 
possibly, they would not have removed. 

That their 40,000 acre tract was to be an independent 
"Welsh State," a "Civil Society," a municipality, governed 
by laws of its own m.aking, and by men chosen from among 
themselves by themselves, all within Penn's Province, which 
has been noticed elsewhere, was a chimera, of course, but 
I do not imagine these intelligent Welshmen would have 
made this ascertion had they not known it to be the truth, as 



they understood it, so it may be presumed Perm did agreed 
verbally to their plan of a State, for he was then selling 
his land. 

It may be also noted, they claimed there were only near 
80 homesteads, or "settlements," in the whole tract after 
eight years ownership, (Holme's map of about this date 
says 104) , so it is likely that four years before there were 
not ten families seated to each 5,000 acre lot, "town," or 
township, when Penn issued his order that so astonished 
the Welsh, and from this, it may be supposed, he had not 
seen the map made for him by Holme. 

But as to the excuses for no greater seating, they are both 
good and poor. There is other proof that the intelligent 
Welsh were timid about removing, because of rumors of 
the uncertainty of land tenure in the Welsh Tract. Then, 
too, the Welsh had ceased coming over, conditions at home 
having improved, for the "toleration act" had ended their 
physical sufferings, and teasings, though their political 
disabilities remained. But why, in this great, fertile tract, 
the few servants could get no good land is not apparent. 
They seem to have been entitled to some land, after serving 
their time, so the question is, had many served-out even 
their passages? Certainly, Penn could not be blamed for 
this. Nor, that some early settlers had tired of farm life, 
and had returned to Wales. And, it was only a possibility 
that those who had bought, and had not removed, would 
do so. 

But quit-rent was the crux of this matter, as much as was 
cash money through sales. Evidently there had been some 
effort by the Commissioners to collect the quit-rent due 
Penn from the Welsh, and they Lad not paid (in fact, few, 
possibly none, paid in the province, and this was one of the 
causes of Penn's mortification, and shortness of money), 
because it was not agreed when the rentals should begin, 
but now promised to do so, under the conditions mentioned 
in the reply, and when it was determined from when the 
payments should date. 



"1690, 2(' t of lOber." The Commissioners apain met, 
and took up the reply of the Welsli, particularly as to quit- 
ren<s. They read it over again, "and haveing Considered of 
the same and found not to answer the propositions made by 
the Commiss'rs to them, Ordered, that the Commiss'rs 
propositions be Drawn up in writing to be Delivered to 
them, which follows Verbatim : — 

"By the Proprietary Com'rs. 

"To the Inhabitants of the Welch tract: — 

"The Proposition that was made to you by us was, 

"That, there being 40,000 acres of Land actually Sur- 
veyed and laid out and known by the name of the Welch 
tract, and there being. Regular Returns thereof made in 
form and Manner as other puixhasers Lands by which we 
know (and by no other means can) how to charge each 
Tract of Land with its Quit-rent, and, therefore, in course 
and according to th Method which has hitherto been used, 
we have Charged the said Tract of 40,000 aci'es as other 
tracts of the like purctese are. But least it should Surprise 
you, or give Suspii' >n of an unneighbourly, or unfriendly 
act, we gave you time notice for a conferrence with us about 
it, and afterwards a Considerable time to make your 
S;;?wer; which you gave in writing the 13th Instant. 

"The which we have very Deliberately Considered, and 
find the Maj'r part of the writing not Cognissable by us, Or 
within our province, which is only to Confirm and grant 
Lands, &c., and settle the affairs of the Proprietor's 
Revenue, nor, Indeed, does any part of it answer our 
proposition, but Verry Obliquely, and with much ambiquity, 
which shows more of Skill and Cunning, then a Direct and 
Sincere answer. 

"Whatever the Proprietor hath promised, we Question not 
but he will perfonn ; and in whatever he has given us power 
we are Ready to doe, and when you please to Demand, will- 
ing to Confirm to you the said tract by Pattent, as we doe 
unto other purchasers, according to tlie warr't and Survey 



the which, il" you Refuse, and others accept. You Cannot 
think it hard if we grant your Refu -al to them, who have 
Equal right with you by purchase to take up land. 

"To this we desire you will be speedy and plain in your 
Answer, .'s we are with. you in our proposition, for we are 
Resolved what in us lyes, God willing, to Remove all Rubs 
and hindrances in the way to a quiet and easy Settlement 
off the Proprietor's Revenue within his Province. 

"Dated at Philadelphia, the 20th of 10th Mo. 1690." 

By this, the Welsh were allowed more time to consider 
the demand of the Commissioners, and their conclusion is 
found in the following Minute; but there is no suggestion 
that they had appealed to Penn over the heads of his agents. 

"At a Meeting of the Commia'rs ye 2nd of the 3rd Month, 

"This being the Day appointed for the Welch friends to 
give their answer to the Commiss'rs's propositions of the 
20th of December, Last, there appeared in behalf of the 
Welch, Griffith Owen, Hugh Roberts, Robert Owen, John 
Bevan, with many Others. 

"The Welch Friends' answer is: that they are willing to 
pay hence forward Quit-rent for the whole 40,000 Acres, 
but not since the Date of Survey. 

"The which mswer not being Satisfactory, or Direct, 
to our proposition: 

"Resolved, that the Lands already laid out in the Said 
Tract unto other Purchasers, Ee Confirmed unto them." 

This was a terrible blow to the Welsh, for it opened up 
their large tract to strangers, people of any nationality, and 
any religion, who had money to buy from Penn. and it 
rudely awakened them from their dream of an independent 
Welsh State, and quite shattered their confidence in Wil- 
liam Penn. 

However, from the Minutes of the CommissioAers, or 
Board of Property, 27th, 4mo. 1691, we learn that the Welsh 
made one more attempt to justify their claims, and to have 



the quit-rent payable only from the time of the final survey 
of their tract, and not from the date of the grant, several 
years difTcrence, or about £100 total did'ercnce, which was 
then quite as large a sum to Penn, as to them. 

This final attempt was another petition addressed to Penn 
himself, dated 15. 3mo. 1691 (the document is at the His- 
torical Society of Pa.), which went over the same ground 
and statements, covering three large pages, they did on 
13 Oct. 1600. 

But this last petition has as its important feature and 
statement, that it was to Hugh Roberts, of Merion, the cele- 
brated Friends' minister, that Penn personally made these 
promises, before the Welsh Friends would buy and leave 
the-'r native country. Hugh Roberts was one of the signers 
— the third — of this second petition, and therefore sub- 
scribed to his statement included in it, namely, "before we 
came from our native country, we desired a tract of land 

from you, and you promised Hugh Roberts 

it should be a barony, or corporation apart from others, 
but to far under the Gen •! Gov"^*, and desired him to com- 
municate it to Friends." 

And all those prominent Welshmen, who signed this 
petition, "with the unanimous consent of all ye Welsh con- 
cerned in ye tract," had eveiy confidence in the statement 
of Hugh Roberts, and in the man himself. 

This document, a guarantee of the veracity of Hugh 
Roberts, as much as it was a petition, endorsed at the time, 
"Petition of Griffith Owen, R. Owen, and others," was 
signed in autograph, and in three columns, as follows : — 

Lewis David. David Meredith. Griffith Owen. 

John Bevan. Stephen Evans. Robei-t Owen. 

John Humphreys. Ellis ap Hugh. Hugh Roberts. 

Francis Howell. John Gorman. John Roberts. 
William Howell. Robert Davies. 

David Lawrence. Cadwalader Llorgan, 

John Lewis. Will Edward. 



Edward Jones. Thomas Jones. 

Rees Jones. 
Iluirli Jones. 
Edward Jones, Jim. 
Robert Owen. 
Griffith Jones. 
Abel Thomas. 

All but ten of these signers were Mcrion men, neighbors 
of Hugh Roberta, and the oth: rs lived in Haverford and 
Radnor. Seven of them were signers of previous petition, 
23. 2mo. 1688, and some who had signed it vrere dead in 

The minutes of 27. 4mo. 1691, recoi'd that: 

"Griffith Owen, wiLli several of the Welch Friends, 
appeared for themselves, and other Inhabitants and those 
concerned in the Tract of Land of about 40,000 acres called 
the Welch tract, and did offer to pay quit-Rent from hence 
forward for the Whole 40,000 acres, and thereupon Chal- 
lenged a Patent for the whole to themselves. 

"The Commiss'rs Ordered the Minute of the 2nd. 3rd mo. 
last [1691], about the same business to be read, which was 
accordingly done, and [informed] them it was now too late 
for them to alter that result, having passed their words 
Already to ConfiiTn those Tracts to the purchasers that have 
been laid out within the said 40,000 acres, who are ready 
and willing to pay their quit-Rent from the tiniC of [first] 

"Whereupon, it was Ordered a Warrant for takeing of 
the Caveats entered in Surveyor General's Office of the 
Lands within the said trac'." 

Even while the Welsh Friends were present in the cham- 
ber, the Commissioners issued orders to a surveyor to lay 
out land in the Welsh Tract, for a dozen applicants, named 
in the minutes, thus adding insult to injury. The first who 
were accommoi-ated wei-e the pressing credit- rs of Penn, 
and it was thus he cancelled some of his obligations. The 



Commissioner:; also took some of the tract for tlicmselves 
and friends, as also did the surveyor. 

This was the end of the "Welsh Trad." 

The hopes and plans for the New World, expressed in 
their sevei'al extant petitions, the Welsh Friends had to sur- 
render and forget "greatly in the cross." 

When the unoccupied land was put on the market, after 
the rush of the "insiders," there was a steady demand for 
it. Among the first to enter the tract, were Richard Sncad, 
of the city of Bristol, linen draper, for 1,500 acres, Williau.. 
Pardoe, a merchant, and P"'rancis Fisher, a glover, both of 
the city of Woi'cester, each buying 1,250 acres. But Penn, 
fearing that these English purchasers might be no more 
desirable than the Welsh speculators, issued an order not 
to sell moi-e than 500 acres (and "no faster than it could 
be improved") to one purchaser, hence these and hundreds 
that followed had to be satisfied with that amount: — Tho- 
mas Brascy, John Hart, John Moore, John Finchnei', &c. 

At this time, the original Welsh Friends became fright- 
ened even as to the tenure of the places they wei"e then 
farming, and living upon, — their homesteads, and went be- 
fore the Land Commissioners, asking confirmation of their 
deeds, which, under the circumstances, was a wise thing 
to do. 

The Commissioners' minutes, 1 Dec, 1701, record their 
awakening, "for taking some Measures to regulate the 
Welsh Tract." "Some of the Chiefs of that Nation in this 
Province ii.ving met and Concerted the Methods to be taken 
in order to the Regulations. It was agreed (states the Min- 
ute of 22 Dec. following) :— 

"That, in as much as the Welch Purchasers of the Prop- 
r'ry were, by large Quantities of acres in one Pair of 
Deeds, granted to one or two persons only, under which 
several other Purchasers had a Share, the Gen'l Deeds of 
one Purchase should be first brought in, with an acco't of 
all other Persons who had a Share in such Purchase, also 
an account in whose possession the Respective Lands of 



ev-,ry under Purcliasc now lii-e, ;;nd that, because all the 
Lands hitherto laid out (or most of them) in the .^aid Tract 
were by Vertue of one Gcn'l Warrant; particularly Warr'ts 
of Resurvey should be granted to every Man upon what 
he now possesses, and that an exact account of all their 
Titles should be taken in distinct Minutes from these pres- 
ents, to be kept fair in a Book or Papers for that Puropse." 

Accordingly, at this meeting? many of those who botight 
of Dr. Edward Jones and John Thomas ("Company No. 1"), 
appeared before the Com.missioners, and had their deeds 
conf i-med. And in Nov., 1702, these following also had 
their deeds examined and reconfirmed: — Rowland Ellis, for 
577 acres; Edward Jones, Sr., 402; Edward Jones, Jr., 125; 
Griffith Owen, • — — ■ — ; PIngh Rob 'ts, 338; John Roberts, 
262; Robert David, 346; Hugh Roberts, 441; Richard Jones, 
157; Evan Jones, 361; Ellis David, 409; Rees Jones, 587; 
Cadwalader Elli.s, 310, &c. 

In Oct., 1701, Griffith Owen became a member of the 
Board of Commissioners of Property, when Penn ordered 
that each first purchaser should be deeded a lot in the city, 
hence, after this, we find the Welsh Friends city lot owners. 

The fii'st surveys were roughly made, — land then was so 
abundant, but nearly ten years after the Welsh Friends 
were seated, accurate surveys of their lands were ordered 
for the tracts they claimed, because it was found that more 
land was claimed under the original surveys than the deeds 
called for, and this "overplus" reverted to Penn. The claim- 
ants, however, were generously permitted to buy the sur- 
plus from him at an advanced price. But if a located farm 
fell short of acreage called for by the deed, the owner wt. 
privileged to buy enough, wherever it could be had, and 
make it up after ha\-Jng once paid for the full amount! Then 
frequently, in surveys of adjacent properties, none of the 
fanns took in certain pieces of land (called "concealed 
land"), yet one or the other of the abuttors supposed it was 
his, — this Penn took, too. 



Another unpleasant experience the early Welsh Friends 
had w;is over grist mills and saw mills they had erected. 

When the Welsh settlers for the Falls lands came, they 
brdnght enough wheat flour to last them, they supposed, 
till they could raise a crop, and build a water-mill on the 
creek, or at the Falls, for themselvc.--. But great was their 
astonishment, when they learned that private grist and saw 
mills w. re taboo in the Province, and that "William Penn 
& Co." had Ihe monopoly of all kinds of milling, and v/hen 
the Welsh v/anted grain ground they would have to pack 
it miles off to the Chester Creek to the "Proprietor's Mill." 

This, the Welsh felt was an imposition, but, as it was 
"not in the bond" that they should have water-mills, there 
was nothing for them to do, but to submit to Penn's greed. 

One of the earliest acts of Mr. Penn was to secure all mill 
rights to himself. Ke organized a milling corporation in 
1682, v/ith thirty-two shares of stock (the celebrated Philip 
Ford subscribed for five shares) , and allowed the man who 
was to set-up the "Government Mill," and the man selected 
to manage it, called "the Governor's Miller," have a few 
shares in payment for services, at prices fixed by himself. 
And, in 1682, he brought over 'Richard Townsend, with all 
the 1; terials required to construct a grist and saw mill, to 
superintend its building, and then appointed Caleb Pusey, 
who had been sent on ahead to prospect, and was here when 
Penn and Townsend arrived, to manage it, collect the tolls, 
and remit to him. This mill was put up on Chester Creek, 
on "reserved mill land," protected by Penn's warrant. This 
was the first of the company's mills, and the staii; of a 
short lived "trust." 

Caleb Pusey may have been the official "government mil- 
ler," but as he was a last maker by trade, it may be pre- 
sumed that Mr. Townsend attended to the practical part of 
of the Government Mill. He made enough money for him- 
self out of this mill to build a good, old fashioned stone 
house. But it was the governor's miller, Mr. Pusey, who 
erected the "mansion house" (still standing, and tenanted 



by Negroes at last account) , about 168G. Even in the time 
of Pusey and Townsend, Pusey's house was not a good ex- 
ample of American "colonial architecture," it may be 
imagined, if we have any clear conception of what that style 
of architecture really was. Its beauty was certainly not 
enhanced by the hipped roof added by Samuel Shaw shortly 
before the '76 \var. 

When the Welsh Friends found they had to patronize 
Penn's establishment if they wanted bread, those among 
them, who had lawyers's minds, thought they had found a 
way out of this method of paying tribute to their grasping 
over-lord, who enjoined all water-mills, and began to erect 
grain-grinding wind-mills! But Penn declared this was 
but a subterfuge; ; endeavor to evade paying him his 
income, and threatened the undertakers with tlie jail if they 
did not desist. But he gave them something to hope for, 
and to look forward to, when he graciously informed them 
that just as soon as the mills, in which he was a partner, 
were on a good paying basis, and the plants were paid for by 
the profits, he would possibly issue generally warrants for 
mill-rights, on terms yet to be determined by him. But 
in time, this mill matter regulated itself, and the Welsh 
had mills of their own. 

Besides the grist and saw mills on Merion's Mill Creek 
and the Schuylkill, there were two small ones in Haverford. 
The one on Cobb's Creek and the road \,hich passed the 
Haverford Meeting House, is of record as early as in 1688. 
It must have been a small one, as, in 1695, it was valued 
for assessment at only £20, by the Grand Jury of Chester 
Co., while the Darby and Chester mills were valued at £100 
each. In f • t year, there were only five mills in Chester 
county. Ti^ re was a second mill in Haverford, in l^OS, on 
Darby Cre c, where the Radnor and Chester road comes 
in, and it may have been there earlier, and have had the 
"mill way" lead to it which was ordered by the Chester 
Court, in 8mo., 1688, to be cut in Marple township. 



Another little unpleasantness, and near the last, between 
Penn and the Welsh Friends beyond the Schuylldll arose 
from Penn asserling his right was exclusive to any aii' 
every ferry across the Schuylkill, which ferries must be a 
source of revenue to him, either through receipts fi m 
leases, or ferriage. The wonder is that he did not place 
toll sates on the paths through the woods. 

Ever since the Welsh had settled on their land, they had 
h?d communication v.'ith the city, if they did not boat dov/n 
the river, either by way of a ferry at the Falls, or, one 
at the end of the Haverford road — "the upper ferry," thence 
by path to where they wished to go, or by a path on the 
west side of the river, to opposite the Schuylkill end of the 
city, and then across the river, and through the woods to 
the village on the Delaware. This was known as the Canter, 
or Middle Ferry, where the Welsh Friends, or their Month- 
ly Meeting, had a subsidized ferryman, and a flatboat to 
carry them, and their teams, forth and back, to market- 
fairs, and the assembly. 

But of course this could not go on long without someone 
coveting such a valuable franchise, or without Penn de- 
manding a share of the receipts. Therefore, on 29 April, 
1693, the Middle Ferry rights v/ere granted by him to a 
Philip England (whose land laid nearest this ferry, and on 
the south side of the "road," adjoining the burial ground of 
the AVelsh Friends, or Schuylkill Meeting, on the west side 
of the river), for which England was to pay him yearly, 
by way of lease, seven pounds. He got his ferry into work- 
ing order promptly, but had to compete with the Welsh- 
men's ferryman, who still continued doing business at the 
old stand, much to his annoyance and loss. 

But Philip did not put up long with this infringement 
and interference, and carried his protest into the Provin- 
cial Council, and according to the minutes, 7 Feb., 1693-4, 
he "petitioned," stating that he was "lawfully impowered" 
"to keep an ordinary and ferry att Skuillkill by the Pro- 
prietor, 16. 8mo., 1683, and that no one else was to trans- 


port any one over the river for money, or gain, or rewai'd, 
att or near his feriy." And then he told that the franchise 
was granted on a lease to him, 29 April, 1693, and "that 
from the first he conducted the ferry properly, transfcrrying 
people, Baggage, and Horses," and cited William Powel, a 
Welsh Friend, who owned 300 acres in "West Philadelphia," 
as a trespasser on his rights, because for a long time he hud 
ferried here for money. 

Mr. Powel was sent for, and appeared before the Coun- 
cil on 18 July, 1693, and told the Councillors he was not the 
man they wanted, as he had sold out his boat and business 
"to certain people," who employed "Nathaniel Mullinox" (or 
"Mull," as the clerk wi-oto it) , to ferry them over the river. 
England urged that all this was still in contempt of his 

But, according to the subsequent Council Minutes of 27 
June, 18 July, and 29 September, the matter was not yet 
settled to England's entire satisfaction, for he made the 
Council believe that Powel had not told the truth about his 
selling out, as he still acted so often as the ferryman. 
Finally, the Council got "Nate Mullenex" before them, and 
when asked who employed him, replied "that most of the 
people of Harford and Merion, and some of Darbie employed 
him to ferry, and that they were to pay him wages, and 
knew no reason why he ought not to earn a living this way." 
"And after some time, he brought in a list of names of 
some that employed him, namely — Evan Brothero, William 
Howell, Thomas Smith, William Smith, Morris Luellen, 
David Meredith, John Rhodes, "William Warner, Humphrey 
Ellis, Ellis Ellis, Hugh Roberts, Robert Ov/en, Jno. Apowen, 
Richard Hayes, Adam Rhodes, Christopher Spray, David 
Lues, Lues David, David Ewer, John German, Hugh Shone, 
Evan Hendrie, William Garret, John Bennstone, and Sam- 
uel Lewes." 

As the Council knew that in this list were the names of 
some of the most respectable people of the Welsh Tract, and 
the adjoining Libei'ties, it c nvinced them that the extent of 



Nathaniel's custom was a great injury to Philip, therefore, 
"it was ordered the sd Nathaniel Mullinnx be committed to 
the Common Goale of this County till he give Good and 
Suflicient security to the Lieutenant Goven'or that he shall 
ferrie no more persons, horses, or cattle, oer the Skuillkill 
att William Pov/ell's for gift, hyer, or reward, directlie or 
indirectlie. And that the said boat be forwith Seazed and 
secured by the SherifFe till the owners thereof appear 
before the Lieuteant Governor, or give the like Securitie." 

1G93-4, February 27th, the minutes state, "Appeared 
Robert Owen, and others of the Inhabitants beyond the 
Skuillkill, and claimed interest in the Boat, and stated that 
the transportation of themselves therein over the river did 
not precede from least Contempt to Authority, and requested 
the return of the Boat, so they would go to Meetings, fairs, 
markets, elections, &c., and attend the Assembly." 

"Lest they pretend they were hindered from coming to 
election the Lieutenant Governor ordered the boat returned, 
and they could use it only for themselves, and take, or give 
no pay, untill the Governor came and decided. For which 
the committee returned William Markham, Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor, heartie thanks," and waited for Govemor Fletcher's 
return to tovn. 

On 11 June, 1694, Governor Fletcher forbade the Welsh 
even using their own boat to cross the river, as Penn's ferry 
right should be observed. The Welsh asked for another 
feriy along side of England's with Ilullineaux as ferryman, 
under a grant from Penn. This was referred to Penn's 
Commissioners, and pigeon-holed, and it was some time 
before Mullineaux was released. 

Four years after this, as Penn lost his milling monopoly, 
so he lost his ferry rights. It is of record that a town 
meeting of the Welsh was held at the Haverford Meeting 
House, in 1694, to regulate certain matters of the Towns, 
and particularly the one of the Schuylkill ferry, at High 



It may be supposed that this monlhy meeting moved 
the General Assembly to take some action in matter, because 
from its minutes, 24. 3mo. 1694, we learn that a committee 
was appointed by the Assembly "to inspect the Aggriev- 
ances of the Inhabitants, reported. That there was not more 
than one ferry allowed over the Schuylkill. That the seizing, 
or taking away the boat belonging to the Inhabitants of 
Haverford, Radnor, Merion, and Darby, is an Aggricvance, 
and of ill-tenrncy to the Inhabitants of this Province." 

Subsequent , , the minutes of the Haverford monthly meet- 
ing prove that this ferry was conducted, in 1698, by the 
Haverford Monthly Meeting (composed of the peculiar 
meetings of Merion, Haverford, and Radnor) , and that the 
revenue from the ferrj^ was paid to this monthly meeting by 
the ferrj^man, "Nathaniel Mullenex," who was employed on 
a salary. The ferry was subsidized by these meetings, and 
any loss shared between them. On the last page of one of 
the minute books of the Haverford Mo. Mtg., is preserved 
"The Recept of Nath Mullinex, 1699, of the Inhabitants of 
Haverford, Radnor and Merion full satisfaction for my 
service at the ferry, and I do acquitt and discharge them in 
General and every of them in particular of the same." 

It was not until in 1721-2 that the Philadelphia city 
council awoke to the need of a well regulated ferry over the 
Schuylkill, when a committee was appointed to examine a 
route "to the Middle Ferry of the Schuylkill through the 
woods," (probably the original woods beyond Broad Street, 
because on 2 Feb. 1705, it was ordered that "the city 
between Broad Street and the Delaware be grubbed, and 
cleaned from all its rubbish, in order to raise grass for 
pasture.") On 4 February, 1722, the city council ordered 
as to the "Schuylkill middle ferry" that "the Assembly be 
petioned for an Act to vest it in the city corporation, which 
should have sole management of it." This granted, the city 
council gave order to fix on a site for "a public ferry at the 
Schuylkill end of High Street." Shortly, in this year, a 
wharf-boat, or landing was placed on the city side, and 



another on the "country side," and a license was given to 
John Maultaby !o conduct this feriy under city control. 
In the Weekly Mercury, 18 December, 1728, Maultsby offerod 
for sale the lease of "the Sculkil Ferry on High Street," 
saying the lease had sixteen years to run. But it was not 
until oO September, 1723, that the city council ordei'ed High 
Street opened to the "New Ferry," (only a few years pre- 
vious to this, "the seven streets of the city," on the Delaware 
side, were ordered "to be staked-out, so that people would 
not build houses in the streets.") The upper and the lower 
ferries still continued as private property. In 1762, there 
was still a ferry at High Street, over the Schuylkill, but 
during tlie Revolution, a floating-bridge was maintained. 

One other "little unpleasantness" (referred to elsewhere) 
between Penn and "the Welsh purchasers, especially the 
original ones, those who intei'viewe ' him in May, 1681, and 
who bought, as they thought with the full understanding of 
the "Conditions," some of whom, if they did not help com- 
pile them, signed them, was about the land bonus, or con- 
cession of land, in the "great Town," or Philadelphi;., in 
with their country purchases, the promise being, that every 
one who bought and paid for 500 acres in the country, 
should receive gratis ten acres in the city, "if space therein 
would allow it," that is, two per cent, on purchases of 500 
acres, or more, would be given to buyers of "country lots." 

After the sale of the 40,000 acres was made to the Welsh 
Friends, Penn saw the impossibility of giving away so 
much land in the city, as "space did not allow it." This was 
mortifying to the Welsh gentlemen, the first purchasers, the 
buyers of 5,000 acres in "country lots," or "one share, called 
a propriety." But to conciliate them and some others, Penn 
ordered 10,000 acres to be laid out "contiguous to city's 
site, as liberties," and in the said "town" (i.e. township) , 
lying between the Schuylkill and the present city line on 
the west be agreed to give them 100 acres, with each pur- 
chase of 5,000 acres in the country, "out of that 10,000 
acres," and one small city lot. 



But wlicn some of the Welsh gentlemen came to ask the 
benefit of those new c ncessions, and that tlie bonus-land be 
conveyed to them, they experienced a surprise. They were 
informed that they were not purchasers on their own 
accounts of 5,000 acre '"country lots," but only acted as 
"trustees," or agents, for the real purchasers, and that their 
shares, or those of their principals, none of them, of course 
amounted to 5,000 acres. This they could not deny, when 
they studied their deeds, so these received no bonus-lands, 
in large quantities, only some single city lots, on the south 
side of Chestnut Street, between 4th and 5th Streets, 
"reserved for the Welsh." 

Natiirallj', as in any colony, made up from all walks of 
life, there were some people who had better have not come 
for many reasons, and some who were disgruntled, and fault 
finding, and, of course, some too lazy to work and support 
themselves, and even some who thought they had been 
vulgarly cheated by William Penn. In this connection the 
two follov/ing extracts fz'om letters are interesting, as they 
are the opinions of tv/o men who passed through all the 
troub'.s experienced by the V/elsh Friends in Pensylvania. 

Mr. Hugh Robei'ts, in one of his letters to William Penn, 

"My dear frd, it is well known unto thee that many of 
our ffrds in England, had hard thoug s of thee and we, 
fcecpi'se of our removal from that to this country, and I doe 
not hinke but they hnd soni cause, for here cam som peopel 
that had not a right end in their removals, some for fere of 
persecution, som that were discontented with their 
brothern where they were, and others that promised to 
themselves to be great in the w^orld. 

"I believe all these meet with great disappointments and 
som of them cam back unto England, others of you did 
send very bad reports, both of the cuntry and ffrds, for they 
were not contented with ffrds here, no more than they were 
in their native Land, and so when som ffrds in England 



heaid and pcrccved thcs<> things, some were rcdy to con- 
clude that they had not mist in their first thoii; nts of us, 
but for all this I know here is many hundreds that cam 
here in the integrety of their hearts, and in a true sence of 
Avhat they did, and never to this day had cause to repent nor 
repin, though they were very hard put to in the outward." 

And, in 1698, Mr. Rowland Ellis, of "Bryn Mawr," wrote 
to his son-in-law : 

"I desire yt none may t?lce occasion by any word yt dis- 
covers, nor suppose if I do nor did repent of my coming, for 
be it far from me from encouraging any to venture ymselves, 
and what they have, furtherly they live comfortably in their 
native country, to ye danger of ye seas, and many more 
inconvenience yt may happen, and on ye other hand, dis- 
courage any yt hath any real inclinations to transport them- 
selves into ye hands of providence. Some came here might 
have better staid in their own country, and it is my tliought 
yt great many more would have done better here yt ever 
they are like to do in their own country." 

In a general way the principal is responsible for the acts 
of his agent, so the blame for all of the disagreeable features 
of the first eight years of the experience of the Welsh in 
Pensylvania has beei; put on William Penn following con- 
temporary public records, and statements in private letters. 

Well, it may have been Penn's fault indirectly, and often 
times directly, that the Welsh Friends were badly treated, 
but, as all of his provincial affairs were mismanaged by 
him, during the time mentioned by this reason all of his 
colonists had to experience different degrees of annoyances. 

What was the reason William Penn lost his grip on his 
"province business," for certainly he started out brave 
enough? The answer i find to this, which is a matter con- 
cerning the Welsh Friends as much, if not more, as any, is 
that there was in these first eight years some greater and 
personal matters on his mind, besides the happiness of the 



One was the gay life he was leading in the King's com- 
pany, as we shall see, the other, there was "a skeleton in his 
house" about which he worried, knowing that, sooner or 
later, it would be discovered, when it would be imagined 
that he had been living a double-lil'e and trying to account 
for it, be suspected of having done a thing that was quite 
in keeping with the then customs of the "high life" he was 
born to. 

The dread of the revelation was on his mind for years, 
for the peculiar position he held among Friends would make 
his conduct more reprehensible when it became general 
gossip. This was "eating the very heart out of him," but 
it was years before his friends knew it and more before they 
knew the reason. They discovered what he let them see ; if 
they supposed they saw more, they kept to themselves and 
his "greater secret" died with him. Anyone is at liberty to 
imagine what it was or if there was one; but here I give 
only the story of the "effect," as known to only a few when 
he told it, but which is now generally knoAvn. It is that of 
an alleged dishonest employee, one Philip Ford. 

The story goes that Ford, a young Quaker, had been an 
unsuccessful merchant in London v/hen he applied to Penn 
for aid, and that Penn, taking pity on him, made him his 
steward for his Irish estates, at the salarj^ of £40 a year, 
in 1669, and from then was most intimate with the Fords, 
though they were not his social equals. 

This may have been the cause of one of Penn's mottoes : 
— "Guard against encroaching friendships." 

In the summer of 1682, a few days before Penn set out 
for Pensylvania, Ford submitted a memorandum to him, 
claiming that Penn owed him a balance of £2851. 7.6., "On 
account salary arreares, money advanced, and expenses." 
Without taking time, as Penn subsequently confessed /"U 
Court, to examine the account, on Ford'i. suggestion, he also 
said, not having the money to pay, he sigried, without even 
reading, "a due-bill and an acknowledgment of the debt," 



as he supposed, which, much to his astonishment, he dis- 
covered subsequently was a deed of lease and release, dated 
24 August, 16S2, for a grant of 300,000 acres of land to be 
laid out in Pensylvania, which conveyance should stand 
good unless he paid Ford £3.000 "within two days." And, 
for full security for the payment of this sum and interest it 
would draw, Penn also executed a bond in double the 

Since Pcnn wrote James Logan, twenty-three j^cars after- 
wards, when this matter was still unsettled, for him not to 
woriy, as "Ford's business is only a mortgage," it may have 
been that Penn did suppose if he thought anything about it, 
that £3.000 (the indebtedness "in round number"), with 
bond and mortgage security. That is, a bond in double the 
am. mt of the "loan," and the mortgage on 300,000 acres, 
which valued at the price he then sold land, namely 5,000 
acres for £100, would equal the debt, and claimed to have 
had no knowledge that he .'ould forfeit tJie land if the 
money was not paid within two days after date. Penn sailed 
on 31 Augsut, 1682, therefore he had time to take up the 
note, but did not do so. 

Here is where the queer part of this transaction is first 
introduced. It scenes that without foreclosing this mort- 
gage, or cancelling the bill. Ford sold rights to the land in 
lots for a total of £8.000, and kept the money, and Penn 
said, when he returned to England, in 1684, Ford told hint 
he then still owed him a balance of £ ! Penn says 
he thereupon gave him £500 in cash on account, and, as 
security for the mysterious balance, after many delays, 
signed a note, dated 10 June, 1685, for £5.000, with interest, 
payable on or before 21. Imo., 1686-7, giving as security, 
what he supposed w^as an ordinary mortgage, but which 
was in fact a straight deed for 300,000 acres of land in 
Pensylvania, besides the gi'ants of the manors of Penns- 
bury and Springettsbury, a manor in Chester Co., an 
island in the Delawara, and city lots, and all the revenue 
from the Pensylvania quit-rents! 



No one has ever thought William Penn was a fool, nor 
suspected him of beinjr ignorant of the simple forms of 
business papers and trnnsactions, for thei'e are too many 
instances to the contrary. At least, he has been supposed 
to have been gifted with considerable business acumen. 
Then, why did he allow himself to be imposed upon? Why 
did he tie himself up so with promisoiy notes, and convey 
away his property by deeds in this manner, are questions 
that have never been answei^ed. The excuse of "implicit 
confidence in Ford" has been suggested. If so, it was an act 
of credulity past the understanding of worldly people. 

Looldng at the m;;tter from another point, the question is, 
did Ford and his wife have knowledge, since they were well 
acquainted with I'enn, of some incident in his life, whici 
would ruin him if exposed? And, for this reason, they pro- 
ceeded to blackmail him? Or, if this was not the nature of 
influence they possessed, was it hypnotic control? What- 
ever it was, it caused Penn much unhappiness, for he was 
continually fearful of exposure, and he was ashamed to let 
his most intimate friends know that "he was in the clutches 
of a brace of sharpers," as the Fords have somewhere been 

Because, after Ford's death, his widow was so vindica- 
tive towards Penn, it has been presumed that she was all 
along the master mind in getting Penn into this compro- 
mising position, and that Mr. Ford acted under her 

When Philip Ford, "late of Alisbury, County of Bucks, 
near London," applied to his meeting, the Upper Side of 
Bucks -^-lonlhly meeting, on 4. 7mo., 1672, for a certificate 
of good character addressed to the men's meeting, London, 
having declared his intention of marriage with one Bridget 
Gosnell (Gosnel, or Gosnold, as her name was variously 
written), of London, William Penn was one of the signers 
of it. 


Penn attended their weddinp:, on 24. Smo., 1G72, at the 
Bull and Mouth meeting, in London, of wJiich Philip and 
Bridget were members. 

Ford stood high in the estimation of English Friends 
from this time till his death. Li 1G76, he was one of the 
Friends in Hereford, appointed by the yearly meeting, to 
whom Friends in the county "afflicted with sufferings" 
should report. And from the minutes of the Upper Side of 
Bucks monthly meeting, 1679, llmo. 7, and 1680, 2mo. 7, it 
appears he was the one selected to take the contributions to 
James Claypool, in London, and, as late as 1686, 9mo., he 
was one of the Friends appointed by the yearly meeting, at 
London, to receive contributions from monthly meetings. 
According to a circular of the Free Society of Traders in 
Pensylvania, dated 25 March, 1682, "Philip Ford in Bow 
Lane, near Cheap Side," London, was their agent to receive 
subscriptions to tlie shares of this company, so dear to the 
heart of William Penn, because it advertised and "boomed" 
his province land sales. Therefore, Friends of all classes 
must have had great confidence in Ford, and the "mighty 
secret" between him and Penn was kept well hidden. 

*This company, often referred to, was organized for the purpose of 
"trade, manufacture and commerce in and with Pensylvania." Its 
first meeting was held in London, in Smo. 1682. Future meetings were 
"to be held on the first Thursday in November, in the Capital city of 

This "society of traders" had extraordinary privileges. Among 
these, it was invested with "the lordship of the manor of Frank," 
and was to have three representatives sit in the Pensylvania 
Assembly, under its original charter, mapped out by Perii himself, 
for it was one of his pet schemes by which to sell his land, and build 
up some outside trade for his province, even "with the Emperour of 
Canada," besides among the Le'nni Lenapes, which was ratified in 
London, 5 May, 1682, by the largest land purchasers, at the same 
time, with Pcnn's consent, when they "adopted" the Laws he had 
proposed for them for the better government of his Province. The 
caj.ital stock was £5400, and although the shares were put "on the 
market" in M;irch, 1682, they were all svibscribed for by 26 April 
following. £50 subscribers, or purchasers of two shares, were each to 
be entitled to a vote on the management. But anyone living in The 



To resume the story, when the note of 10 June, 1G85, 
came due, 21 March, 1G86-7, Penn did not pay it, and on 
11 April, 1G87, gave another note for £G.000 (as the 
"balance due," Ford told him, was JE5.282.9.8), without re- 
ceiving the previous note, he said. For security of the pay- 
ment of this new note, payable one year from date, Penn 
executed a bond, and a deed by which he gave Ford a "Welsh 
mortgage," on his entire Province (without destroying the 
previous mortgages), at the quit-rent of one peppercorn 
annually. Neither did Penn take up this note. All this 
time Ford was acting as Penn's "Irish agent," and paying 
himself out of receipts. Penn must have been dumbfounded, 
when on 11 October, 1689, Ford rendered an account to hi n 
of his stew;, dship, and Penn learned from it that he owed 
Ford a grand total of £20.333.19.2! However, Penn 
marked the account 0. K. and ratified the obligation. 
Then Philip and Bridget let Penn alone till in August, 1690, 

Province, who owned there 1,000 acres of "inhabited land," and v;lio 
subscribed £100 was to be entitled to two votes; £800 subscribers 
could vote three times. However, when the charter came before 
the Pensylvania Assembly for confirmation, the grandure of 
the Society was considerable curtailed when it was made Free, 
and it was so "free" to do as it, or Penn had hoped and the 
final facts are, that, though great promises were made towards 
the development of the commercial side of Penn's domain, the only 
act positively accomplished was to buy 20,000 acres of country land 
from Mr. Penn, and 100 acres in his city, laying betwee'n the two 
rivers, below Walnut sti'eet, and selling on long credit some cargoes 
of goods for which the Society had paid "good money," the bills for 
which were never paid, because being strict Quakers they were not 
"sued out," and by May, 168'1, the Society had no money in its treasury, 
and no income so it "went out of businc .," and it was wound up 
officially by the Pensylvania Assembly, in 1722-3, without ever declar- 
ing a dividend. Several times before this, certain English shareholders 
publicly demanded an investigation and accounting of the Society, but 
there could not be found anyone on whom to "serve the paptr " The 
promoters of the Society apparently got i*id of their holdings while 
the "boom was on," for they strongly recommended the shares for 
permanent investment, and the inventories of their personal estates 
do not show that they had any of this company's stock. 



when for further security for the debt, which accumulated 
fast, because Ford compounded the interest every six 
months, and charged Pcnn commission on both receipts 
(which he kept) and expenditures nianaging the Irish 
estates, they demanded, and received the release fr'..;,! Pcnn 
of all equity of redemption in the mortgage of 10 April, 
1687. In the following month. Ford demanded that Pcnn 
pay him on account £G.GOO cash. Hov/evcr, as Pcnn could 
not raise the money. Ford induced him to make to him a 
conveyance of his entire Province without dcicasaiice! Was 
it blaclcmail, hypnotism, or ci'edulity that inHuencod Penn? 

A' this time, Penn seemed to be letting Ford ni.'.nage for 
him. In his advertisement of 1620, headed Some Proposals 
for a Second Settlement in the Province of Pensylvaniaj 
telling "there being above One Thousand Houses finished" 
in Philadelphia, put out v/hen trying to dispose of the shares 
in the proposed sister city out on the Susquehannah, which 
could be reach easily via "boat on ye River Scoalkill," that 
those desiring shares, should direct their applications "to 
Robert Ness Scrivener in Lumber-Street in London for 
Philip Ford." In letters, 6. 4mo., 1687 and 10. 4mo., 1691 
to Thomas Lloyd, Penn desired him to send reports directly 
to Ford. 

In 1693, when the Provincial government became a scan- 
dal, and Penn was under suspicion at Court, and his Pro- 
vince was taken charge of by the CroAvn, with Fletcher 
appointed Governor ('twas then the Welsh Friends sent a 
letter facetiously addressed, "William Penn Improprietor 
of Pencilva) ia," &c.), the Fords thought it a trick of Penn's 
to shake them off, and com.manded him to raise £10.000 
cash within six months, and on payment thereof they prom- 
ised they would give him a receipt in full of all accounts 
(as he had paid them cash on account at divers times, and 
thus reduced the £20.000 considerably, in spite of the com- 
pound interest, &c., and at the same time confiniied the 



debt), otherwise they "would expose him," — whether in the 
matter of this "debt," or som - other particuhir, it is not 

Thereupon in this emergency, Penn wrote an oh! friend 
in Philadelphia, Robert Turner, and begged him to per- 
suade one hundred of the Pensylvania Friends to each con- 
tribute £100 towards a purse of £10.000, and lend it to 
him, as he was "hard pushed for cash just then," because 
his "Irish affairs weve wretched." After some correspond- 
ence, nothing came of this request. The "city Friends" 
in the Province wanted security, which Penn could not give, 
and the rich Welsh Friends of the "barony" had too many 
grievances to be adjusted by Penn to listen to his troubles. 

However, when Penn told the Fords of his failure to 
raise the money, they did not "expose him," but instead took 
new notes, with interest due every six months (which was 
his choice, possibly), until the total sum was appalling '.o 
Penn. This blackmail, or debt went on pi^'ng up for four 
years, Penn feeding cash to the Fords when able, or until 
Parliament laid the tax on money at interest, in 1697, when 
Ford told Penn he would either have to pay the tax, or give 
him as security an indenture of absolute release and con- 
firmation, and turn over to him the Royal Charter, and the 
deeds of enfeoffment, making the conveyance of Pensyl- 
vania absolute, when Ford would lease the Province to him 
at an annual rent, equalling the compound interest reck- 
oned each six months on the accrued indebtedness, all well 
secured, and that this transaction should be kept secret; 
Penn still appearing as sole owner, and himself continue 
the sales of land, but to turn over to him (Ford) the pro- 
ceeds as received, and in this v/ay Penn could evade the tax. 
Penn may have protested this duplicity, but he agreed to 
this arrangement on 1 April, 1697, as he stated in Court. 

This was the state of Penn's affairs when he arranged to 
visit Pensylva 'a the second time. When he went to say 
farewell to Mr. and Mrs. Ford, in August, 1699, they in- 
sisted that he give them, which he did, a signed statement, 



saying in effect, tluit he had carefully examined all of Ford's 
accouius against him, and all transactions between them, 
and had never found any errors, or misstatements, in them, 
and that by this document he released Ford from all obliga- 
tions to him. 

Sh rtly after Penn arrived in Pensylvania, Philip Ford 
died. By his will be devised to Bridget, hi." wife, and 
executrix, and trustees, all of the province of Pensylvania, 
and its territories, and instructed that the "province" be 
sold for the benefit of his wife and children, unless Penn 
p,"id his executors within six months, £ (Ford w;i^ 
always particular to include shillings, and even pence, in 
his claims, to make them business like), and all debts, and 
arrears of rent of the Province, interest, &c. Should Penn 
do this, then the Province, &c., would be reconveyed to him. 
But if William Penn himself was then deceased, his heir 
should not have this privilege, or any equity of redemption. 

Mr. Ford's son and heir, Philip, Jr., now took up the 
system of blackmailing Penn, under his mother's instruc- 
tions it is presumed, and frequently, in America and in 
England, went to Penn and demanded c .sh, always 
threatening to "expose him" if it was not given, and it 
always was. This went on, with variations, until Penn 
simply could not stand it an,' longer, and in 1705, had to 
acknowledge before the London Yearly Meeting that he 
needed advice on a private matter. A committee was ap- 
pointed, and to it Penn complained that Bridget Ford was 
annoying him about a little money he owed her, and was 
just them uv ble to pay, and asked that the committee 
should request her to desist from persecuting him, until the 
matter could be adjusted. "Only this, and nothing more." 
But the Fords, although Friends in good standing, positively 
declined to be interfered with by the committee, in the col- 
lection of money due them, so they were promptly "silenced" 
until they yielded, or were more "tender." 



This brought out from Penn a partial statfment of liis 
secret affairs to the committee, and on their advice, though 
against "teachings," proceeded against the Fords by a bill 
in the Court of Chancery. He pleaded "fraud," and extor- 
tion; admitting he owed them something, but that he did 
not owe them anything like the amount they claimed, and 
by the greatest liberality the balance of his debt was then 
only M.SOO, and this he was wilHng to pay, and no more, 
and requested the release of all security he had given upon 

But the Fords backed up their claim with the paper Penn 
in fright, had signed in Aug. 1699, acknowledging their 
accounts were correct in every pai'ticular, so the matter of 
fact Chancellor decided against Penn, and put the costs of 
the suit on him, and required him to enter bond for pay- 
ment. Penn appealed, but again lost, as can be imagined 
for his evidence was m.eagre. Now, the Fords considered 
themselves in complete ownership of Pensylvania, and 
instructed David Lloyd, and others in Philadelphia, to remit 
rents, &c., only to them, and to sell the "Province" at the 
best advantage. At home, the Fords entered suit in the 
Common Pleas Court against Penn for arrears of rent of 
the Province since April 1697. 

It was at this juncture of this remarkable affair that 
Judge Isaac Norris came over from Philadelphia to learn 
the true nature of Penn's difficulty with the Fords, for 
Philip, Jr., had been in Philadelphia, and had told some 
queer stories about "Father Penn." The Judge does not 
seem to have learned from Penn the "true inwardness" of 
the difficulty; but he told Penn he must give good security 
guaranteeing the titles to all the land he had sold since 1 
April, 1697, else trouble would arise for him when it was 
discovered he had concealed the gravity of his affairs. 
(Penn even deceived his most intimate friend, James Logan, 
for as late as in 1705, he wrote him, "Ford's business is only 
a Mortgage.") Penn replied to Norris, that there was no 
■occasion for this, as "Ford approved of all his sales." 



While Judge Norris was in London, the Fords won their 
last suit, and got judgment for about £3.000, for rental due, 
on account of "Penn's Province." and as Pcnn could not pay, 
or furnish security for this sum, he was committed to the 
Fleet prison till he could do one or the other. It is said he 
led an humble life in the Fleet, holding almost daily meet- 

The next move of the Fords was to petition the Queen, 
asking to be confirmed not only in possession of Pensyl- 
vania, but in the government of the province. On advice 
of her council, the petition v/as dismissed, for a technicality, 
and "political reasons," and this v/as the beginning of the 
end of the persecution by the Fords, for shortly afterwards. 
Judge Norris, after many rebuffs, prevailed on Bridget, 
and her son, to come to terms, and accept a certain sum in 
cash, which he raised among eight Friends, in England and 
Ireland, to whom Penn executed a "blanket mortgage" on 
Pensylvania for security, and on 5 Oct. 1708, executed a 
deed of release for Pensylvania, when Penn was liberated 
not only from jail, but from the clutches of Bridget, and his 

What was William Penn doing with himself all these 
years, that his time wa,. so occupied he could not consider 
the complaints of the Welsh Friends in his province, or even 
had time to investigate Ford's accounts, or block his black- 
mail, if it was that? In a letter, dated London, 28. Irno., 
1688, Penn wrote to Gov. Lloyd, "I am here serveing god." 

There is good evidence that during the remaining four 
months of Charles' reign, after Penn returned from his 
first visit to his American possessions, he was a prominent 
figure in the inner circle of hi' gay court, for, although not 
ennobled, Penn was of the elect, being the governor of a 
pi'ovince of the Crown. At this time, having the ear of the 
king, the Friends in difficulties, and there were hundreds of 
these in England, Wales, and Ireland, being harrassed and 
imprisoned on slight provocations, naturally made appeals 
through him, but as Charles was inimical towards all dis- 



senters, Pcnn, fearing his displeasure, made them only 
promises of aid. This did not take up much of his time, 
thou,';h it made him feel his importance. During these 
months, and subsequently, as a "pardon broker" it may be 
presumed, and there is evidence of its being so, that he only 
used his inHuence with the king on condition that the peti- 
tioners bought land from him, his quid jwo quo, for those 
forgiven for their offenses soon transported themselves and 
families to his province, following his good advice. 

Through these months, Penn followed his queer life, — 
publicly a courtier, privately a minister among Friends ; or, 
outwardly a provincial potentate, prominent in the gayest 
Court of Christendom, otherwise, an accepted preacher at 
Quaker Meetings, held secretly in obscure places; living 
openly in great style, though vexed by poverty, and all the 
time in the clutch of Bridget Ford. Penn was then not 
forty j'^ears old, and according to description, still debon- 
naire, and of youthful, handsome presence, and a thoi'ough 

During these months. King Charles' brother James, 
Duke of York, and one of the greatest American land 
owners, a strict Romanist, was Penn's intim-.te at Court, 
and when he unexpectedly succeeded to the throne in Feb. 
1685, Penn's position at Court was assured, so he continued 
his "high life" and "humble teachings" without interrup- 
tion, incidentally corresponding with his far-off "holy ex- 
periment," for he dearly loved letter-writing and dictating 
to his colonists, and permitting himself to be everlastingly 
fleeced by the Fords. But, as this is not a biography of the 
great William Penn, it is unnecssary here to give the details 
of his life in the Roman Catholic atmosphere of James' 
Court, and show how he allowed himself to be used by the 
Brcthern of the Society of Jesus to carry out their plans for 
reinstatement, craftily, if not legally, in England, through 
the king with whom they knew he had influence, while it is 
alleged he supposed he was doing only greiit service to the 
Quakers, as their go-between and pardon broker. At least 



this is what he wished the P^'ricnds to believe of liim, for this 
was when he was being suspected, possibly justly, of a 
leaning, ii not conversion, to Jesuitism, because of his 
marked intimacy with the Catholic monarch, and the lead- 
ing Jesuits. The suspicion was so general that even his 
"friend," Philip Ford, put out a "broadside" (London, 
1683) , headed "Vindication of William Fenn from late 
Aspersions spread abi'oad on purpose to Defame him." 
Ford denied that Penn had become a Catholic. 

To be a courtier and the king's intimate, Penn was 
obliged to live the life. He resided in a great mansion, the 
Holland House, which he rented furnished from the Earl of 
Warwick, and rode in his "coach of four," and gave ex- 
pensive entertainments at his mansion to fellow courtiers, 
"top-company" as he used to call these guests. Then, dof- 
fing his silk and lace, he would simplify his clothes to some- 
thing similar to recognized "Quaker garb," and slip off to a 
meeting and lecturfe on the doctrine of humility. lie was in 
the zenith of his enjoyment when his far-away colonists 
urged him to come over, live among them, and exei'cise his 
gubernative authority in his province. But he had no in- 
tention of going, unless, as he wrote, he could transplant 
and continue his surroundings, the colonists to furnish the 
money to pay for it all, se;''vants, coaches, barges, wines, 
and company, for this petty king would have a court circle. 

Several times v/hen Penn had slipped off to attend secret 
Quaker meetings in London, he was captured there, along 
with the others, and taken before a magistrate, and paying 
the usual fine, returned to his mansion, his fellow courtiers, 
or the Court, as if he had had no adventure. The Jesuit 
Fathers, of course, knew of his dual life, but it was no busi- 
ness of theirs, since in obtaining exemptions and privileges 
for the Friends, and other non-conformists, was the same as 
if he worked for the Catholics, for they participated in them 
directly. These concessions meant more to them than to the 
Quakers and others, and in time led up to the important 
Declaration of Indulgence, granted by the King, in 1637. 



Penn's companions were as varied as his life, at this 
period. He was intimate with the Catholic King (on 17. 
7mo., 1GS7, he wrote to the Commissioners, Philadelphia, 
"I am just come off a Progress with ye King through 
ye west & northwest part of ye kingdom") ; with 
the prominent Jesuits; with the notorious Eai'l of 
Sunderland; with the scheming, crafty Father Petre, and 
was used to do the plotting for James, the Romanist, at the 
Court of William, the Protestant, and at the same time, he 
was chummy with Henry Sydney, who plotted to oust James 
and seat William of Orange, and with Algernon Sj^dney, 
the executed anarchist. But Penn's adherence to his old 
friend, the Catholic king, is notorious, for there is his 
pamphlet entitled "Good Advice to Roman Catholics and 
Protestant Dissenters," as evidence. That he aided and 
abetted Catholic ascendency in England in getting relief 
for Friends was unfortunate, as it placed him in a peculiar 
position, for the American Friends openly accused him of 
being under Jesuitical influence, and asked him if it was, 
as rumored, "have you become a Roman Catholic?" (In 
after years, when the disputes began and prevailed between 
two branches of the Friends, the believers and followers of 
the teachings of Elias Hicks, and those who did not believe 
in the matters of faith and doctrine which he preached, it 
was advanced by the former section, as an arguement that 
Hicks was in the right, and his teachings was the belief of 
the original Friends, those of the apostles George Fox, John 
ap John, &c., which he hoped to re-establish, else why were 
the Friends of Penn's day so worked up when they thought 
he leaned towards the teaching of the Church of Rome, and 
was so intimate with the Jesuit priests?) 

During these days of political intriguing, pretending to 
work in Friends' interests he was laboring for those of the 
Catholics, or visa versa, whichever way you choose to look at 
the em-ploym.ent, what did Penn care that the Welsh Friends 
on the Schuylkill were disappointed in him. He ignored 



their complaints. What did hi , living in kingly company, 
with liis head in royal clouds, care whether or not, the Welsh 
had to go miles to have flour made, were deprived of their 
ferry, had their lands confiscated by his agents, were juggled 
out of bonus, or liberty lands, and city lots, or, whether 
or not, the Welsh Ti^act was cut to pieces, and divided 
between two counties. All item- of a! nost vital interest to 
the Welsh Friends in his province, and which, through his 
inc^'fference lost them, the autonomy which they had good 
I'eason to think should have been assured to them. But all 
he thought of then was "William Penn," first, last, and all 
the tim.e, in these dr "s of his pomp and pride, how to keep 
up appearances, how to find the money to meet the expenses 
of Court life, and how to support the machinery of his pro- 
vince in proper style, so that his "holy experiment" should 
appear successful to his fellow courtiers, and not give them 
opportunity to ridicule him. The wonder is, whence cam^e 
the money to meet all of these expenses, the necessities along 
with the luxuries? Ford, as his steward, he subsequently 
testified in Court, stole all the revenue from the estates of 
his inheritance, and also for years during this period, appro- 
priated as his own, the bulk of the receipts from Pensyl- 
vania land sales, for it has been figured out that previous to 
1712, P'jnn personally received in cash from land sales only 
£10.645. But two conditions can be imagined, either that 
Penn was fairly wallowing in debts through the I'eigns of 
Charles and James, or what he said of Ford was false, 
unless we wish to ima<., \e a third, namely, as the secret 
agent at Court of the Pope he had an assured income to 
pay for all these luxuries. 

When James was deposed in the Revolution, and William 
and Mary seated, Penn, the "Jacobite Quaker," spoke freely 
of the liberty and peace the Friends had enjoyed under 
James through his efiiorts, and ridiculed the charge that he 
was tricked, and used to negotiate Catholic interests in 
England, when he got relief for the Quakers. He wrote a 
celebrated letter to the Committee on Trade and Planta- 



tions, in reply to one from its secretary, accusing hira of 
being a Jesuit. It was a explanation of his position 
at the Co'U't of St. James, but his position among Friends 
was weakened because he had put himself in a situation 
that required explanation, and it took years of altered living 
to regain their esteem. 

Penn's first experience under the Protestant king was 
unpleasant. He was arrested and taken before the Privy 
Council to answer the charge of treason, and of "being a 
Jesuit and a Papist." He was placed under bond to stand 
trial, but for some reasor possibly the lack of witnesses, 
the case was not reached before tiie Toleration Act ended 
all persecution on account of religion. Hov/ever, though 
this charge was dropped, Penn was no longer a persona 
grata at Court, because of his continued intimacy with the 
deposed Jamt :, in F.ance, and the Jesuits in England. 

A year after this, in the Spring of 1690, a letter from 
James to Penn was intercepted and read, in which the 
former king asked him "to come to his assistance," in what 
matter the Privy Council was uncertain, but detei-mined to 
find out, so enn was ordered before it to explain. The 
out-come was as in the previous case. But in July follow- 
ing, when plots against William and Mary were prevalent, 
Penn was made the special subject of a royal proclamation, 
and again arrested, as before, "on suspicion of being a 
traitor." He was imprisoned, but not brought to trial for 
want of sufficient evidence, and was finally released, but 
placed under surveillance, because he persisted in saying 
James was his dearest friend, aud the good angel of the 

Penn now not being a courtier, but a suspect, and having 
nothing 1 entei'tain him, again tui'ned his attention to 
lecturing v^mong the P^riends, and preached Fox's funeral 
sermon, on 16 Jan. 1690. During the services, he got the 
tip that a warrant was out for his arrest again, and slipped 
av.-ay from this function, went into hiding, and did not 
come out into the open for three years. Why he fled and 



hid, can only be guessed, — he let the people of his province 
suppose it was on account of the sam.: old thing, his religion, 
although Quakers were not being persecuted then. Where 
he went to, and laid concealed these three years, a fugitive, 
he gives us no definite infonnation. He certainly was 
frightened this time, for he knew that one of the men 
arrested v/ith him, tlie last time he was captured, was ex- 
ecuted for treason on slight evidence. Then, too, at this 
time, there were many Jacobite plots afloat, known to tlie 
Privy Council. The Government knowing that Penn was 
personally acquainted with these schemei's, easily imagined 
that he might know the plans of the leaders, and when 
these aen were captured, and executed for treason, declared 
that "Penn the Qu:^^:er" v»as one with them, knowing this, 
he thought it best to abscond, lay low till possibly James 
would com.e to his own again. 

Wheresoever Penn hid may have been known to veiy few, 
but he secretly kept in touch Avith certain Friends' Meet- 
ings, and the leading men of his province, and was in secret 
correspondence with relatives at Court, asking them to beg 
the king o stop hounding him, and let him live the life of 
a harmless, peaceful Quaker. 

Now it was that Penn found himself so pushed that he 
threatened to turn at bay. [Penn was the true son of his 
father, a man of spuok always, as witness his reproof, in 
1683, of Jasper '-^ates, a captious Quaker, who complained 
of the authority Penn claimed in Pensylvania, writing, 
"No, Jasper, thy conceit is nei iter religious, politic, nor 
equal, and, without high v/ords, I disregard it as meddling, 
intruding, and presumptious"] . His menace being, that if 
the king did not desist he would have "reason to regret his 
action." What v/as the nature of this threat has not been 
preserved, but it was more likely a political tlian a personal 
matter. Unfortunately, there are many gaps in the public 
records of ^';is period. 

Whate^ r was the ultimatum Penn had in mind, it either 
fell flat, or may be suggested in the following item of an 



extant diary of that d;t..v, under 18 Sep. 1G91, "William 
Penn the Quaker is got off from Shoreham in Sussex, and 
gone to France." ("Diary of Narcissus Lutteral," II. 28G). 
Many have yuessed where in France, or on the continent, 
Penn went, and what company he kept there, but this year 
of his life is a blank as far as we are concerned, as he left 
no details relating it. The first we hear of him after his 
departure is in a letter to Robert Turner, Philadelphia, 
dated at London, 29 Nov. 1G92. "I have been above these 
three years hunted up and down, and could never be allowed 
to live quietly in city or country," wrote the fugitive in 
another letter, undated, on matters of faith and religion. 

Old-time friends of Penn by this time had risen to favor 
at Court, and through them Penn petitioned, and they con- 
vinced the king that he was not the dangerous man the 
Privy Council would have him thought, so we read again in 
this same Diary, under 5 Dec. 1693, "William Penn the 
Quaker, having for some time absconded, and having com- 
promised the matters against him, appears now in public, 
and on Friday last held forth at the Bull and Mouth [a 
Friends' Meeting was there], in St. Max-tin's [parish, 

Penn, in a letter written at this time, says: — "From the 
Secretary [of State, after his "compromise," or acquital] 
1 went to our Meeting at the Bull and Mouth, thence to visit 
the sanctuary of my solitude," the secret place of refuge 
"from justice" where he hid so long, and which has never 
been discovered. Even Ford did not know where Penn was, 
as it may be seen there was no "transactions" between them 
in these several years, but the interest went on piling up 
day and night. From this time, Penn, although having the 
entree at the Court of Anne, returned to, or rather assumed 
the mode of life exampled by the religious Society of 
Friends, and meddled no more in national politics. 

This little sketch of Penn's life, during seven early years 
that Ford and wife dominated, if not black-mailed him, 



shows no excuse for his allowing them to go on as they di'', 
nor any for his turning his back on the Welsh Friends he 
had induc'id, by certain promises to remove to his province. 
But the last three years, '- hen he was a fugitive, should 
be an excuse for him in both cases. After this, when he 
became "a living Quaker," his life yields no excuse, so far 
as the Welsh are concerned, and we have seen what 
happened in the Ford's matter. 

As a summary to the aforesaid statements, it may be of 
interest to read here what the editor of the History of 
Havei'ford College (1892), wrote of the same, "These 
woi'thy people" [the Welsh] he said, "had emigrated to the 
new world with the desire to live quietly and apart from 
the people around them. Gov. Penn had given them some 
reason to expect their wishes v/ould be gratified. In a letter 
of instruction to the surveyor-general, he directed that the 
Welsh tract should be laid out in accordance with the under- 
standing with them, i. e. contiguously as one barony; the 
intention of the Welshmen being to conduct their own 
affairs separately from the rest of the colony, and in their 
own language, as a county palatine. Tempted by the pros- 
pect of peace and quietness in the new land, the settlers 
swarmed over. * * * * During the sad days of financial 
distress which darkened Penn's declining years, however, 
he wrote to his agents to be vigorous ' the collection of the 
quit-rent, whereupon, in their zeal, the rents were assessed 
upon the whole 40,00' acres, heretofore exempt, * * * 
and in spite f the original assurance of the Proprietarj'' 
himself, a lin. was run between Philadelphia and Chester 
counties, which divided the Welsh Tract in two parts. A 
pathetic appeal was mac' from what they at least regarded 
as a grave act of inj ustice. * * * * Their spirited claim 
did not avail, and the reservation was thrown open for 
settlement by others. Doubtlo s it seemed to them an act 
of glaring wrong, and seriously marred their pleasant 
pictures; but it is a striking commentary on the oblitera- 
tions wrought by time, that these ancient Britons are now 



completely mergeJ, and all lines between them and their 
English speaking neighbors have vanished; no distinction 
remaining save the old Welsh names. The early dissen- 
sions, probably, account for the quiet obscurity of the 
annals of this part of the 'colony, of which we hear little, and 
the Welsh settlers were not, perhaps, much in accord with 
William Penn." 




While reviews of Liiese origins are interesting, we sliould 
not forget that much quite as engaging in other ways has 
occurred in the same localities, since the Welsh settlement 
was made, in more than two centuries, when Evan Oliver 
was the official wood-ranger in Merion, and when ear-mark- 
ed cattle and swine roamed at large in the fenceless wilds 
of the plantations beyond the Schuylkill. In this ci'adle, 
under Welsh Friends' influences and teachings, were nursed 
the Welsh forebears of many noted men and women, who 
helped in various ways to uplift the Commonwealth and 
its metropolis, the names of hundreds of whom it should 
be invidious to relate, whose descendants returned, after 
many years, with riches and refined tastes, to the "old 
hom.e," and bought back the desirable portions of their 
Welsh ancestors' holdings, — the "home fields" of the pione- c 
planters, and beautified them till the "Main Line" district 
has become justly celebrated for its improvements the world 
over. And these descendants are more proud of these Welsh 
farmer, Quaker ancestors than any of their olhers of equal 
date, for always has there been more prid'^ in a farmer 
ancestor, was he a small or a large land owner, than in one 
following a trade.* 

*From the Philadelphia tax list, for the year 1771-2, preserv. at 
the Pa. Historical Society, can be learned the kind of trade, for ihey 
had to "live,"' of the progenitors of a multitude of Philadelphia fam- 
ilies, more or less prominent, and this old book should be valuable 
data for family historians. Space pennits only a few extracts, but 
I can give enough instances to suggest that there were very few in 
the city who wrote themselves "Gentleman" in 1772: — Gunning Bed- 
ford, James Bring'hurst, Benjamin Loxley, Edward Stretcher, John 
Keen, Benjamin Shoemaker, William Lownes, Josiah Matlock, Richard 
Armett, Joseph and Samuel Wetherill, Edward Bonsell, James Shars- 



Lying adjacent to the city of Philadclpliia, (or Penn's 
Liberties, or old Blocklcy township's 7,580 acres), which 
has grown to its Ijoiinds,* the lands of the Welsh settlers 
it may be seen are naturally advantageously situated for 
great and gi'eater improvement. And to further enhance 
the value of these lands bought from Penn for a few 
shillings an acre, and to make them most accessible as a 
residential section, within a few minutes of the heart of the 
business district of the city, there are two great "steam 
roads," an "electric road," a "trolley line," and two broad, 
well-kept avenues for "limousines." Yet; strange to I'elate, 
these advantages and possibilities in the "country lots," 
received general recognition only a few years ago, and the 
greatest changes in the "Seven Companies' " tracts have 
occurred only in the last twenty-five yeai,-., when farms dis- 

wood, James Cresson, Isaac Lobdale, &c., were carpentcis; Joseph 
Brir .hurst, and William Shippcn, coopers; Joseph Claypoole, Ben- 
jamin Horner, Thomas Cuthbert, Jr., Jonathan Wainwright, and 
David Bacon, were hatters; William Lippincott, Christopher Sellers, 
Robert Bailey, James Welch, John McCalla, &c., tailors; Benjamin 
Rundolph, Alexander Frazier, George Claypoole, were joiners; John 
Guest, Andrew Filler, John Hood, Jr., and Benjamin Paschall, were 
cordwainers; John Spencer, the butcher; John Drinker, and Thomas 
Hallowell, bricklayers; Henry Neill, Joseph Frazier, Thomas Middle- 
ton, and Henry Lisle, were bakers; William Bedford, the sa "er; 
James Claypoole, the glazier; Isaac Snowden, and Benjamin Sliarp- 
less, tanners; Benjamin Shoemaker, distiller; Jonathan Shoemaker, 
blacksmith; John Biddle, and Abraham AVayne, tavern keepers; John 
Snowden, potter; Thomss Cuthbert, mast maker; Philip Syng, gold- 
smith ; and some of the shopkeepers w^erc George Sharswood, Blair 
McClanachan, William Turnbull, Edward and George Bartram, Cle- 
ment Biddle, Geo. Anthony Morris, &c. 

*Pownall in his journal, journeying from Philadelphia to the 
Susquehanna in 1754, says: — Crossed the Schuylkill at Coalters' 
Ferry. "All plots of this town represent it as extending from the 
Delaware to the Schuylkill. That this town should ever have such an 
extent is impossible. It does not now extend one-third of the way, 
those, therefore, who bought lots on speculation were much deceived." 



appeared, and "country places" succeeded, antl these in turn 
are being "cut up into lots to suit purchasers," hence a 
multitude of small holdings and a greater population. 

This is the present state of the "Thomas and Jones" 
tract, and those adjoining of the other Welsh companies, 
and back from the river line, and along the river front of the 
pioneer company, called for convenience Number One, start- 
ing at the Falls of Schuyl'all, there are the great plants of 
the American Bridge Company, and the Pencoyd Iron 
Works, conducted by descendants of the first Welsh settlers, 
while across the entire Thomas and Jones tract is the road- 
way of the Philadelphia & Reading Railroad. Here also are 
the properties of the West Laurel Hill Cemetery, on lands 
of Robert David and Edward Owen, or Dr. Griffith Owen, or 
Robert David and Dr. Edward Jones, and Dr. Griffith, pro- 
prietors at various times, and of the Westmoreland Ceme- 
tery, on land of William ap Edward, or of Hugh Roberts, 
while the settlements of Belmont Heights and Ashland 
Heights are laid out on the lands of Katherine Thomas. 

Vv'ith the disappearance of the "Welsh Tract" as a dis- 
tinct territory in the Province, begin the annals peculiar to 
the townships that lay in this tract. Some of those of the 
townships called Merion, Haverford, and Radnor, the orig- 
inal settlements of the Welsh Friends, with their prepara- 
tive meetings, one in each township, by whose names they 
were and are still known, united in a monthly meeting called 
Haverford at first, and subsequently Radnor, that met alter- 
nately in its earliest years with these three meetings, are of 
especial interest, because of the many W^elshmen, prominent 
in provincial affairs, who resided within their bounds. 

Of these three adjoining "towns," as at first they were 
called, first attention is given to "Merion in the Welsh 
Tract," which it needs no imagination to believe, and which 
has before been said, was named for the Welsh shire whence 
came its first Welsh settlers, the party of Dr. Jones, in the 
summer of 1682. This township in its early days was some- 



what larger than our present "Lower Merion" portion of it 
(which is in dimension, C'/l; by 4 miles, or about 14,500 
acres), but not so large as with the whole of the present 
"Upper Merion" portion joined to it, as the "Upper" section 
in 1695, was a portion of the private land of Letitia Penn, 
or the Mount Joy manor, and the center was private land of 
William Penn, the younger, and these were not included in 
any "town." Then "Merion" extended inland from the 
Schuylkill river to the land of William Penn, Jr., and in- 
cluded the land adjoining his, belonging to an English ad- 
venturing land-company, headed by John Pennington, which 
the Welsh looked upon as invaders of their tract, just as 
they id the Swedes, who bought fi-om Penn some 5,000 
acres of the unsettled, confiscated "Welsh Lands," along the 
river from pi'esent upper line of Lower Merion to Bridge- 
port, opposite Norristown. 

From the following list of subscribers for the shares of 
the Susquehanna Land Company (preserved at the His- 
torical Society of Pensylvania) , about 1690, we get the 
names of probably the most substantial of the early inhabi- 
tants of the old Welsh Tract, in the "town" of Merion, as 
well as those of Haverford, and Radnor, judging from the 
amounts subscribed for shares. This, too, may furnish 
some information of their prosperity at that time. 

This subscription 'vas taken when Penn had a scheme to 
found an interior city in his province, on the river Susque- 
hanna, about 1690-1697. He designed well, but unlooked- 
for events prevented the consummation of his plans, which 
got no further than getting the subscriptions, and selling a 
few lots in the plot of the proposed interior "city," at the 
rate of three hundred acres for one hundred pounds. The 
Welsh subscribed liberally, as may be seen, and also pur- 
chased building lots extra. 

It can hardly bo said that Penn compelled the Welsh to 
invest their money in this undertaking of his, but he cer- 
tainly influenced them to do so, and when it failed, it be- 
came another matter that tended to unfix their faith in him, 



at least as a promoter of their welfare and wealth, but it is 
common kiowledge now that in the province their gratitude 
was displaced by complaints, and it was as written, through 
the ill-treatment they had at his hands that caused the loss 
of his "fatherly influence" over the Welsh Quaker? else 
he might have persuaded them out of their conceit about 
their "barony;" conquered their obstinacy about paying 
Philadelphia county-tax; doing court duty in that county, 
in which their "barony" lay, and having magistrates and 
laws of their own adoption. 

The key, and annotations, to the following "Susquehanna 
Subscribers" may, in many instances, be found in the notices 
of the early settlers. 


John Roberts, 

of "Wayne Mills" £5. 

John Bevan 25. 

Hu.uh Roberts 20. 

Joh-.i Roberts 20. 

Cadwalader Morgan .... 15. 

Robert David 15. 

Griffith John 10. 

Edward Rees 15. 

Edward Jones 10. 

Rees Jones 6. 

William Edward 6. 

Hugh Jones 5. 

Robert Owen 8. 

Thomas, Robert, Evan and 

Cadw'd Jones 20. 

David Hugh 5. 

John Humphrys 10. 

Margaret Howell 10. 

Dan Thomas [cancelled] . 8. 

Rees Thomas 8. 

David Havord 10. 

Thomas Howell £5. 

Daniel Tli imas 5. 

Ellis Pugh 5. 

Robert Lloyd 2.2i. 

Edward Jones [glover] . . 5. 

Edward Griffith 3. 

Thomas David 1.10 

Peter Jones 5. 

James Thomas, Sen 5. 

James Thomas, Jun'r. ... 5. 

Evan Harry 5. 

Joshua Owen 5. 

Benjamin Humphrys .... 5. 

Thomas Jones, Sen'r 2.10 

David William 4. 

John Owen 5. 

John William 2.10 

Abcll Thomas 2.10 

Katharine David 5. 

Sarah Evans 5. 

Philip Price 5. 




William Lewis £10. 

David Lewis 5. 

William Jenkins ., 10. 

John Lewis .5. 

David liawi-enco 5. 

Morrice Llewellen 10. 

Ellis Ellis 5. 

William Howell G. 

Daniel Humphiey 10. 

Henry Lewis 5. 

Samuel Lewis 5. 

William Row 5. 

Lewis David 5. 

John Evans 6. 

David Meredith 10. 

John Jarman 2.10 

David Evan 8. 

Richard Orms 10. 

David Morice 5. 

Thomas John Evan £5. 

Henry Rces 2.10 

John Evan Edward 2.10 

Thomas Parry 2.10 

Evan Prothero 8. 

Hujih Samuel 2.10 

Owen Evan 2.10 

Daniel Chivers 2.10 

Rees Henton 10. 

William David 2.10 

Richard Moor 2.10 

Samuel Miles G. 

William David 5. 

John Morgan 2.10 

Thomas Owen 3. 

David James 5. 

William Thomas 2.10 

Elizabeth Jones 2.10 

The following list of fifty-two land owners in Lower 
Merion, in 1734, is also interesting, although their acreage 
is not given. It was made for the use of Gov. Thomas Penn, 
when he was putting the Pensylvania I^and Office in proper 
shape for its duties. Up to his time, the land records had 
been a scandal. 

John ap Mathias Roberts. 

Hugh Evans. 

Robert Jones. 

Robert Roberts. 

Robert Evan. 

Rice Price. 

Edward Jones.* 

Abel Thomas. 

Benjamin Eastburn.t 

Jonathan Jones. 

Catharine Pugh. 
Rees Philip. 
Joseph Tuker. 
James John. 
Thomas John. 
John Lloyd. 
Griffith Lewellen.t 
Robert Roberts. 
David Jones. 
William Walton. 

*He was the captain of the Merion Associators, or militia, during 
the Revolution. 

tHe married at the Abing-ton T-.itg., 1722, Ann Thomas. 
JHe was commissioned a justice in Phila. Co., April, 1744. 


William Havard. 
Richard Hughes. 
Morris Llewelyn. 
Bcrijamin Humphrey. 
John Humphrey. 
Joseph Williams. 
Joseph Roberts. 
John Roberts. (Pencoyd). 
David Price. 
Isachar Price. 
John Evans. 
Rees Thomas. 
William Thomas. 
Peter Jones. 
Humphrey Jones. 
John Griinth. 


David Davis. 

David Price, Jr. 

Lewis liloyd. 

John David. 

Robert ap Peter Jones. 

Thomas David. 

Owen Jones's plantation. 

Eleanor Eevan. 

Evan Harry. 

Samuel Jordan. 

James Dodmead. 

John Roberts, carpenter. 

Nicholas Repy. 

Evan Rees. 

Edward Edwards. 

Garret Jones. S 

The regular assessment lists of 1740-43, show 101 tax- 
ables in Lower Merion. The collector was probable more 
diligent, and let none escape him. 

That there was particular confidence in the Welshmen 
may be judged by the fact that so many of them were named 
to sign and number the Exchange Money, or Bills of Credit, 
for the trustees of the Loan Office of Pensylvania, in Nov- 
ember, 1755, as among the signers were Hugh Roberts, 
Daniel Williams, Christopher Jones, Joseph Morris, Ov/en 
Jones, Jonathan Evans, and Evan Morgan. 

There las also been preserved a list of the taxables of 
Lower Merion, without date, but app:u'ently about the year 
1780, which gives the follov^ang inhabitants of the old 
"town," who were of Welsh extraction, and the number of 
acres they owned, out of a total of 153 names on the list. 
But in Upper Merion, at the same assessment, there were 
apparently only thirty-six ha\ing Welsh names out of 173 
taxables. That is, among 326 taxables in the stronghold 
of the Welsh Friends, there were onlj^ 63 apparently of 
Welsh extraction, in their paternal lines. It may be noted 

§He "perished under the snov,'," and v.'as buried in the Merion 
Friends graveyard, 3mo. 30. 17G5. See p. 134-5. 



that at this time there were no very large farms in Lower 
Merion, but at all times here the farms of the Wcl;'h, who 
succeeded the pioneerS: ere small, as primo/,^eniUirc was 
not a custom among th; Each son received land, often in 
equal proportion. 

Thomas David Estate 28(1 Ekiinor Lloyd 50 

Peter Evans 280 Thomas Moi-g-an 100 

John Evans (tailor) Edward Frice 200 

Nehemiah Evans 50 Rces Price 15 

Isaac Hughes 70 Henry PurU 50 

Thoinas Humphreys (smith) Joseph Roberts 150 

Jesse Jones 100 Hug-h Roberts (bach.).... 130 

Francis Jones 50 Algernon Roberts 224 

John Jones 50 John Roberts 50 

Hugh Jones 334 Jesse Thomas (smith) 40 

Jacob Jones 230 Abel Thomas 40 

Paul Jones 130 Walter Walter 80 

Silas Jones 140 Lews Thomas (wheehvright) 

John Llewellyn 350 

Lower Merion, still the most populous of the three old 
Welsh "towns" (in 1910, it was over four times that of Hav- 
erford tp.) , and the richest "township" in the world, accord- 
ing to assessments, at the period of our '76 Centennial, con- 
tained only 1,200 taxables in a population of 5,000. This 
cannot be considered a wonderful growth however, for this 
country, since in 1800, Lower Merion had a population of 
1,422. That is, in seventy-five years the population had only 
a little more than tabled itself, but following this period it 
took only thirty years to treble it again. At this writing 
Lower Merion, according to the 1911 report from the Bureau 
of the Census, has a population of 17,671. This is a gain 
of 4,400 over the census of 1900, and an increase of 7,200 
over that of 1890. The figures do not include the students 
of the colleges and boarding schools in the township. The 
valuation of property for taxation in Lower Merion, in 1876, 
was $4,000,000, but in 1911, it is $17,621,130, and this being 
only at the "farm rate" is not a fifth of the ti'ue value of the 



Lowei' Merion, and the otlicr "Welsh township:," even in 
the memory of some present-day men, were distinctively 
agricultural districts, and conl lined no towns, or even vil- 
lages, as lliore was no occasion for licm, for farmers do 
not need hem. Thcx'e were only little groups of a few 
houses, h;\;alets, about a grist mill, or a smith's shop, or an 
inn. These have grown into villages, and towns, but only by 
the overflow of population from the nearby city. Of stoi os, 
there were a very few. Even at the time of our national 
centennial. Lower Merion had not developed in this direc- 
tion, as within its bounds there was only one drug store, one 
confectioner, one stove store, and one shoe store. Here 
primitive life and customs prevailed among the Welsh 
Friends, though it was the nearest to the city, and the most 
advanced of the three Welsh townships, fifty years after its 

It was not <■'] in 1830, that there was a post-office in 
Lower Merion, ^md thirty years later, there were only thi'ee. 
One at the General Wayne Inn, the first established, a near 
neighbor of the Merion Meeting House. The Inn had ac- 
cumulated a blacksmith shop, a little country store, and a 
few dwellings, and the whole was dignified as the village 
of General Wayne, but this growth had been only since the 
Revolution. Another post-office was at Merion, Lower Mer- 
ion, or Merion Square, as variously called, a village now, 
called Gladwyne. Here too the inn was the nucleus for some 
dwelling houses and a store. In 1860, the other post-office 
w^as at a cabinetmaker's shop, about which were some dwell- 
ings, and the whole known as Cabinet, or Cabinetville, and 
later Athensville, a stopping place of the first railway 
through the township. This gave it some importance, and 
soon it became the largest of Merion's vii iges, having in 
1860, 28 houses, three stores, and a new tavern, the Red 
Lion, rebuilt in 1856, on the site of an older inn, on the 
Philadelphia and Lancaster Pike. In recent years, this 
settlement was re-christened Ardmore, and has become a 
town with about 6,000 inhabitants. These places were so in- 



significant they had no mention in the Siate Gazetteer of 
1832, tlioug'li Iluniphrcyvillc, on the pike, now Bryn IMawr, 
was recorded as a village, but in 1875, it had only twenty- 
one houses. 

In Provincial times, and almost to recent years, the "free- 
men" of the Welsh Tract were put to great inconvenience 
when balloting for Philadelphia county ofncials. Before 
the Revolution, there were successive election days, as in 
England, when all of the voters of the Welsh Tract were 
obliged to go to the inn opposite the State House, in Ches- 
nut sti'cet, Philadelphia, to cast their votes. When the 
British occupied the city, the men beyond the Schuylkill 
were obliged to go to Germantown, and cast their ballots at 
the tavern of Jacob Coleman, and continued doing this at 
each election till by Act of Assembly, 17 Sep. 1785, when the 
Merion voters, and others west of the Schuylkill, who did 
not reside in Philadelphia countj^, went to the court house 
of the newly created countj% Montgomery, at Norristown, 
ti vote, as Merion was from that time a part of this new 
county. Ejr Act of 31st March, 1806, Merion tp. became a 
separate voting district, when its elections were held at the 
tavern of Titus Yerkes, the General Wajme Inn, till in 1SG7. 

Although Lower Merion was known as a "farm country" 
till it became a "suburb," from its earliest settlement its main 
stream, nov.' called Mill Creek, but in early days, Upper Mill 
Creek to distinguish it from another Mill Creek to the South, 
whose name was changed to Cobb's Creek,* furnished the 

*This "Lower Mill Creek" was called Karakung, and Kakara 
Kong by Indians, and Carcoen Creek by the early Swedes. The Swed- 
ish Governor, Printz, had his gristmill built at the ford, or at the old 
Blue Bell tavern, in Paschallville. When the territory became Penn's 
he took over this mill, and established William Cobb as the miller, 
and the concern became one of the properties of Penn's 7Tionopoly 
Milling Company. It was patronized by the Welsh Friends at great 
inconvenience till the downfall of Penn's monopoly, as related herein. 
From this it may be seen that this Mill Creek got its present name 
from Penn's miller, William Cobb. 



power for many manufacturing industries. After Penn's 
milling monoyoly was broken, there was a grist mill erected 
on Upper Mill Creek by the Welsh, which was well patron- 
ized by settlers in Dr. Jpnes's, and the other plantations. 

After the Revolution, and during it, it is believed, there 
was an important gunpowder mill on this creek, carried on 
by Messrs. Young & Homes. It seems to have been a rather 
unfortunate concern, for according to entries of burials at 
the Merion Meeting House, there were numerous accidental 
explosions in it, when Avorkmen were killed. As the Burial 
Records state : — 8mo. 2. 1788, "Richard Gill [entered again 
as Still]. Powder! blode up"; Nov. 1804, "Two men, 
blue up at Young and Homes powder Mill on Mill Crick, 
[buried] in Strangers Yard"; Jan. 1805, "Two men, burnt 
in Young & Homes powder house on Mill Crick, [buried] 
in Strangers Yard;" 5mo. 10. 1806, "miller, killed [by] the 
Blowing up of Young & Homes Powder Mill." Written 
under this entry; "and they gave out makeing," which it 
may be supposed was a note by the clerk of the meeting, 
that because of so many accidents, Young & Homes discon- 
tinued powder making. 

In 1785, there were four saw mills and five grist mills, 
along Mill Creek, and in 1800, there were seven paper mills, 
and two others in the township elsewhere, but at this time 
there were only three saw mills and thi'ee grist mills on the 
creek. The water power of Mill Creek was used by a dozen 
small concerns each employing from six to twelve men, 
up to a few years before the Civil War. Beginning at the 
mouth of the creek, there were Joseph Stillwagon's paper 
mill, William Chadwick's lampwick factory, and his grist 
mill and seven dv.'ellings, Daniel Nippes's "manufactury," 
William Todd's carpet-fillings facto y, Hannah Hagy's 
woolen yarn factory, Charles Greaves's Kentucky jeans 
factory, Evan Jones's carpet-yarns factory, Samuel L. Robe- 
son's saw mill, Samuel Croft's brass mill, a concern of three 
factories, and a half dozen dwellings, Francis Sheetz's paper 
mill, Charles Humphreys's woolen mill, and factory for agri- 



cullural implements, and Levy Morris's grist and saw mill. 
A notice of Roberts's Pcncoyd Iron Works, at the Falls, just 
before the Civil War, says the concern employs sometimes 
ns many as Ihirty-six men! Also in the Thomas and Jones 
tract, at this time, Isaac Wetherill had a cotton factory, and 
Grimrod a grist mill on Frog Hollow Run, and on a little 
tributary to Mill Creek, James Dixon had a diaper factory. 
The Merion Furnace, at Matson's Ford, Schuylkill, was also 
a wonder in the middle of the last century, for "it employs 
as many as thirty men sometimes." The other streams of 
Merion, Trout Run, Indian Creek, Rocky Hill Creek, Gully 
Run and Arrowmuck Creek, have ever been small affairs, 
but Cobb's Creek in Haverford tp., and Darby Creek, its 
western boundary, in times past ranked with Mill Creek as 
water povv >rs. 

No sooner were the first Welsh settlers seated than they 
began to plan convenient roads in their proposed "barony," 
or borough, connecting their meeting houses, and them- 
selves with Philadelphia. But, at first, naturally, the stream 
bordering one side of their tract, which the Indians called 
Ma liunk or Manayunk, and the Swedes, Skair Kill, the 
Dutch, Skulk Kill, and the English, Schuylkill, was the only 
thoroughfare from the tract to the great town on the Dela- 
ware. This strf am, before the erection of the dam at Fair- 
mount, was sometimes navigable for flat-bottom boats up to 
the falls, or the southeast corner of the Welsh Tract, and 
possibly the earliest settlers in the Thomas & Jones lands at 
the falls removed their effects up the stream from the Dela- 
ware to the Frlls of Schuylkill, in preference to using the 
narrow Indian trails over the hills. But the necessity of 
convenient intercommunication must have been felt soon, 
for a year after the first arrivals the Welsh had fairly good 
communications botween their little settlements, and with 
Philadelphia, though these ways were at best only bridle- 
paths through the woods, aiid no vrider than single wagon 



tracks,* the principal ones were called "streets" by courtesy 
or, and not known as public roads till after the rights 
of ways were surveyed, laid out, and confirmed, which was 
after the Provincial township organizations had been estab- 
lished, and each township had its highway supci-visor, and 
when directions of public roads were determined by road- 
juries. Besides these "streets," the great highways, there 
were many lanes and by-Avays in different directions througli 
the tract, over private property, used as short cuts, con- 
necting the "streets" which had their beginnings when 
needed, only a few of which came to be confirmed roads in 
after years. In all cases, the dates of confirmation are only 
suggestions as to the ages of public roads or the dates wei'e 
only those of the time of their matureness. 

A fairly complete sketch of the old wagon roads of the 
Welsh Tract w'ould be the annals of its townships, and for 
this reason I will notice only the main "streets"; those 
decided upon ly the Welsh, in 1683, and these were Merion 
Street, through Merion township, connecting with the road 
leading through Blockley to the "middle ferry" of Schuyl- 
kill (at High, or Market Street) , known subsequently by 
several names, and best as "the old Lancaster Road" ; "Hav- 
erford Street" through Haverford township, and also to the 
middle ferry; "Radnor Street," through Radnor township, 
and via Haverford road to the middle ferry, and the high- 
way between the Welsh Friends' meeting houses of Merion, 
Haverford, and Radnor "towns." Early, there were the 

♦Possibly this order "By the Co'rt of Upland," (Che.ster), 12 Nov. 
1678, concerning the public highways, was continued in force, and, 
thoujrh the method was crude, communication was opened through the 
country. It ordered that every person, "as far as his Land Reaches, 
make good and passable ways, from neighbour to neighbour, w'th 
bridges where itt needs, To the End, that neighbours on occasion may 
come together." Another order instructed "the highways to be 
clensed as forthwith, viz.: The waye bee made clear of standing and 
lying trees, at least ten feet broad, all stamps and shrulibs to be close 
cutt by ye .'ground. The trees mark'd yearly on both sides." 



"cross streets" conncctinjf Mcrion mcoling house with ILiv- 
erford meeting house, and .inothcr connecting both with 
"the ford in Schuylkill," above the falls. 

The "streets" of Merion and Haverford appai'cn; ■ had 
official recognition by Pcnn's government, and may have 
been surveyed routes, in 1683, as in land deeds of that date, 
and later, they are called "settled roads," without names. 
The "Ilaford," "Harfod," Haverford Street, or road, 
through the townships of Havei-ford and Blockley to the 
Schuylkill, surveyed in 1683, apparently, laid out in 1703, 
and confirmed as a public highway in 1704, has changed but 
little from its original course and grade. It does not have 
the same sentiment and "history" connected with it, that its 
twin, the "I', orion Street," or old Lancaster Road has. Nor 
has the Merion to Radnor road, a "cross street" as early as 
1683-4, and laid out and confirmed in 1713. Nor what is 
known as the Radnor to Chester road, dating from 1687. 
Nor that other landmark road from Merion to the Darby 
road, through Haddington, or the "Haverford and Darby 
3'ond," passing Narberth and Overbrook, an official highway 
..3 early as 1637. 

Other "historically inconspicuous" Welsh Tract roads : 19 
Dec, 1693, "the Inhabitants of Radnor petitioned for a Road 
to be laid out from upper part of sd tovv^nship to the Mer- 
ion Ford." The request was granted. (On same date, there 
was "request of confirmation of the Road that is from Mer- 
ion Ford to Philadelphia," and that "it come into the third 
street in the sd town. Ordered.") In 1693, it was ordered 
that a road be opened "from David Meredith's to Haver- 
ford meeting House" (this passed White Hall inn, and Hav- 
erford College on the west), and in 1697, a road "from 
Humphrey Haines's in Marple tp. to Havei'ford Meeting 
House," was opened. 

But the fact that a "side road" was officially "opened" 
did not always keep it open to general use. If it was one 
opened in the Welsh Tract through English influence, or for 
the particular conveiiience of "English invaders," a Welsh- 



man, vrith an .'ibutting farm, would not hesitate to plow 
and plant the ground taken from him, and visa versa. Mer- 
ion seemed to be free from such troubles, but Haver ford, 
and particularly Radnor, with its mixed, as to ci'eed and 
nationality, population, had some difilcully in having "the 
right of way kept open," and had to appeal to the Provincial 
Coun: I for assistance. As an instance of this, on Gmo. 18. 
1687 (Council Minutes), "upon ye Reading ye Peiition of 
ye Inhabitants of Radnor complayning yt part of ye road yt 
lades to the ferry of Philadelphia is ffenced in, & more 
likely to be" [continued so]. This was where an abutter 
ran his fence across the opened road and took the road bed 
back into his farm. In Council, it seemed to be a question 
whether the trespass should be overlooked, and a new course 
selected for the road, or otherwise, as "it was Ordered yt 
John Sevan, Henry Lewis, David Meredith, John Evans, 
Barnabas Wilcox, and Thomas Ducket meet within 4 daics 
to view, or agree upon as Conscientiously as may be, a 
Road frrm ye Place aforesd to ye ferry, and return ye same 
to the Board ye next sittinge." 

Some of the Welsh Tract public roads now desi "mated as 
old, are not so in fact compar d to those mentioned above. 
We hear of the "old Mill Creek Road." It was, as a public 
road, quite modern, since the petition for it to be opened 
"from John Roberts's mill to Rees Edwards' Ford," bears 
date of 17G6. (This was "John Roberts, of Wayne Mill," 
as often found in print, but who was really of the "Vane 
Mill," so known frtm its wind director, and not a property 
of the well known Wayne family, any more than the "Wynn 
Mill, in another part of the tract, was the property once 
of Dr. Wynne, or his family, because once it was only a 
wind mill.) The same of the "old Gulph Road," the "old 
Ford Road," and the "old Levering Road," &c. This Lev- 
ering Road, from Anthony Levering's mill, on the Schuyl- 
kill, connecting with the Lancaster Road (Montgomery 
Ave.), by another road through Academyville, and past the 
Behriont Driving Park (where Hugh Roberts lived) , and the 



Merion Meeting House, is referred to elsewhere as the 
"Ravine Road" to Rock Hollow. It was not made a public 
road till about 1785, on the petition of the miller Levering. 
This connecting road is now a handsome driveway, known 
as Meeting House Lane, but was in its earliest days known 
in deeds as simply "the road to the ford." For this reason 
it is often confounded with "the old Ford Road." This lat- 
ter highvi'ay was quite another ancient institution of Mer- 
ion and Blockley, but its identity is almost obliterated for 
one end of it has been swallowed by an avenue of West 
Fairmount Park, and the other end by what is known as 
the State Road, in Merion. Yet its route can be described 
as from an olden time Schuylkill ford, about where Laurel 
Hill Cemetery landing is located (of course, before Fair- 
mount dam was built), through Fairmount Park to the 
City Line road, or City Ave., then crossing the Schuylkill 
Valley Railroad, near Bala station, thence through Merion- 
ville, or what was known as Bowman's Bridge, till it is lost 
in the State Ro d. It has been supposed that the continua- 
tion of the "Ford Road," or its counterpart on the east 
side of the river, was an Indian trail from the Delaware 
river to the Schuylkill, passing between the two Laurel 
Hills to the landing. 

The greatest and most prominent thoroughfare through 
Merion, passing the Friends' meeting house, our beautiful 
Montgomery Ave., is such a road, for it is tradition that 
once it was only an Indian path, from the Delaware to the 
Susquehanna, v/idened in pai't by the Welsh. Taken offi- 
cially, this ror ' is a mere infant compared with some other 
W^ Ish Tract highways. But of this road hereafter. 

The "old Gulph Road," or the Gulf Road going westward 
to Gulf Mill and Paoli, from, the old Lancaster Road, near 
the Merion meeting house, through the Merions, seems old 
because it has the Penn family coat of arms on its mile- 
stones, and it certainly was a "line of communication" as 
early as 1690, yet it was not officially a public highwaj'' till 



it was surveyed and opened in 1748, when it is presumed, 
the milestones were placed under the direction of Richard 
and Thomas Penn, the joint governors of the Province.* 

What we now Icnow as the West Chester Pike, is the result 
of a petition, 16. 9mo. 170.1, of Humphrey Ellis, Dani; 1 
Lewis, and fifty-eight others, inhabitants of the Welsh 
Tract, for a public mad from Goshen tp. to Philadelphia, 
past the ITavcrford meeting house. It was ordered that it 
be laid out "from William Powell's ferry on Skuylkill & 
passing by Haverford meeting House to the Principal part 
of Goshen Township." 

All of these country roads were primarily for the con- 
venience of farmers marketing their produce, as it is likely 
that few people travelled in vehicles in the Welsh Tract till 
after the Revolution since no Welshmen's inventories of 
estates earlier than this period, mention any. At the time 
of the Revolution, there were only eighty-five vehicles of all 
kinds in the whole Province, and in 1760, in Philadelphia, 
there were three coaches, drawn by four or six hoi'ses (the 
Proprietor's, the Governor's, and William Allen's) , two 
landaus, drawn by four horses, eighteen chariots, or two 
horse carriages, and fifteen one horse chairs, volanties, 
sulkies, and chaises. In the years just before the end of the 

*The annalist Watson mentions in his MS notes (at Pa. His. Soc.) 
the mile stones he saw in 182-, along the Gulf Road, and the Haver- 
ford Road, particularly one on the latter, at White Hall Inn, (the 
water station on the old Columbia Railway) , and one on a line of 
the "Harriton" farm, at 12 Mile Hill, which he records, "was marked 
12 in front, with the Penn arms on the rear." (This stone, with-ut 
figures, is now ^ ared in the cellar of the Pa. Historical Society build- 
ing. "These stones," says Watson, presumably referring to those 
on the Haverford Road, "were placed by the Mutual Association Fire 
Company, [Green Tree] of Philadelphia, as the price of its charter." 
The 11 Mile Stone was also on the "Harriton" farm, as the Gulf Road 
(and the Mill Creek) traversed it. The 10 Mile Stone was where the 
road crosses Mill Creek, and at its junction with the road to Merion 
Square (Gladwyn). The 9 Mile Stone was on the • 'd Gaskill place, 
and the 8 Mile Stone on the old Lancaster Road, abjut 800 feet east 
of where the Gulf Road joins it. 



eighteenth century, there were a thousand of all kinds of 
private vehicles in use. William Penn owned a coach and a 
calasli when last here, I)ut could not use either because of 
the "dreadful roads." Thirty years later, there were only 
five four-horse coaches, and three two-horse four-wheeled 
chairs in the Province. It was horseback for all but a very, 
very few till after the Revolution. 

The present fine road passing the Merion Friends' meet- 
ing house from the city, was in its earliest times described 
only as "a settled road," in deeds concerning abutting 
lands, and may then not have had a name, as it had not 
become the King's Highway, for it v/as only a courtesy way 
across private grounds, having never been ofTicially laid out, 
nor dedicated, excepting by implied consent, to public use 
by the Welsh Friends, owners of the land, for their own 
convenience in going to and from the city, by way of the 
"Middle Ferry," through the woods. Unless this could be 
considered as Penn's imaginary "Sti-eet" through Merion, 
there is no clear conception of what and where "Merion 
Street." was. Nor is the western terminus of this road in 
earliest days certain. Pioneer roads always led to a definite 
spot. This one, after connecting Merion Meeting people 
with Middle Ferry, possibly united with what we know 
as the Gulf road, and continued on to "the mill at 
Gulph," for in 1740, it only had the reputation of a 
"settled road" from the Merion meeting house towards 
the city, when it was kno-\vn as the "Blockley and 
Merion Waggon Road," and the "Merion Road to Middle 
Ferry," and, of course, was only a mud road, for 
Macadam was not yet born. In after years, when it came 
to be widened, extended, a)id improved, and a part of a 
great highway, and was confirmed as a connecting link 
between Lancaster, or the frontier, and the city, it was 
known as the "Road to Lancaster," and was the principal 
thoroughfare of Merion. Its original route from Ducket's 
place, or the Friends' Schuylkill meeting place, near the 
Middle Ferry, out our Market Street and Lancaster Avenue, 



to our 52d Street, docs not appear to have been altered. But 
from 52d Street, and the Pensylvania Railroad, and in 
MerJon, there were some changes made in direction and in 
grades, when the way over it to Lancaster was confirmed, 
and this Welsh enterprise came under the immediate pro- 
tection of Philadelphia county, and after 178 J, under that 
of Montg-omcry, beyond the new Philadelpliia county line. 
Anciently, as now, the route in Merion, in a general way, of 
this historic road, over which our soldiers of six wars have 
marched, and only in one was their way contested, v/as via 
Merionville, past Daniel Morgan's place now the site of the 
great convent and school of the Sisters of Mercy, past the 
General Wayne tavei'n, tlie Merion Friends' meeting house, 
and westward for miles. 

Tlie beginning of this road in its present course and 
shape was when, on 20 Jan., 1730-1, the Provincial Coun- 
cil was petitioned by the settlers of Lancaster county for 
a road "from Lancaster town till it falls in with the high 
road [the King's High Road] in the county of Chester, 
leading to the Ferry of Schuylkill at Pligh Street." The 
Council thereupon appointed a committee of Lancaster and 
Chester county men to select a route. On 4 Oct., 1733, this 
committee reported a route in their counties to the Coun- 
cil, which ordered that it be vacated and cleared in those 
counties, and also directed, to extend it to the ferry, and 
that the "road in Philadelphia county leading to the Ferry 
be search d" by a committee consisting of Messrs. Rich- 
ard Harrison, Hugh Evans, Robert Roberts, Samuel Hum* 
phreys, David George, and John Warner. But eight years 
passed without any repoi't from this Philadelphia county 
committee; and the Lancaster and Chester people had to 
petition again to have "a read from John Spruce'p, on the 
Chester line to the High Street ferry," and thereupon a 
new Philadelphia county committee was appointed by the 
Council, namely Richard Harrison, Griffith Llewellyn, 
William Thomas, Edward George, Hugh Evans, and Robert 



On 23 No\'., 1741, this committee reported a route with 
courses and distances made out 10 Nov., for the Lancaster 
road extended, which, in a general way was, in Philadel- 
phia county, fi'om near the homes of Rees Thomas and 
David James, on the Chester county line, over the "Cone- 
stoga Road" (surveyed on 20 July, 1741), beginning at 
Spruce's through Whiteland tp., to the Pcktang road, to 
Kinnison's run, to Robert Powell's house, "then leaving 
the old road, and on George Aston's land" thence "to Wil- 
listown, to the west bounds of Surge's tract, to William 
Evan's snuth shop, through Tredyfl'ryn tp., to the Sign of 
the Bull, through East Town tp., to Radnor's upper line, 
and near John Samuel's place." Past the Radnor Friends' 
meeting house, "to Samuel Harry's lane, and his house, to 
James's house and lane, to the county line." Thence from 
the Radnor line to the Merion line, "past David T , es's 
shop." Over the Chester county line "to Benjamin Humph- 
rey's upper line (being the Philadelphia county line), to the 
Gulf JTill road, thence through the lines of Benjamin and 
Edward Humphreys, to Richard Hughs's upper line and 
house, to Evan Jones's lower line, past the Merion Meet- 
ing House, and into the Ford road, and through Richard 
George's property, to the Blockley line." Then "near the 
house of Edward George, over David George's lane and 
run, to the Haverford road, past Peter Gardner's house to 
High Water mark at end of the Causeway at west side of 
High street ferry." It was ordered that this route be 
opened and cleared. 

Going back over this road, in earlier days, there was com- 
ing from the ferry, the lands of Edward Prichard and 
Thomas Ducket, and a survey of the latter's land here 
shows the Friends' burying ground as a bound, and that 
the land of Francis Fincher was also a boundary for 
Ducket, and a deed shows that Fincher's land was bounded 
on the west by a street or road, the one to the ferrj^ and 
that he also bought land bounded on the south by this road. 
That is, Fincher had 35 acres on the upper side of Market 



Street and across the street was "the Haverford Friends' 
buryhig ground," that is the graveyard of the Schuylkill 
Pi-eparative Meeting, and the land of Philip England. 

The road passed through 200 acres, next to Ducket's, 
owned by Barnabas Wilcox, thence through William 
Powell's 294 acres, William Smith's 500 acres, William 
Wa'ner's 288 acres, the lands of Israel Morris, William 
Warner (again), and [Hugh Roberts's] 200 acres, Wil- 
liam Woods's and Wood & Sharlow's claim of 200 acres, and 
by the land of Jonathan Wynne (lying between 161 acres 
of Edwjird Jones and 200 acres of George Scotson), across 
the city line, and through the land of John Roberts, whoso 
neighbor to the southwest on his side of the line was Grif- 
fith Jones, and next to the latter was Abel Thomas, opposite 
to whom, across the city, or liberty line, was William ap 
Edward, and where these two properties were, now gro\^',s 
the village of Overbrock. Adjoining V/illiam Edwards' 
186 acres, and Edward Jones' IGl acres, on the southeast 
was the 286 acre farm of David Jones. On 19. 12, 1700-1, 
Penn issued "warrant to sui'vey unto David Jones, late of 
Merionethshire, 2.50 acres of my land on the west side of 
Schuylkill Avithin the bounds of the liberties of Philadel- 
phia, to be bounded to the eastward with the land seated 
by Hugh Robei'ts, to the northv/ard with William Edwards, 
to the south'd with the line of William Warner, and to v/est- 
ward with my vacant land, reserving 50 acres on the north- 
east corner, adjoining to Jonathan Wynne and Hugh 

The commercial value of this roadway, or "public util- 
ity," was not fully appreciated, or recognized till the end of 
the ce;:tury. In the fall and winter, 1786-7, the Assembly 
minutes record consideration of the improvement of the 
road, and the diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer, 6 Dec. 1786, 
says: — "the order of the day was brought forward con- 
cerning the new road to be made from the middle ferry on 
Schuylkill to Lancaster. All the speakers in the House 
debated upon it for some time." And 31 March, 1792, the 



Assembly "finished with the bill for the turnpike between 
Philadelphia and Lancaster," and the Governor appointed 
as the Lancaster Turnpike cominissioners, Messrs. Adam 
Reigert, Gen. Hand, Andre- v Grad', Jacob Graff, A. V/itmer, 
and Thomas Boude, of Lancaster, and Philip V/ap:or and 
Capt. Faulkner, of Philadelphia, and entertained them r'^ 
dinner on 19 Oct. 1792. But on 10 April, 1791, its right 
of way and roadbed had been granted and confirmed to 
some Philadelphia capitalists and promotors, who organ- 
ized a stock company to improve and operate it by charter, 
granted 9 April, 1792, the corporation being called the 
Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike Road Company. The 
company's shares were readily sold, and there was "money 
a pic ty," yet little was laid out on the old road to improve 
it, and it still went straight to given points v/ithout regard 
to hills and valleys. Mr. Hiltzheimer say that on 7 Aug. 
1793, he "drove ten miles up the Lancast r road to the 
widow Miller's, to see the new turnpike, about a mile of 
which is laid." But the revenue of the road was con- 
scientiously attended to, for in the 62 miles betwer i Phila- 
delphia and Lancaster there were nine tollgates when the 
road was opened in 1795. Gate No. 1, was two miles west 
from the Schuylkill, and collected for three miles ; gate No. 
2, was five miles west from the river, and collected for five 
miles; gate No. 3, was ten miles west from the river, and 
collected for seven miles. Mr. Hiltzheimer was appointed 
to inspect the new road, and Nov. 1795, he records that in 
driving over it, he frequently measured it, and found it 
full 21 feet wide, coming from Lancaster to the 14 Mile 

As this road was still "paved with mud," the "Rules of 
the Road" are quite as primitive. "No Vv^aggon, or other 
carriage with wheels, the breadth of whose wheels shall 
not be four inches, shall be driven along said Road between 
December 1st and May 1st foUovi^ng, with a greater weiglit 
thereon than two and a half tons, or with more than three 
tons during the rest of the year." If loads were over three 



tons, the wlioc' tires must be proportionately wider. The 
old English "law of the road" still obtained, and drivers 
"kept to the left," up to the taking-over of the road by 
the stock company, when by general understanding and 
consent the teamsters reversed the rule, for it appeared to 
them, as well as all Americans, 

"The law of the road is a paradox quite, 
In riding or driving along. 
If you go to the left j^ou are sure to ^:o right, 
If you go to the right you go wrong." 

This road, incorporated, now became the passenger and 
freight route of great importance, not only to Pensylvania 
shippers, and New York and New England merchants, but 
to the development of "the old Welsh Tract." The traffic 
in each of these industries was at first controlled and oper- 
ated by alleged subsidiary concerns of the corporation, but 
as there shortly seemed to arise great rivalry between 
"lines" travelling the road, it is presumed the original 
scheme of close monopoly was abandoned, or was lost con- 
trol of, or the carriers became independent. But what was 
known as the Line Wagon Company, ovi^ned by directors 
of the corporation, was long the monopoly freighter over 
the pike. It had warehouses and repair shops along the 
route, with e:rtra wagons, horses, drivers, harness, &c. The 
Pike Stage Company, carrying passengers, the mail, and the 
newspapers, was the sister monopoly, also owned by the 
directors^ "on the side." It maintained relays of teams, and 
extras, at such taverns along the road, and where meals 
were talven which gave the company the best percentage 
on travellers' fees. Through bad example of these monopo- 
lists, it is tradition not without foundation, that after they 
lost their control, the old stage drivers and the teamsters, 
working independently, practised "graft" to perfection, on 
the proprietors of road inns, the "wagon houses" and the 
stage tavexms, distinct concerns, when also it was not un- 
usual for teamsters to hold up the public stages by block- 



ing the naiTow road, and demand payment from the driver^ 
who collected the "fee" from the passengers, and kept a 
"rake-off," to "go on and turn out." This methtd of "high- 
way robbery" was also pi-actised by teams, and even stages, 
on individuals in private vehicles. This state of affairs 
was the forerunner of another "controlling interest" on the 
pike. It was not long before old stage drivers and boss 
teamsters combined, and persecuted and drove from the 
road, or levied blackmail and tribute on any invaders of the 
pike, and stopped opposition and rivaliy, and ended "rate 
cutting," and monopolized to themselves the trafhc of the 
pike, charging exorbitantly. Nowadays we hear much about 
the chivalrous, "gentlemanly, though rough," stage drivers 
of ye olden time ! 

In its best days as the great thoroughfare to Lancaster 
and the West, the "Merion Street" of the Welsh Friends, 
when teams of four or six horses dragged heavily loaded 
Conestoga wagons over it, there were mile stones to regulate 
their journeys, as well as the amount of toll to pay. These 
reckoned the distance from the old court house at High and 
Second Streets, Philadelphia. At the 5 Mile Stone, in Mer- 
ion, just across the Philadelphia county line, was the first 
impoi'tant stopping and watering place for stages and teams 
coming from the city, Stadelman's Black Horse Tavern. 
Hei'e also wagoners tariied to fix up their loads before 
entering the city. Near it, behind his great stone barn, 
was his starch factory, on the west side of the pike, near a 
"never failing spring." This was a long established inn, 
and was indicated on Scull's map of 1749-50. Pownall 
mentions it in his extant Journal, kept on a trip, in 1754, 
from Philadelphia to the Susquehanna: — "To Shadling's, 
the Black Horse, AV^ miles." Thence "To Meeting House 
[Merion], VA miles." "To Richard Hughes', The Three 
Tuns, 2^/2 miles. To Ann Miller's, the Buck, one mile. To 
Eichard Bury's, the Plow, 2%, miles. To G. Ashton's, the 
Vernon [Warren?], 31/j. miles. To White Horse (Ham- 
bright's), 2% miles. To the Ship (Thomas Park's), 81/4 



miles," &c. Stadelman's was a fair road-house, and had 
good custom till about 1798, when Col. Edward Heston 
built a tavern for his son, Abraham, on the pike in Block- 
ley, east of Meeting House Lane (which is now 52d Street) , 
•which he named Columbus Inn, On the pike, opposite the 
4 Mile Stone, was another good inn, called White Lamb. It 
is also still standing, back from the road, near Wynnefield 
Ave. Near it is a little stone blacksmith shop that was 
patronized by travellers long before the "settled road" be- 
came a turnpike. Near this inn, Thomas Wynne conducted 
a rope-walk, and at the edge of the woods was the snuff- 
mill of John Adams, a son-in-law of Thomas Wynne, 3d. 
At the 7 Mile, Stone, on the pike, the old Columbia railway 
crossed the pike, at Bowman's Bridge. The 8 Mile Stone 
stood on Price's land, about a hundred perches beyond the 
Merion Meeting House. Other road houses in Merion were 
the General Wayne, the Red Lion, and the Eagle, and beyond 
was the Spread Eagle, the Paoli, and the Sorrel Horse, all 
popular in stage coach days, and all still operated. In all, 
between the Schuylkill and Lancaster, there were sixty 
inns of importance along the turnpike. 

The "Turnpike Road," greatly improved, prospered as a 
tollroad till the canal and the raih'oad took away its busi- 
ness, when it became a disreputable affair, — a broken-down 
plankroad along its eastern end, and its westei'n worse. 
The eastern end was then known as the AVest Philadelphia 
Plank Road, long ago only a memory, yet while it lasted 
may have been a reputable institution, but it was "too good 
to last," for its life was only between 1855 and 1858. 

About 1876-7, the old Lancaster road became a menace to 
the paralleling Pensylvania Railroad, for the management 
of the latter corporation feared that street-car lines might 
be extended from the city out the old road i,.to the. grow- 
ing suburbs, and cut into its local passenger business. There- 
fore, to protect itself from opposition the railroad bought 
the pike through a subsidiary company, in April, 1880, from 
52d Street to Paoli, about seventeen miles, for ^20,000, 

[443] :.. . . 


and got a charter, under tlic name Lancaster Avenue Im- 
provement Companj% A. J. Cassatt, president, to operate 
it as a tollroad.- Subsequently, this company sold and aband- 
oned that part of the road that would not be likely to menace 
the railroad, west of Bryn Mawr,"and retained the eastern 
portion, in Blontgomory Co., re-naming it Montgomeiy 
Ave., and continuing to operate it as a tolh'oad, through a 
re-organized corporation called the Philadelphia, Bala, and 
Bryn Mawr Turnpilce Comj any. However, this as the 
"old Lancaster Road" will always be "the first and most 
interesting macadamized road in the United States." 

Of the aforementioned inns along the old Lancaster Road 
in the Welsh Tract, the General Wayne deserves particu- 
lar mention here, as it is still a noted landmark in Merion. 
The inducement for changing what was a little stone dv/ell- 
ing into an inn, was that it stood on the great highway near 
tv/o well-used side roads and a long established blacksmith's 
shop. That it was located so close to the Merion meeting 
house, was undesirable from Friends' viewpoint, yet they 
could, at several times, have purchased the lot on which it 
stands, surrounded on three sides by the meeting house 
land. Tliis location of the tavern endorses the statement 
of De Foe : 

"Where evfi- God erects a house of prayer, 
The Devil always builds a chapel there." 

This inn, about which there is misconception as to its age, 
as there seems to be about its nearest neighbor, the Mer- 
ion meeting house, was originally, as may be seen, a small 
stone house, which was erected by Robert Jones, a son of 
John ap Thomas, sometime after 1709, the year in which 
he became the owner of the lot on which it stands, and was 
not "established" as an inn, as its sign now states, "in 
1704," and did not so beco s till about 177G, as will appear 
.from extracts below from deeds concerning the property, 
but for many j'^ears was only the home of the smith whose 



shop was across the road. It also may be noted tliat Pownall, 
travelling this wtiy, in 1754, did not mention an inn, or 
tavern here, though he noticed the Meeting Plouse. 

It has already been stated that Edward ap Rees (or Price) 
had 7G'/o acres, of the 'Thomas and Jones tract, in 1082, 
located back of William ap Edward, with Hugh Roberts 
on the north, Dr. Jones on the south, and Thomas Lloyd 
on the west; and that in 5nio. 1691, he bought 125 acrc3 
of land from said Lloyd on the west end of his first laml, 
and in the year bought "two acres" of the back end 
of Dr. Jones's first land, and that these several parcels of 
land were resurveyed and patented to him, in 1704, amount- 
ing in total 190 acres. And that Dr. Jones bought 76^,4 
acres, adjoining his first land on the southwest, and alor,^ 
the Merion and Haverford road; and that he sold the r; or 
end of his original land, and in 1704, bought 188 acres scn th 
of his last purchase, and then had about 340 acres on both 
sides of v/hat was afterwards Lancaster pike, and both sides 
of the road from here to Haverford meeting house. 

Edward ap Rees, by a tri-party deed, dated 7 Aug. 170S, 
conveyed to Robert Jones (son of John Thomas), and 
"David Meredith" (or Meredith Davis), of Plymouth 
(father-in-law of Rees Press, whose first wife, Sarah, was 
the only daughter of Meredith) , of the second part, and his 
son Rees Prees (Price), of the third part, two tracts of 
land, the above 190 acres, and 220 acres he had bought of 
Robert Roberts, a part of Hugh Roberts' estate. The two 
tracts adjoined, but would now be separated by the "Road 
to the Ford," and were surveyed together, but only the 
first part of the survey ccicerns the land of interest here 
namely, "beginning at a corner in Edward Jones's land, 
and by the same E. 15°, N. 156 per., N. 16°, W. 28 per. by 
Jones's land, to a stake in Jones's land, 1. 18°, N. 64 per. 
to a stake, . .. 14°, W. 24 per. by land of Robert Jones, and 
thence by the Meeting House ground, W. 13°, S. 51/4 per., 



then N. 14°, W. 7 (I'Yi) per., then by land Edward ap 
Rees bought of Robert Roberts, and by lands of Evan Owen, 
Evan Harry, and William Cuarton." 

The "two acres" which Edward Rees had bought of Dr. 
Jones, as above, went to make up the 190 acres, but Rees 
had promised them, half to the Merion Meeting, as AviJl 
appear, and half as follows: 

By deed, 23 April, 1709, he conveyed to Robert Jones, 
aforesaid, "one acre" (where the tavern stands), for twenty 
shillings Pensylvania money. Described: — "beginning at 
the southeast corner of the Meeting House stable, thence 
to a settled road" (Lancaster pi!;e) ; thence S. S. E. 24i/i. 
per. to a stake by the road to Haverford, in the line of 
Edward Jones; thence by Jones' land and line, W. S. W. 
5'/i, per. to a stake; then by "line dividing it from said 
Edward Rees's land" (the lot on which the meeting house 
stands, which was still in Rees's name), N. N. W. about 
241/4 per., to a chestnut tree; thence "by the Grave Yard 
belonging to the meeting aforesaid,'" E. N. E. 5% per- to 
the beginning. On this lot, as appears in a subsequent deed, 
Robert Jones "built a house, and made other improve- 

The above tri-party deed is quoted in another tri-party 
deed, dated 31 May, 1753, between Garret (or Garred) 
Jones (eldest son of said Robert Jones), of the first part, 
Rees Frees, of the second part, and John Frees (a son of 
Rees Frees), of third part, concerning the above 190 acres. 
DesC'-ibe^ 1 :— begi_ ning at Edward Jones' corner, E. 15°, N. 
146 per. to a post; thence N. 16°, W. by Edward Jones 28 
per., thence by Edw. rd Jones E. 18°, N. 6414 per., thence 
N. 14°, W. by Robert Jones 241/1. per., "thence by Meeting 
House ground," W. 13°, S. 514 per., thence N. 14°, W. l^,i 
per. by same; thence by land bought by the said Edward 
Rees of Robert Roberts,* W. 13°, S. 206 per., &c., by Evan 
Owen, Evan Harry, and William Cuarton. 

*This land was conveyed, "for £300 silver," to Edward Roes, 16. 
8mo. 1707, and deed acknowledged 17. 2mo. 1708, by Robert Roberts, 



Robert Jones'' died, and by will dated 21. 7mo. 174G, 
devised "my house and lot of ground near the Merion JMeot- 
ing House, with all its appurtenances," to his grandson, 
Silas Jones, of Darby, grazier, who by deed, dated 25 March, 
1768,t sold and convoyed this house and lot to Benjamin 

of C;i' urt Co., Mai-yland. It was a tract of 200 laid out to IIiiRh 
Robcrl;;, which on re-survey amounted to 220 acres, and w;is bounded 
by lands of Jonathan Jones, Thomas Jones, Owen Roberts, and 
Edward Jones, and the ten acre meadow, called "Clean John." 

The 125 acre lot, in t' 190 acre tract Edward Rees bought of 
Thomas Lloyd, by deed o; .j. Cmo. 1691, (witnessed by Robert Owen 
and David Lloyd), was bounded on W. R. W. by Richard Cuarton; 
on N. N. W. by Evan Hai-ry, (or Harries), on E. N. E. by Robert 
Owen, and on S. S. E. by Ree's land. 

*By his will, signed in the presence of Jonathan Jones, Jr., Edward 
Price, and Sydney Roberts, proved 17 Oct., 174G, he gave his son 
Gerrad Jones the plantation where he lives, 223 acres, bounded 
south by Da\ .' ' Evans, his ov%'n home-farm, and cousin Evan Jones's 
land; west b, his son Robert's plantation; north by some of his 
(Robert, Sr.) own land; east by Schuylkill river. To son Robert 
Jones, Jr., the plantation where he lives, 325 acres, bounded south 
and west by land of cousin Evan Jones; north by land of the late 
William Sharlow; east and south by son Gorrad's land; east and 
north by his own farm. To daughter Elizabeth Jones the plantation 
called "Mt. Ararat," which he bought f <^m David Hugh, 16.'^ acres, 
and an adjoining tract of CO acres, bounded by son Robert's land, 
and on the eat^ by the plantation called "Glenrason." This "Glen- 
rason" farm, 189 acres, bounded north by "Mt. Ararat" (formerly 
Shadow's land) ; west by Elizabeth's la'id and Robert's land; south 
by Gerrad's other land; east by the Schuylkill, he devised to son 
Gerrad. Besides the "tavern lot," he gave to grandson Silas Jones 
ten acres "where the hempmill stood." He gave his lands in Goshen 
tp., 420 acres, to son Robert, to sell and remit the piice to daughter 
Ann and her husband, James Paul. To granddaughters Sarah and 
Katherine Evans £50; to granddaughters Ellen and Ann Jones, £10 
each. To daughter Elizabeth his "large Bible," and £20. Trustees 
Coi".. ins Robert Roberts and Evan Jonc and friend Edward William. 

■j-lt is presumed that during the interval between 1746 and 1768, 
Anthony Tunis also bought land adjoining in 1741, rented the prop- 
erty and kept "op:>n house," as the place was about this time, and 
dovv'n into the time of the Revolutionary War, called "Tunis' 



Jones, of Philadelphia, blacksmith. This deed recites 
Penn's conlii'malion to Edward Rces of the 190 acres, 
in which was included this acre, in 1704 (this' is the 
only excuse for advertising that this tavern was "established 
in 1701"), and Edward Pees' deed, 1709, to Robert Jones, 
and aoain describes the bounds of the one aci'e, as "begin- 
ning at the southeast corner of the Me(;ting House stable, 
thence to a settled road, S. S. E., about 241/|. perches," &c., 
and that "Robert Jones here built a house, and made other 
improvem.ents, and by will devised the same to his grar !- 
son, Silas Jones," &c., Deed recorded at Norristown C. H. 
25 Sep. 1883. 

Benjamin Jones, blacksmith, then of Coventry tp., in 
Chester Co., and wife, Tacy, by deed, dated 1 April, 1775, 
for £115, Pensylvania money, acknowledged 3 Aug. 1776, 
recorded with above deed, conveyed this "house and one 
acre lot" to Abraham Strceper (and Streaper), blacksmith. 
He built an addition to the old stone house, and made other 
improvements, and is the first occupant of record who con- 
ducted the place as a stage house and tavern, and this was 
throughout the Revolution and till his decease, in 1794. 
He was tax collector of Lower Merion, in 1779. He died 
intestate, and much in debt, and the court appointed his 
daughter, Mary Streaper, spinster, and Joseph Price, to 
administer, and sell his property and pay his debts. By 
order of the Orphans Court, the tavern and lot were sold 
at public sale, 4 April, 1795, and deed given for the pi'op dy 
by Joseph and Mary, on 20 April, to Edward Price, who 
"bought it in" for £405 Pensylvania money. This deed to 
the lot describes it: — "beginning at the southeast corner 
of the Merion Meeting House Grave Yard Wall (supposed 
to be the corner of the said Meeting House stable)" ; thence 
along John Dickuison's land, and the land of Robert Hol- 
land, S. 16°, E. 30 per. to a stone in said Holland's land and 
line; thence along the same S. 67°, W. 5% per to a stone; 
thence along John Price's land, and the land of the Meet- 
ing, N. 16", W. 30 per. to said Grave Yard wall; thence 


along the same, N. 67°, E. S'Yi, pci". to beginning. By deed 
dated next day, 21 April, 1795, Edward Price conveyed 
the tavern and lot to Mary Streaper. These deeds recorded 
at Norristown, 8 Nov. 1802. Mary leased the property 
first to a Mr. Taylor, and in 1806, to Major William Methcy, 
who was the landlord till about 1824, when he was suc- 
ceeded by Jacob Castner, who also had a store in connection 
with the tavern. Mary Streaper married Titus Yerkes, 
and by deed, dated 23 Sep. 1854, they conveyed the tavern 
property to their daughter, Mary, wife of Joel Cook, of 
Philadelphia, grandfather of the late Congressman, Joel 
Cook. By deed, dated 25 Sep. 1854, Joel and Mary con- 
veyed the tavern and lot in fee to David Young, innkeeper, 
who died, and by will, dated 21 Sep. 1858, gave the property 
to his wife; and her heirs, Rees Young, farrier, and 
Matilda and Harriet Young, sold the tavern and lot to 
James Baird, of Haverford, steward, by deed of 8 Sep. 
1883, which describes the propertj'': — as "a lot with a two 
and half, and three story stone hotel, stone stable," &c., 
and the lot: — "beginning at the S. E. cor. of Merion meet- 
ing house grave yard wall, supposed to be the corner of 
the said meeting house stable"; thence along land now, or 
formerly, of John Dickinson, and land now, or formerly, 
of Robert Holland, S. 16°, E. 20 per. to a stone in the last 
mentioned land; thence along the same S. 67°, W. 5% per. 
to a stone; tlience along land now, or formerly, of John 
Price, and the said meeting house land, N. 16°. W. 30 per. 
to the said grave yard wall, &c. Baird also bought from 
same party, two lots on the opposite side of the pike, about 
82 sq. per., "beginning at a point in the middle of the 
Blockley and Merion plank road. The General Wayne Inn 
next passed, in 1891, to Edward Odell, as owner. 

It is tradition that at one time this tavern was called 
the William Penn Inn, and at another. Wayside Inn, during 
the Revolution, and was alternately occupied by officers of 
each army. When Gen. Wayne was a popular hero, and 
returned triumphant from his expedition against the Ohio 



Indians, llv i; was named for him. lie was received nt 
the inn, on Gth Feb. 179G, by three troop.s of Philadelphia 
Light Horse, and escorted to a greater reception in the 
city. When Castner was the; host, it is an unverified tradi- 
tion th:,t Gen. Lafayette was entertained at the inn, while 
travelling through the country as the Nation's guest, in 
1824-5. When Mr. Young bought the inn, he fitted it up as 
a summer hotel for rich Philadelphians, and it was well 
patronized for many years. When it became the lo' ion 
of the first postoffice in Marion, David Oram Young carried 
the mailbag to Pasehall's Landing, or Gen. Wayne station, 
on the railroad, subsequently called Elm station, and nov/ 
Narberth. In 1876, the inn was enlarged by the addition 
of its frame portion, and was a popular summer boarding 
house, but of late years it has degenerated into simply a 

In so fertile a country as the Welsh Tract, lying between 
the contending armies during the Revolutionary War, its 
prosperous Quaker farmers did not escape the forced levies 
of both the Americans and the British, and each side helped 
itself freely and liberally to Quakers' property, for it was 
thought if they v/ould not fight they should contribute of 
their stores. It has been said that the British Avere more 
welcome to what they could find in their raids, because if 
they paid at all, they ahvays paid in gold for whatever they 
took. On the other hand, the Americans paying, gave only 
due-bills, or promissory notes, or orders on their migrr.tory 
treasurer, so their visits were considered depredations. When 
the Americans lay through that terrible vv^inter of 1777-8, 
at Valley Forge, just without the Welsh Tract, and pro- 
longed their existence with the little that could be found in 
the neighborhood, there are several severe, sharp orders 
extant, issued by Gen. Washington, aimed directly at all 
non-combatants, and suspected tory farmers in his vicinity, 
for there were not a few of these in the region "seventy 
miles of my headquart'^rs," as Washington described it in 
an order about them, dated at Valley Foi'ge. 



Either there must have been a misrepresentation con- 
cerning the British liberality, or the "cash" story was im- 
ported from elsewhere, for there is evidence that the Welsh 
Tract farmers complained bitterly about the British while 
they held Philadelphia. ■ After their departure from the 
citJ^ they reported thiir total losses to both armies, through 
the assessors appointtjd by the Americans to rate damar-,es, 
amounted to £3212, the several Friends' Meetings in the 
Welsh Tract having kept alleged accurate accounts of their 
losses. There was taken f re n the members all kinds of 
live stock, and all sorts of household goods, but mixed with 
these claims were, as may be seen, the money value of 
other grievances. 

In the Radnor Mo. Mtg. (Men's Meeting) records there 
are preserved several schedules of losses, as "An account of 
Effects taken from sundry friends of the Haverford pre- 
paratory meeting by the contending armies. Taxes, &c." 

"Taken rom Isaac Davis of Haverford, by a Detachment 
of the British army, commanded by Earl of Cornwallis, the 
12mo. 12, 1777, £284, 10. 2. From the same by the army 
under George Vv^ashington, £5. 17. 0." 

"Taken from John and Samuel Gray, for the use of the 
army commanded by George Washington, £6. 12. 6." 

"From Isaac Bartram and Abraham Liddom, for ditto, 
£3. 0. 8. And from same by British, £48. 16. 0, on 12mo. 
12, 1777. And on same day fr :m Abraham Liddom, 
£47. 14. 9." 

"And from friends of Merion preparative meeting, in 
1777, and beginning of 1778, from John Roberts (the mil- 
ler) , by army under George Washington, horses, cattle, &c., 
about £500." 

"From Isaac Lewis for a demand of £22. 7. 6, for the 
non-attendance in the militia, by Isaac Williams, collector, 
28. 7mo. 1778, £30." 

"Taken, 8mo. 6. 1778, for a demand of £24. 7. 6, for sub- 
stitute money, and non-attendance in the militia, from 
Amos George, of Blockley, by John Ellis, -.ollector, £33." 

[451] . . ... ■ 


"Taken, 9mo. IG, 1778, for same and same, from Edward 
George, of Blocklcy, by the same, a yomi,'? mare, sold at 
vendue on 19fch, £70." 

"Taken from Jesse George, 9mo. IG. 1777, of Blockley, 
by Thomas Rhoads, William Rees and Henry Alexander, 
militiamen, Avith fixed bayonets, three blankets, £1. 17. 6." 

"8mo. G. 1777. Taken from Jesse George, of Blockley, 
£24. 7. 6, substitute money, &c., by John Ellis, &c. (sold on 
the premises by public vendue the 12), £28. 19. 6." 

"9mo. 14. 1777. Taken from Thomas George, of Block- 
ley, by Isa' c Kite, Jr., and two others of the militia with 
fixed baj'^onets, two blankets worth. ..." 

"9mo. 19. 1778. Taken for a demand of £1. 7. G, for non- 
attendance in the militia, from Thomas Geoi-ge, by John 
Ellis, collector, a heifer which he sold the same day for 

"From Radnor Friends:" 

"8mo. 1777. From Daniel Maule, of Tredd. (Tredj^ffrin), 
for demand of £3. 10. 0, for non-associating, by John Max- 
well, collector, £10." 

"Gmo. 1778, from same for the Provincial Tax, by John 
Lloyd, collector, £2. 17." 

"8 & 9 mos. 1778. Taken from same for a dejnand of £55 
substitute m.oney, & by David Briggs and Jeremiah Eard- 
ley, by order of Lewis Gronow, £68. 14. 5','-." 

"3mo. 1778, for a demand of £31. 10. 71/0, for substitute 
money, &c., from Evan Lewis, of Radnor, by D. B. and 
J. E., by order of L. G., £72. 4. 0." 

"12mo. 1777, from Evan Lewis for use of army com- 
manded by George Washington, £8. 15. 6. By same, from 
Jesse Meredith, for same, £34. By same, from Abijah 
Richard, for same, £29. By same, from John Jones, for 
same, £29. By same, from James Espen, for same, 
£29. 5. 0." 

Many other Radnor Friends "suffered'' in this way, "for 
their country's good," some having to meet demands of 
£120, £60, &c. The Walkers, and Richards, Quakers, were 



the greatest "sufTerers." One Michael Smith claimed his 
properly was damag-cd to the extent of £451, but by which 
ai'my the record does not tell. These sulTerings of the sons 
and grandsons of the first settlers, must have given them 
an impression of what their forefathers had to endure in 
the old country up to the time they emigrated, of V'/hich 
they had often hcai'd, and of vsiiich mi;ch has been printed. 
I don't know that the Friends as a class were "Tories," 
nor did they appear to have been "obnoxious partisans," 
but in their "quiet way" they favored the patriots, their 
countrymen, and as testimony of this a speech by Elias 
Boudinot, in Congress (secorid session of the first) ; 22 
March, 1790, is of interest. "The indiscriminate abuse that 
has been thi'own out against Quakers, without distinction, 
has not comported with the honour, or dignity of this 
House. Not only their characters, but their very names, 
have been called upon, and private anecdotes, relating to 
individuals, been mentioned on the floor. Many of the 
Qualrers I have long lived in the habits of friendship with, 
and can testify to the respectability of their characters and 
the regularity of their lives. Their conduct in the late war 
has been arraigned, a.nd they have been condemned in a lump. 
I have known many of them during the war, and im.partial 
justice requires it from me, to give some official information 
on the subject. I had the honour of serving the United 
States at the commencement of the war as commissary- 
general of prisoners. Congress not being able to afford 
them supplies, those unliappy men in this town were re- 
duced to the very depths of distress, without food, or rai- 
ment, without blankets or firing, they suiTered everything 
that human nature could bear. In this situation many of 
the Quakers of this city exercised such humanity towards 
them as did honour to human nature. The miserable pris- 
oner not only felt the happy . :1:ects of their exertion in his 
favour, but participated in their money, their food, and 
clothing. Nay, such were the jealousies created by this 
conduct, in the British army here, that an armed force 



entered the house of one of them, seized his books, and 
thouijh a man of groat property and larj^o commercial deal- 
ings, on finding that he had loaned large smiis of money 
to our distressed prisoners, he was turned out of their lines, 
and with his family was a refugee during the whole war 
afterwards, separated from his business and property. To 
whom was the care of our prisoners in Philadelphia com- 
mitted? To a Quaker, and I have bec.^ witness to the just 
tribute of gratitude nad thankfulness paid by great num- 
bers of our unhappy fellow-citizens to that gentleman for 
his kindness and humanity. * * " * I rejoice to say 
that our cause was not carried on by fanaticism or religious 
zeal, but a general struggle for the rights of human nature. 
Then why all this abuse of this particular sect without 

The teachings of the ancient Friends naturally would pre- 
vent them from taking any active part in any war, even 
that for freedom from British tyranny, but it was not so 
with some of their sons, who had not learned to restrain 
the fighting blood of their ancestors, the Britons, and self- 
protection they fully believed in. This may be known by 
there being a company organized in Meiion, during the 
French and Indian war, or for the "war scare" of 1747. 
In Feb. 1747-8, a company of Associators was recruited 
and organized in Lower Merion, and Edward Jones was 
appointed the captain, Griffith Griffith first lieutenant, Wil- 
liam Coates, second lieutenant, and James Ritchie, ensign. 
This was a "home-guard" company, and did not "see serv- 
ice," but it may be supposed it would v/illingly have gone 
into battle if called upon. 

Subsequently, Edward Jones became the colonel of a 
regiment of eight companies of associators, and in 1756, he 
was captain of the Merion Troop of Horse, Lynford Lard- 
ner being the lieutenant. 

During the Revolutionary War, the following Merion 
"Welshmen" served in the Philadelphia county militia, 
Peter Richards, and Abel Morgan, as sub-lieutenants, and 



Peter Evani^, and Algi'mon Kulooi'ls, as comnil.^dioiicrs of 

The seventh battahon of Associators of Philadelphia 
county was recruited' in Upper and Lower Slerion and 
Blockley. The regimental officers,- commissioned 6 May, 
1777, were at first, colonel, Jonathan Paschall, of Paschall- 
ville;t lieutenant-colonel, Isaac Warner, "" and major, TJatt- 
hew Jones. The regiment then was only four companies. In 
the Pcnsylvania Packet may be seen orders signed by Sam- 
uel Dev/ecs, the Sub-Lieu L. of Philadelphia county, calling 
out the companies to drill, similar to the lollov/inrj: — "Nor- 
rington, July 24th, 1778. Notice is hereby given to the in- 
habitants of the Townships of Upper Merion, Lower Merio:i., 
Blockley, and Kingsessing, that an Appeal will be held at the 
house of William Stadleman, in Blockley Township, for the 
fourth and fifth Classes of Militia, on the 31st day of July, 
at ten o'clock in the forenoon." 

Subsequently, tliis militia regiment was re-organized, and 
recruited up to eight companies, of eight "classes" each, 
when Isaac Warner was the colonel, and Algernon Roberts, 
the lieutenant-colonel. The First Company was comp'^sed 
of all Lower Merion men, with Llewellyn Young, captain; 
David Young, 1st lieutenant; Isaac Williams, 2d lieutenant, 
and William Addihi, ensign. In 1780, Matthew Holgate was 
lieutenant-colonel, commanding this battalion, and John 
Bethell was the major. 

The young Friends within the jurisdiction of the Radnor 
monthly meeting, who joined either side during the Revolu- 
tion, were reported to their several preparative meetings 
as "violating the testimonies of Friends," and many for- 
feited membership in the Society rather than leave the 

tCol. Paschall was descended from Thomas Paschall, a pewterer, 
whj bought 500 acres from Penn, 26 Sep. 1681, and arrived here in 
follovrfng Feb., and died in 1718, aged 83 years. 

*Isaac Warner, the colonel aforesaid, was a son of ^yilliam V/arner, 
mentioned elsewhere as the founder of the "State in Schuylkill." He 
married in 1757, Lydia Coulton, and died in 1784. 



army, and humble tlicmsclvcs. The men's meetings disci- 
plined not only for entering into military service, but for 
agreeing to attend "classes," or military exercises; for 
learning military exercises; for assisting in collecting for- 
age for soldiers; for associating with soldiers; for paying 
tax to support war; for buying a substitute for the army; 
for paying money to redeem horses or cattle taken by the 
soldiers; for paying muster fines for not attending drill- 
■::gs; for taking the "test oath," &c. And these rules 
obtained as well in the "1812 War," and the Civil War. 

The known Revolutionary Y\''ar soldiers from Mericn, who 
were of V/elsh Quaker blood, b .ried in the ground of the 
Merion meeting, were Lt.-Col. Algernon Roberts, Thomas 
Roberts, Joseph Roberts, Williara Roberts, Jacob I-Ioffman, 
JC'hn V/ells, John Price, Isaac Davis, Lieut. Tliomas Wynne, 
Daniel Williams, Nehemiah Evans, Jesse George, William 
Holgate, Holland, Jonathan Jones, Col. Isaa>i 
Warner, John Zell, Richard Jones, and Edward Geoi-ge, v.'ho 
all served in the Pcnsylvania militia. "A soldier, ^2l^(l 
at David GilMs', buried imo. G. 1781," is the record of an 
unknown -soldier buried at the Merion Meeting House, but 
in which army lie served is now unknown. 

Of course, there are many more Revolutionary 'War sol- 
diers buried in other cemeteries in Lov/er Merioa. For 
instance, in the Bicking family graveyard, near Mill 
Creek and Righter's Road :— Frederick and Richard Bick- 
ing, and John Kuhn; "Harriton" graveyard, back of Bryn 
Mawr: — Major William Cochran; the Baptist cemetery on 
Gulf Road, back of Bryn Mawr:— Samuel Davis, William 
Thomas, Joseph Wilson, John Wilson, James Wilson, John 
Elliott, John Young, Jacob Morris, John Cornog, Jacob and 
John Righter, Griffith Smith, John Wilfong, Christopher 
Shubert, Francis Conrad and Benjamin Sheetz, George 
Coulter, and in the German Lutheran cemetery, Ardmore :— 
CSTPhilip Lowry, Casper Weest, John Brooks, John Philler, 
Martin Miller, John and William. Smith, Jolm Goodman, 



Jasep Grovcr, William Wa^'n*'! . David and Llowcllyn Young, 
Peter Ott, Sr. and Jr., Peter Trcxler, George Horn, Sr. and 
Jr., John Horn, Daniel. JTcElroy, Ludwick Knoll, Jlarlin 
V/isc, Adam Grow, Jacob Waggoner, Jacob Latch, I\Iichael 
Simple, John and William Firjs, John Maurer, Nicholas 
Pechin, Obadiah Wildey, J. Righter, v.vd possibly others, 
and nearly ill of German blood. Aniong the "1812" soldiers 
buried hero arc Col. Conrad Krickbaum., Col. V'iliiam 
Pechin, Adam and Simon Litzenberg, and Jolm and Jacob 

During the Eevohitionary Wa.r, not oily v/ore there scions 
of tlie Welsh Quaker families serving in the American 
army, but there Vv'ore several who were prominent nicni- 
bcrs at tJiat time oi the "Pensylvania Lodge," "Lodge No. 
8," or the "Schuylkili Lodge," of the Brotherhood of Free 
and Accepted Masons. This ledge had no habitat, as most 
of its members were serving in the army of the patriots, 
and for this reason it is presumed it was really the cele- 
brated "military lodge" which had its meetings at Valley 
Forge, when the Americans encainped there, in the farm 
house used as headquarters by Gen. Pulaski. This particu- 
lar masonic lodge existed till about 1789-90, v/hon it is last 
of iccord advocating to make the Friends' meeting house, 
at 5th and Race Sti'eets, Philadelphia, the meeting place for 
the Pensylvania Grand Lodge. Among the members of this 
alleged "military lodge," or Lodge No. 8, at that time were 
the follovv'ing men of Welsh Quaker blood: — John Davis 
(master of the lodge), John Cadwalader (secretary of the 
lodge) , James Morris (the t?.'easurer) , David Thomas, Jesse 
Roberts, Isaac Thomas, Joseph Price, Abel Morgan, and 
John Richards. (See "Freemasonry in the Continental 
Army," American Historical Register, March, 1885.) 

The "Harriton" graveyard mentioned above, was the 
private burial ground of the Harrison and Thomson fam- 
ilies, who, in 1719, succeeded by purchase to the "Bryn 
Mawr" estate (and gave it the name "Harriton"), of Row- 



land Ellis, llic early Welsh .setLk-r, in \vh:it is known now as 
Morris' woods, not far norlli from the Eryn Mawr College. 

Froin the will of Kichard Harrison,- dated 11 Sep., 1746 
(ho died 5 Au:r. 1717), wo learn that he erected on this 
ground "a certain meotin.e: house, or place of v.'orship," 
* '•' * * '■' "It is my Vv'ill, and T do hereby declare 
that the said n^ccting house, together v>'ith a square piece of 
ground contai]iin<j by estimate two acres, adjoiiiing the 
said liGt'se, where several of my children lie intei'rcd, shall 
not be sold by my trustees, but that the same house ar.d 
grounds shall fox'ever be excepted and reserved out of my 
said tract of land, and shall remain for the use and seiwice 
of a meeting house, and a place of interment forever." 

This house, primarily a school house, was intended by 
Mr. Harrison for the use of an "indulged m.eeting" of the 
Welsh Friends, and to be used only on occasion of inter- 
ment in its graveyard. The house was not kept in repair 
by the Friends, and the attention of the Radnor monthly 
meeting was called to this neglect in 1792, w-hen a commit- 
tee composed of James Jones, Jr., of Blockley, and Jona- 
than Roberts, of Merlon, was appointed to look into the 
matter, and report. On 7. lOmo. 1792, Mr. Roberts wrote to 
Mr. Jones that Charles Thomson (the secretary to the Con- 
tinental Congress), had written to him that he considered 
the Harrison heirs to be the legal tru' tees for the meeting 
house and graveyard, and as the Friends had not held 
meetings in there for many years, a Presbyterian congrega.- 

*Riclrird Harrison was a Quaker, and had a certificate from the 
Clifts Meeti) , Maryland, dated llmo. 17?9, which ho presented at 
the Phila. monthly meeting, in that year. His wife, Hannah Norris, 
daughter of Judge Isaac Norris, and granddaughter of Gov. Thomas 
Lloyd, was an accepted minister among Friends. Under date of 
llmo. 14. 17.30, ID! mission was given by the monthly meeting that 
Mr. Harrison and other Friends have liberty to keep a meeting on 
the First Days, for the winter season, at said Richard's school house. 
The sair.e was extended in several subsequent years, when afternoon 
mcetint; . in the summer were also allowed, and continued till in 1757. 



tic.'ii had app]ic(' i:o him for leave to repair tlie house and 
use it, whicli request he had i^-raiUed, and they held rclisious 
services there occasionally. Mr. Thomson also wrote he had 
no objection to the Fi-icnds building a meeting house on the 
property, and would sit witli them if they did do so. Sub- 
sequently, the Presbyterians abandoned the house, and it 
fell in ruins, and was removed, and the Friends did not take 
advantage of Mr. Thomson's offer. 

This little private graveyard, with its two dozen graves, 
remained unnoticed in its solitude till in 1838, when an 
item appeared in the Philadelpiiia National Gazette, stating 
that, "on Second Day morning, 13th of eight month," the 
graveyard was entered stealthily by four men, and the 
graves were opened by them till they found the iDodies of 
Charles Thomson (who died 16 Aug. 1824), and his wife, 
and carried them away; the farmer in charge protesting. 
On 16 Aug. Mr. Levi Morris, the owner of "Harriton" adver- 
tised in the paper, "Upon conviction of any person, or per- 
sons, who may have been concerned in this outrage, a suit- 
able reward will be paid." The Gazette called attention 
editorially to the scandal, saying, "What adds to the hein- 
ousness of the offense is that the interment v/as made there 
in accordance with the wish of the deceased." * * " * * 
"It is hoped that every means will be taken to discover who 
committed the offense." 

A fev/ days later, the Philadelphia Daily Advertiser con- 
tained the statement as to the removal of Mr. Thomson's 
body, that "it is proper that the public should be informed 
that it v/as done under the direction of the nearest rela.tives 
of the deceased, for the purpose of placing it in a situation 
more consonant with the feelings of the family," and that 
the removal was made by "an experienced undertaker, with 
proper care, and were reinterred in the new Laurel Hill 
cemetery." This called out a rejoiner, protesting "against 
the right of any persons, in a clandestine manner to remove 
the body to a public cemetery," "for the purpose of giving 
eclat to a particular locality, as there is strong reason to 



believe has bee m done in tliis instance." This bi'ou.;;ht out 
a long reply from John Thomson, nephew and executor of 
Cliarles Thomson, dated New Ark, Delaware, Ans;'. 21th, 
1838. He explained that the body lay at "Harriton," virtu- 
ally an abandoned, out of the way i;ravc yard, unkept and 
brier-grown, and thrt he had bean refused the privilege of 
erecting a stone to mark the grave, therefore he deemed ii: 
his duty to remove it to a more suitable plnce, and erected 
a suitable granite inonurnc- :L (which he did immedliitcly, 
V/atson writing the inscription). Hs feared, lie said, that 
the original burial place would be in time diverted from iis 
original, in spite of the will of Mr. Thom.^cn, and his 
letter to Jonathan Tvoberts. This brought out a sharp 
rejoincr from Mr. Levi Morris, dated Smo. SI, printed in 
the JJ. S. Gazette, saying he had been approached as to the 
removal of Secretary Thomson's remains, and declined to 
give his consent, because Mr. Thomson's body -was in the 
spot he himself had appointed for its burial. He contra- 
dicted that the burial plot was ever brier-grovm and neg'- 
lected, on the contrary kept it in good order, as v»as natural 
for him to do, since his child, and his fathei'-in-law were 
buried there. Mr. Morris had built a stone wall round part 
of the lot, and his widow left money to complete it. In time 
the Philadelphia nevv'spapers* and the public became recon- 
ciled to the removal, and decent re-interment of the Secre- 
tary's remains. 

To correct and amplify the statements made in regard 
to the beautiful seat of "Bryn Mawr" or "Harrison" (ante 
pp. 238-7), in which I followed Mr. Glenn's theories {rids 
"Merlon in the Welsh Tract"), I have the following more 
lucid information from the venerable Fricr:d and antiquar- 
ian, Mr. George Vaux,t to whom the property belongs, and 

*Sec Phila. Evening Bnlleiin, 15 Sep. and Oct. 1886. 

tMr. Vaux's interest in this property is, i;eneaIocrically, as follows: 
Richard Harrison, Jr., of "Harriton," m. in 1717, Hannah, 1696-1774, 
daughter of Jiidc^e Isaac and Mary (Lloyd) Norris, of Philadelphia, 
and had Thomas Harrison, (whose sister, Hann i, h. 1728, d.s.p. 



where he resides in the summer time, who has been person- 
ally acquainted with the farm since 1856. He says that 
when he was a young man, he examined the date-stone in 
the wall of the house, which much to his regret has been 
taken out and carried away by some person unknown years 
ago, and it s!; nved plainly the figures 170-, and that the last 
figure was apparently a 4, and that the was, without ques- 
tion, distinct. He also says that there is no doubt about it 
Ihat the 300 acres surveyed 21 Feb. 1708, to Rees Thomas 
(p. 171) ,* and \Villiam Lewis (Jr., p. 165) , included the land 
on which the old house stands. This tract of 300 acres was 
at the southeast end of plantation, and that the nortliwest 
line was far to the northwest of the house, in which Rowland 
Ellis lived in 1708. Mr. Vaux's statement is substantiated 
by the recorded facts that Rowland Ellis' son, by his second 
wife, Robert Ellis married Margaret, daughter of William 
John, of the Gwynedd settlement, 3. 9mo. 1705, and died 
about two yeai's later, leaving his wife and an infant daugh- 
ter, Jane Ellis. Rowland Ellis had settled 380 acres and 
one moiety of the dwelling house, the orchards, fields, &c., 
of t J plantation, on his son Robert, and after Robert's 
decease, his widow and relict, Mar<>:aret Ellis, claimed her 
dower and portion for her child o\it of the 380 acres. For 
some reason unknown, the widow could not get a settlc- 

1807, in. 1 Sep. 1774, Charles Thomson, secretary of the Continental 
Congress), of "Harriton," 1729-1750, who m Frances Scull, and had, 
Amelia Sophia, d. 1820, who vi. Robert ]\IcClenachan, of Philadel- 
phia, d. 1822, and had, Charlt.- McClenaclian, who vi.. Mary Thomas, 
and had Naomi, who 711. Levi Morris, of "Harriton," and Philadelphia, 
and their daughter, Sarah, was the wife of Mr. George Vaux, of 
"Harriton" and Philadelphia. 

*Mr. Vaux says t' it Rees Thomas lived a little north of the 
north corner of the i. Lierts road and the Lancaster road, in a stone 
house, which existed till about 1S72. As he recollects it, it had lead 
■^ .ndow sashes, and that the interior plaster was combined with 
straw instead of hair, and that wooden pegs were used instead of iron 
nails, and in the living room was a very large fire place, flanked 
by two ] ge settles. 



nicnt with her r;!thcr-in-]aw, so the claim was laid before 
the Welsh Frienc'-, of the Ilavcrford Mo. Mlg-., for arbitra- 
tion, who decided that Mr. Ellis should pay to Jar.e Ellis, 
his granddaui^hler, £180, when she became of legal age, 
and other arrangements were agreed upon for the widow. 
To secure the payments, 300 acres of "Bryn Mawr" were 
conveyed to Rees Thomas ;ind William Lewis, in trust. In 
Oct., 1710, when Rowland Ellis sold "Bryn Mawr" to Rich- 
ard Harrison, the conveyance was for 718 acres, less 20 
acres reserved, or G98 acres,* and included the trust land 
of 300 acres; Thomas and Lewis joining in the conveyance, 
which was made by two deeds, recorded 2L; Dec, 1719, giv- 
ing full title to Mr. Harrison. 

So prominent a road as the Lancaster, from the city into 
the disafforested fertile country beyond the Schuylkill, it is 
natural should have been the scene of some military opera- 
tions during the Revolution. Within JMerion's bounds, how- 
ever, they were few, and not of great moment. Hiltz rec- 
ords, 24 Aug., 1777, Sunday, "Our arrny commanded by Gen. 
Washington, marched through the city, crossed the bridge 
over the Schuylkill, proceeded four miles, then turned 
back." From Ihe Journal of the American officer, Lieut. 
James MeMichael,t under Sunday, 14 Sep., 1777, we learn : 
"9 A. M., v/e marched from camp near Germantov»^n, N. N. 
Y'J,, for a few miles up a good I'oad, from Philadelphia to 
Reading, th: ^ turning W. S. W., we crossed the Schuylkill 
in the center, between Philadelphia and Swedes Ford, eight 
miles from each. We re.iched the great road to Lancaster, 
at the Merion Meeting House, and proceeded up that road, 
then we camped in an open field, being denied every desir- 
able refreshment." 

It has been decided that this camping ground was on the 
land of Edward ap Rees, or his descendants, the Price 
family, near the 8 Mile Stone. At that time, there was a 

*See Pa. Mag. Vol. XXI. 119. 

jSee Pa. Archives, 2d series, XV. 221, and Pa. Mag. XVI, 15G. 



Price mansion house, recently clemolishod, in this field, 
beyond the Meeting House, and another belonging to the 
same family, nearby, across the road, still standing. It is 
presumed that it was at these homes of "strict Friends'' 
this young lieutenant and soldiers were denied "desirable 
refreshment" on Sunday. It may be noticed they were not 
refused refreshments, so the supposition is the young man 
was over fastidious. The wonder may be that his men 
did not try to get something more desirable, but this they 
would not dare do, as there were orders positively for- 
bidding any raiding, or depredations, and there are no com- 
plaints extant that dwellers along the route were annoyed 
in any way when Washington moved his army from Ger- 
mantown over the Schuylkill, and up the ravine, or the 
Rock Hollov/ road, and Meeting House Lane, past the rear 
of the meeting house, and out the Lancaster road, on his 
way "to get between the enemy and Swedes Ford." 

Pickering, in his Journal, tells of the movement of Wash- 
ington's army, the day following the defeat at Brandy- 
wine: — "Marched to the Schuylkill (12 Sept. 1777,), part 
crossing and m.arching to our old camp by the Schuylkill 
Falls," on the erst bank. He says that on the next day, 
"the rest of the army crossed, and the v/hcle collected at 
the old encampment." 

Washington's Orderly Book, under Saturday, 13 Sep. 1777, 
records the army as "At Schuylkill Falls, Philadelphia," 
but the General issued his address to his troops, compliment- 
ing them on their gallant conduct at Brandyv^^ine, dated 
"Head Quarters, at Germantov^'n, Sep. 13th," and his order 
of march to "Swedes Ford," dated 14 Sep., was from same 

From Pickering's Journal, we have the further informa- 
tion that, on Sunday, 14 Sep., "the army marched up a few 
miles [from the old camp], and re-crossed the Schuylkill 
at Levering's Ford, the v>7ator being up to the waist. We 
advanced about five or six m.ilcs that night." This ford was 
at Green Lane, two miles above the falls, but according to 



histori;ms, the crossi' was m;idc at Matson's Fcrd (Con- 
sholiocking), some, six miles beyond the falls. Li her diary, 
14 Sep., 1777, Elizabeth Drinker also wrote: "It is said 
that G. Washington has left the city and crossed the Schuyl- 
kill this day."' 

On Sep. 15th, Monday, Washington wrote a letter dated 
"at Buck Tavern, 3 P. M.," to the President of Congress, 
saying, "We are moving up this road [Lancaster road], to 
get between the enemy and Swed^', Ford," Norristown. 
This tavern, now a private house, in Haverford tp., jn;;t 
across the Merioniine, was eight and a half miles from 
Second Street. That day, Sep. 15th, the army went thirteen 
miles further up the Lancaster road, to its junction with 
the Swedes Ford road, and that night, Washington lodged 
at the housr of Joseph Malin, near the White Horse Tavern. 

A few r ; after this, or on 19 Sep., 1777, the A.merican 
Congress ' ame frightened and packed up its documents, 
loaded them on wagons, amad great excitement and confu- 
sion, and considerable trepidation, and before daylight the 
gentlemen of Congress, with their luggage, fled from Phila- 
delphia, out High Street, over the middle ferry, as best 
they could (for, by request of Washington, the Supreme 
Executive Council of Pensylvania, 14 Sep., had ordered 
the bridge of boats at this ferry "be effectually and imme- 
diately I'emoved, and bring it aAvay into the Delaware, and 
boats be hauled up on land") , thence out the historic road to 
Lancaster, when it became evident that the British were 
sure to capture and e'lter the capital city, and hardly rested 
in their flight till Lancaster was reached. A fair idea of 
the exicnt of the scare may be had from the minutes of the 
Supreme Executive Council, which, on 11 Sep., was so 
alarmed that it commanded all shops and factories to be 
closed, and all men to assemble under arms, and as many 
as possible to "rendezvous at the Falls of Schuylkill," "as 
the enemy is near at hand, and this minute engaging our 
army under the command of his Excell'y Gen'l Washing- 
ton." It was ordered to "press waggons in Radnor." Its 



d' cuments, some foui'lecn boxes and two t)'unlvS of deeds, 
mortgages, bonds, etc., were sent to Easton, but tlie Council 
did not flee to Lancaster til! 23 Sep., v/here it and the 
Council of Safety next met on 1 October. 

Taking Lieut. Mclilichael for good authority, the site 
of the encampment of the army, on the night of Sep. 14th, 
was in Price's field, beyond the meeting liouse, where the 
Lancaster and Gulf roads meet, this event in the neighbor- 
hood has been marked by an inscribed gi'anite tablet, four 
feet high, located at the junction of the roads, on Montgom- 
ery Avenue, stating:- "On this and adjacent / ground 
Washington's army / encamped September 14, 1777. / 
Erected by Merion Chapter / Daughters of the American / 
Revolution, September 14, 1898, / Ground presented by / 
Samuel R. Mc Dovv^ell." 

Further down the Lancaster road, towards the city, about 
the Black Horse Tavern, near what was then the boundary 
line of the "liberiy lands," or Penn's public lands, since 
1784, known as the City Line, and as City Avenue, there 
was a hot skirmish between the Americans and the British, 
in Dec, 1777. 

A letter from Gen. James Potter, a gallant, though illiter- 
ate officer, to President ^Vharton, of Pensylvania, who was 
then at Lancaster with Congrers, dated "lieadquarters, 
C. ester Co. Csmp, 15 Dec, 1777," gives an account of this 
affair,* "Last 'Thursday [11 Dec], the enemy marched out 
of the city with a desine to Furridge, but it was Nessecerey 
to drive me out of the way; my advanced picquct fired on 
them at t' .' Bridge [the floating bridge over the Schuylkill, 
at Market St.] , another party of one Hundred attacted them 
at the Black Hors." Lieut. McMichael, in his Journal, says, 
"the enemy having crossed at the Middle Ferry, attacked 
a party of militia under Gen. Potter. The losses were incon- 
siderable on both sides." 

*See Pa. Mag. XVII. 423. 



From other reports it would appear that (hi;; was a rccon- 
noissance in force by Gen. Howe, as lie went out a;; far as 
Matson's Ford, and returninjr, passed the niyht of Dec. 11th, 
at the Humphreys Mansion House, "a hipped roofed, stone 
and brick ho- se, with lead window frames," &.c., which 
stood on Cobb's Creek, not far from the Haverford meet- 
ing house. The mansion was then occupied by Charles Hum- 
phreys (born in 1712), who was a prominent member of the 
Pa. Assembly in 1763, and a deputy to the First and Sec- 
ond Congresses. In his diary, Christopher Marshall says, 
12 Dec, 1777 : — "News of the day is that Gen. Hovv'e is come 
out again from Philadelphia, with an army ; crossed Schuyl- 
kill at middle ferry; marched up Lancaster Road to the 
Sorrel Horse, thirteen miles from the city, and then 
returned yesterday." And in the same, 15 Dec, 1777, "Upon 
the rumor yesterday of Gen. Howe's army being on the 
Lancaster Road it's said that the papers and records belong- 
ing to the ]<]xecutive Council were packed up and sent by 
wagons to York Town, [Pa., from Lancaster]. Its said 
that the English army is returning to Phila." 

Further down the Lancaster road, v/ithin the Libci-ties, or 
in Blockley tp., aci'oss the present city line, about "Wynne- 
stay," the old home of Dr. Wynne's son, Jonathan, who 
diC'' here in 1719, there took place several skirmishes be- 
tween outposts of the contending armies, when the Ameri- 
cans tried to cut off from the British in the city, their sun- 
plies of good things out of Merion. The house at that time 
was occupied by the family of Thomas Wynne, a "fighting 
Q- aker," a lieutenant in the Pensylvania Flying Camp, v.iio 
was then in the field with the army. 

The extant diary of Robert Morton tells of frequent raids 
by the American troopers on the "British ferry boat, oper- 
ated by a pully rope, at the middle ferry." They generally 
succeeded in taking the guard prisoners, and in cutting the 
rope, E.'tting the boat on fire and adrift, much to the annoy- 
ance of the British, and v/ould then retreat out the Lan- 



easier road. But on 3 Nov., 1777, Major Clark wrote to 
Gen. Washinjilon, that the British were building three 
bridj^cs of boats, or rafts of logs and boats, at the Middle 
Fer)'y, so they could drive wagons over the river and fetch 
fire-wood. These bridges had draws, in tv>'o places, to allow 
boats to pass on the river. 

It was when his army encamped for the night, 14 Sop., 
1777, on the Lancaster road, that "Tunis's ordinary," or 
Streatci''s, got the reputation of being a sleeping place of 
Gen. V/asliington. It's possible he lodged here, of course, for 
his army was encamped only a half mile away. But it is 
also claimed that he s'lent the night, with Lafayette, at the 
Price house, about which his army lay. It is also claimed 
that Gen. Howe slept in both of the Price houses, and the 
inn, at various times and this is also possible. Unfortu- 
nate]3f for antiquarians' satisfaction, none of these heroes 
have made mention in their writings of these events, so 
important to the Prices, and the reputation of the Gen. 
Wayne Tavern. And it's not surprising that the old Black 
Horse Tavern has also similar traditions as to prominent 
men of the Revolutionary times. In June, 1783, this tavern 
was one of the public houses, on the "great highway," 
raid d by the mob of dissatisfied soldiers, when they walked 
from Lancaster to Philadelphia, and stormed the State 
House where Congress was assembled, and so frightened 
this body that it broke up its sitting, and fled to Trenton. 
After Braddock's defeat, 1755, the shattered regirients of 
Dunbar and Ilacket passed down the Lancaster road, and 
crossed the Schuylkill, and went down "Conestoga Road" to 
High Street, in the city. The ferry charges for carrying 
these regiments over the Schuylkill amount to £12, and in 
1757, the ferryman, Coultas, was trying to collect this bill 
from the Philadelphia City Council. 

Near the Black Hoi'se Tavern, but about a quarter of a 
mile up the road, still stands the dwelling, somewhat en- 
larged, of the Whig Quaker, Robert Jones, a dealer in lum- 
ber in Revolutionary days. His house was probably built 



after Scull made liis map in 1749-50. Mr. Jones was buried 
at the Merion Mcetiny His only son, and heir, died 
unmarried, and cvcntunlly the property, called "Lilac 
Gro\'e," came to Marjraret, daughter of a Capt. James 
Boyle, of Chester Co., who took it as her marriage portion 
to Edwiird Harvey, who was for twcnty-eift'ht years a J. P. 
in Mericn, when they wedded on IH. 6mo. 1808, at the 
Merion Meeting?:, wher'^ tliey were both buried. 

or the twenty-nine persons in that part of Pliiladtlphia 
county, which is now Monts'omojy county, mentioned by 
name in the proclamation of the Supreme Executive Council 
of Pensyivania, 8 May, 177S, "who have severally adliered 
to, or willingly aided and assisted the enemies of this State, 
and the United States of America," and who were ordered 
to surrender themselves to a justice of the peace of the 
county, on or before 25 June following, to stand trial for 
adhering to the British, there v/as only one in the list wlio 
resided in Merion, nr;nely, "John Roberts, late of the Town- 
ship of Lower Merion, miller," and his was a peculiar case 
in itself, so there must have been some mistake about the 
wholesale sympathy of the Welsh Quakers, those of STerion 
anyway, with the "red coats." These following from Haver- 
ford tp., were mentioned in the proclamation of 25 June, 
1778, as having joined the British army: — Robert Kissack, 
weaver; John Brown, wheelwright; James Gorman, and 
Enoch Gorman, cordwainers, and Jlichael Crickdey, laborer. 
None c:^' these were Welsh Quakers, nor prominent men. 

And there was only one of Welsh extraction from Merion 
among the Friends suspected of being British sympathizers 
who were arrested and exiled to Winchester, Va., in 1777. 
This unfortunate was Owen Jones, Jr. It seems that he 
was arrested and caur sd to "suffer" in mistake for his 
father, the provincial treasurer (p. 158), who was a pro- 
nounced Tory. But according to subsequent revelation, he 
was far from loyal to the Americans, as a disloyal letter 
from young Owen, at Winchester, addressed to John Mus- 



ser, Lnncaster, Pa., was intercepted by the patriots.* This 
letter revcnled a scheme concocted by these men to depre- 
ciate Continental money. On this discovery the Board of 
War transferred the Quakers from Wincliester to Staunton, 
Va., so they could be further away from the seat of war, 
and placed young Owen Jones in the jail, and refused him 
writing materials, nor was he allowed to communicate with 
any Friends, till all danger was past. Owen Jones, Jr., died 
in Philadelphia. His will, dated 15 June, 1822, proved 14 
May, 1825, gave his Merion land, 350 acres, to his nephews, 
Owen Jones and John Wistcr. 

This single instance of discovered disloyalty and of being 
a British sympathizer in 1778, as said above, fell to the lot 
of Ml'. John Roberts, a wealthy miller, and a Friend, aged 
about GO years, a member in good standing of the Merion 
Meeting, and one who was of unquestioi:ed integrity among 
Welsh Qualvers. He was always a man of affairs : — in 1773 
he was appointed by the General Assembly one of the com- 
missioners to improve the navigation of the Schuylkill, and 
in 1775, he was a delegate to the convention in Philadelphia, 
which considered the prohibition of future importation of 
Negroes for slaves. 

The storj'- of his alleged treason has been told variously, 
in fiction with much embellishment; in history with many 
unsupported allegations, because the court record of his 
trial was destroyed, or hidden so it has not been found, it 
is said, as were also the personal notes of the chief justice 
who tried his case. In a general way, his capital crime was, 
that he remained loyal to his king and country, and was 
considered to be a too zealous partisan for so prominent 
a man. There was no suspicion of his being still loyal at 
heart to the Crown till the British occupied Philadelphia, 
when he }'emoved into the city from his home in Merion. 
This would only have caused him to be mistrusted, and if 

*See Pa. Archives, Vol. VI. 53; the Journnl of Thomas Gilpin, 
or "Exiles in Virginia," and Christopher Marshall's Journal, 11 
Dec. 1777. 



ho had been capiiired he would probably have been only 
exiled, as other Quakers wei'c. But it is said, when lie was 
seen accuinpanying the Brilish superintendent of police, 
Joseph Galloway, in raids for provisions on the Whig fam- 
ilies of Merion, and apparently leading him to the best 
stores in Merion, he was considei'ed as bad as a traitor, if 
he was not one. As to this, he claimed in his trial, it has 
been said, that Galloway forced him to accompany them, 
and show the way. 

As the report of the trial, and the notes of the judge 
have not been pi*eserved, we are able to learn a little of it 
from the extant written notes of the sentence of the Court 
upon Mr. Roberts pronounced by the chief justice, which 
upon request he sent to the Supreme Executive Council, 
Oct. 29, 1778, and which is printed verbatim in the Pen- 
sylvania Packet newspaper, 7 Nov., 1778. It seems that 
when some Pensylvania Friends, suspected of being Brit- 
ish sympathizers, were arrested and were about to be sent 
in a body, under guard, in exile to Winchester, Virginia, as 
mentioned abo e, Mr. Roberts asked the British General 
Howe, it was alleged, for the loan and command of a troop 
of horse so that he might try to release the Friends, and 
that Gen. Howe declined this request, not being willing to 
risk thi: loss of his troop, and because thuse Quakers were 
of no more use to him than to Gen. Washington. This was 
made the principal evidence of Mr. Roberts' being guilty 
as charged, according to Judge McKean's notes of the sent- 
ence he passed on him. That Mr. Roberts, who was known 
to be a Quaker, offei'ed to command the cavalry and try to 
rescue other Quakers known to be adherents of the enemy, 
convinced the trial judges that Mr. Roberts was certainly 
not loyal to the Americans, and possibly also influenced the 
juxy which found him guilty of aiding the enemy, and being 
a traitor. 

Mr. Roberts may have supposed the British would never 
leave the city, and much less lose the colonies, so he stayed 
on with them in Philadelphia. But when they began to 



evacuate the city, he realized liis ini,sial<e, and, since he had 
considerable property in IWerion, he decided that he had 
bt tter yet the good will of the Americans, and under their 
protection asain. Therefore, so the story goc.-^, he hurried 
out to Washington, at Valley Forge, on getting the first 
iniimation of the evacuation of the city, and gave him the 
news, saying he had learned it while he was on a secret 
vi.sit to the Middle Ferry, or the floating-bridge, over the 
Schuylkill, at High, or Market Street. 

But Washington had previous information about the pro- 
posed movement of the British, and he had also some as to 
Roberts, while it might have amused him to see the old 
Friend turniii^ his coat and skipping from one shelter to 
another, if he had not had good information that Mr. 
Roberts had been an aggi'essive "traitor" while sojourning 
in the cuemy's camp. Before the end of June, 1778, Mr. 
Roberts was arrested, under the proclam.ation mentioned, 
on suspicion of disloyalty to the American cause, and adher- 
ing to the enemy. On this chai'ge he was shortly brought 
to trial before Chief Justice McKean, in the State House, 
Philadelphia, and after trial before a jury, on the testimcry 
of many witnesses, judging from the notes (printed in 
"Penna. Archives." Vol. VH, p. 44, etc.), of the trial of 
Abraham Carlisle, of Philadelphia, a house carpenter, who 
was also tried and convicted of being a traitor by this court. 
He was found "guilty of being a traitor to his neighbors, his 
kith and kin, and the just cause of his native land," was 
sentenced by Judge McKean to be "taken back to the jail, 
and from there to the place of execution, and then to be 
hanged by the neck until dead." As the Judge did not set a 
date for the execution, it may have been left to the con- 
venience of the sheriff. Justice McKean says in his 
"Sentence" that Roberts's counsel moved for a new trial, 
which he disallowed. 

Mr. Roberts' lawyers were Ross and Wilson, of the Phila- 
delphia Bar, but it seems the honors of the legal contest 
were carried off by the Commonwealth's council, the attor- 



ney-gcncral, and Sergeant and Reed, of the Philadolpliia 
Bar, because at first the case against John Roberts was 
weak, and was won bj^ methods which would not be toler- 
ated in times of peace and common sense. That is, Mr. 
Roberts was arrested, and put on trial for high treason 
against the Commonwealth, under the Act of the Pensyl- 
vania Assembly of 1777. The only charge against him, with 
specifications, or his particular act of treason was that he 
tried to persuade a man to enlist in the English army, "an 
enemy at open war with this State," and therefore, was 
guilty of high treason. But the law defining the Act: — 
"there must be an actual enlistment of the person persuaded 
to constitute the offense of treason." And the Court said : — 
"the word persuading in the Act means to succeed, and that 
there must be an actual enlistment of the person persuaded, 
in order to bring the defendant within the intention of the 

The person Roberts persuaded and attempted to prevail 
upon to enlist in the British army was produced as a wiL- 
ness against him. He said RoberLs persuaded him (vv'hich 
Roberts confirmed), but did not convince him, so he did not 
enlist. This, under the Judge ruling, should have ended the 
prosecution. Next, it was tried to convict him on his con- 
fession, but as it was not supported by evidence, the con- 
fession was insufficient, the Court ruled. But at length it 
was kgally and satisfactorily proved he "aided and 
assisted" the enemy "by joining them," and therefore, he 
was r'.'-ilty of treason. 

In Oct. 1778, immediately after the conviction, and sen- 
tences had been pronounced on Roberts and Carlisle, peti- 
tions and memorials were showered upon the Supreme Ex- 
ecutive Council of Pensylvania, signed by hundreds of prom- 
inent citizens, and army and navy officers, asking "from 
feelings of Humanity," respite of the sentences till the close 
of the next session of the Pensylvania General Assembly, 
desiring that body's opinion of both cases, although the 
signers were "sensible that the unfortunate John Roberts 



and Abram Carlisle most justly merit the Sentence wliich 
the Law has lately prcnoimced against them, and of the 
fairness of the trials." They told of the good characters of 
the men, and, because the enemy had left the State, and 
were never likely to return again, these men would never 
again have opportunity to do as they had done, they asked 
the respite, not hoping for pardon, of course, but at most 
for term imprisonment. Prominent Friends individually, 
and ten members of the Grand Jury came before the Coui;- 
cil and asked for mercy for Roberts and Carlisle. A heart- 
rending appeal for pardon was sent in signed by Mr. 
Robert's wife and children, and their nearest relatives, the 
families of Meteer, Downing, Baldwin, Roberts, Howell, 
Wister, Jones, Riddle, Lloyd, Whelcn, Van Lear, Bond, &c. 
Other petitions for mercy came from inhabitants generally 
of the couu ies of Philadelphia and Chester, and from in- 
habitants of the Welsh Tract townships. One hundred 
"Beneficiaries of John Roberts" asked his pardon, "because 
he used his influence with the British, and stopped them 
from plundering them." Even ten members of the iury 
that sal in their cases and convicted them, addressed a peti- 
tion to the judges of the Supreme Court and prayed for 
respite till the General Assembly should consider the cases, 
and t! judges who sat in the trials, McKean and Evans, 
recommended, on 18 Get. that the juiy's request bo com- 
plied with. 

When the many memorials, and particulai'ly the petitions 
of the judges and the jury, who tried the cases of Roberts 
and Carlisle, were pre jnted in the Supreme Executive 
Council, it decided to review the cases, and, accordingly, 
on 21 Oct., wrote the Chief Justice, McKean, "The Council 
have now before them the cases of John Roberts and Abra- 
ham Carlisle, the determination of which is highly interest- 
ing, not only to the criminals, but also to the public. Coun- 
cil tlierefore wish to be favoured as soon as possible with 
your notes taken on the trial. They are the more desirous 
of this from the recommendation of the Petitions of divers 



of the Jurymen, signed by you, and tlie llon'lc Joliii Evans, 
Esq., in the case of John Roberts. They remark i liat you 
have ;iot mentioned any equitable circumstances which 
ought to be allowed weiglit in their determination in this 

Judi; McKcan, it may be presumed, sent his rough notes 
on both cases, though, as said above, only tlioso on the trial 
of ]\Ir. Carlisle have been preserved, and they were con- 
sulted in the meeting of the Council on 2 Nov., on which 
day it received petitions, asking for mercy, if not pardon, 
from Mr. Roberts and his wife, and Mr. Carlisle and his 
wife. This "Court of Last Resort," the Supreme Executive 
Council of Pensylvania, adjourned, without reaching a 
conclusion, considering both cases separately, till the fol- 
lowing day, 3 Nov., when they resumed the matter, "and 
after solemn consideration," say the minutes, "and the 
Question being put: — Shall a Reprieve be granted to John 
Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, or either of them. The 
same was Carried in .the Negative." Then, this serious 
matter being concluded, the gentlemen of the Council 
tunied their attention to finding out how many pla;iks were 
actually needed to repair a bridge in Kensington. 

There is nothing in the minutes to show if the decision 
was unanimous, or how each member voted, but it does tell 
that Llessrs. Arndt and Hambright were not present when 
the vote was taken, and that those present and probably 
voting were Messrs, Hart, Mackay, Will, Scott, and Smith, 
and the vice-president, George Bryan, presided. On the 
day of execution, 4 Nov. the minute is only "Council met," 
and it may be presumed adjourned, as there is no record 
of business. That day, Wednesday, must have been one 
long remembered in Philadelphia, for all of its pi'ominent 
citizens thought Roberts and Carlisle should have h; d a 
hearing of their cases by the Assembly, but it was "war 
times," and captured and convicted and sentenced "traitors" 
must be summarily punished for examples to others. 

The Philadelphia tri-weekly newspaper, The Packet, of 

[474] • ' " 


5 Nov. 1778, pives only three lines of space to this sad event, 
saying, "Yesterday, Abraham Carlisle" and John Roberts 
were executed on the common of this city, pursuant to their 
sentence." Other Philadelphia "newspapers" of that week 
did not mention the affair, aUhougrh it was the "feature" 
of the week. 

Mr. Roberts was buriedf with his ancestors and relatives 
in the graveyard of the Merion Meeting, on 6th. llmo., his 
burial being recorded, without comment, under this date, 
"John Roberts, miller." 

The Radnor Monthly Meeting had refused to interfere in 
behalf of Mr. Roberts, because as a body of Friends it could 
not sanction many of his actions, especially wishing to lead 
the British ti'oop into a battle with the guai'ds conducting 
the Quakers beyond he State. This probably was agree- 
able to the desire of the superior meeting, as in the minutes 
of the Radnor Mo. Mtg., 8. 8. 1778, "the case of John 
Roberts, miller," was under consideration, when it was 
decided to apply to the "meeting for sufferings," in Phila- 
delphia, "for advice and assistance in his ditressing situa- 
tion," and the following Friends were appointed to attend 
to this, John Gray, Jacob Jones, Evan Lewis, and Jesse 
George. Individually, however, the members did their ut- 
most to save the life and honor of their old neighbor, born 
and raised among them. 

Mr. Roberts' great property was confiscated by the State, 
on order of the Court, and sold at public sale, in Philadel- 
phia, 21 June, 1780. The proceeds of the sales were handed 
over to the University of Pensylvania for educational pur- 
poses. Of his estate, thus confiscated, there were farms 

*In her Diary, Elizabeth Drinker tells of the incidents coTuiectcd 
with the hanging of Mr. Carlisle, who was her neighbor in Phila- 
delphia, and of his funeral, and that George Dilwyn and Samuel 
Emlen spoke at the grave. See also Sabine's "Loyalists of the 
American Revolution." 

tJohn Thomas Peggy, the official gravedigger of Morion Meetings, 
■who prepared his grave, was buried near him, on 7. 7nio. 1779. 



amounting to 318 acres, his mansion liousc, nortli of Ard- 
more, on Mill Creek, and two gristmills, a sawmill, tena- 
ments, and 300 acres of land on the Schuylkill, with three 
dwelling houses, a sawmill, a powdcrraill, an oilmill, and 
other property. 

Remains of parts of the roadbed and cuts of Ihe old 
"Columbia Railw;;v," which traversed Morion tp., years bo- 
fore the first of the four tracks of the great "Pcnsylvania" 
were laid, are, with a few old mills and cabins, the only 
"ruins" of interest in the Welsh Tract. A brief sketch of 
this first railway is appropriate here, because the Welsh 
Tract was the part of the State first to have a railroad, and 
because a Welshman, Oliver Evans, of Philadelphia, was 
the first inventor who conceived the idea, as eai'ly as in 
1773, of propelling carriages on land by steam power, 
though he only utilized it on his automobile earth excavator 
till in 1 805, when he gave exhibitions of his steam propelled 
vehicle, and t-' ik passengers around Center Square, Phila- 
delphia. From that time, there were many imitators and 
improvers of his idea — Leiper, Stevens, and others. 

John Stevens (Jolm ap Stephen), of Welsh extraction, 
wa- the father of the railroad system of the State. The 
legislature on 31 March, 1823, passed an act permitting the 
laying and operating a railv/ay from Philadelphia to Colum- 
bia, at the vequest of Mr. Stevens and others. But this act 
was repealed and supplanted by another with more liberal 
scope, a;)provcd 7 April, 1S2G, incorporating the "Columbia, 
Lancaster and Philadelphia Rail Road Co." (which came to 
be known simply as "the Columbia Railway") . In 1828, the 
shares in this C mpany having been sold, the legislature 
passed an act providing for the constructing of the road. It 
was opened for traffic in Sep. 1832, but only from Broad and 
Callowhill Streets, in the Northern Liberties, to Paoli.* At 

*Ha2ard's Register, Philadelphia, 7 Feb. 1829, contains the full 
report of the Engineer, ]\Iajor John Wilson, on laying out, cost, &c., 
of the railway from Columbia to Philadelphia, Broad and Vine Sts., 
in Aug., &c., 1828. See also Pensylvania Railroad Mail's News, 
June, 1896. 



first, the Schuylkill was rcncliod only by Klages from Eroud 
Street, and pfisscng-crs and light frcig:ht were ferried over 
the river to the "rail cars," at Callowhill Street, which 
horses dragged to the. "Belmont incline," and then from the 
top of the hill up to Paoli over the rails. But this method 
of travel ol'tained for only a few weeks, Vv'hen the "locomo- 
tive engin ■" v/as put into service, and the route much er.- 
tended, west and to Broad Street, but it was not until in 
April, 1831, that the road was completed to Lancaster. The 
finished portion was formally opened on 9 Dec. 1833, as 
well as a spur from Vine to South Streets, on Broad Street, 
and the big red, wooden bridge over the Schuylkill. 

This pioneer railroad had features of its own. Its light 
iron rails v/ere laid in iron chairs, bolted to sills of stone 
about 22 X 14 X 12 inches in dimension. When much of the 
original roadbed was abandoned for the present one, these 
stones v.'ent to other uses. Sometimes we see them doing 
duty as carriage steps by driveways. 

In a general way, for the old road simply meandered 
through Merion tp., with many curves and digressions to 
avoid hollows and hills, and of course tradition has it, 

"Cohv-tibia's iron rails 
Lay v/n Indian trails." 

The route, before it was vacated, was through the ancient 
Liberty Lands, or Elocklcy tp. and what is now Fairmount 
Park to the base of Pel r's Hill, near "Tom Moore's cot- 
tage," where the carriages were drawn up on an "incline" 
of about 180 feet, by a stationary engine and cable to "Bel- 
mont," the home of the Peters family. 

Thence the route, over the George property, crossed the 
county, or city line, on the old south line of "Pencoyd," and 
a half mile north of the old road to Lancaster, then through 
Jacob Stadleman's property, and across the lands of Joseph 
Evans and the S. Stadleman estate, crossing the old Lan- 
caster road, at the old McCalla store, and paralleling it, 



past the General Wayne Inn and the Mcrion Meeting House, 
crossing the proiierties or Bowman, John Wainwri^'ht, John 
Underwood, William Thomas, Edward Price, to Liberty- 
ville, where it again crossed the Lancaster road, and parel- 
leling it again, passed over the lands of Owen Jones, and 
over Cherry Lane, and through the old farm of John Wis- 
ter, beyond which, at the Montgomery Avenue tollgate, and 
where Church road intersects this avenue (the old Lan- 
caster road), passing the new High School building, it again 
crossed the Lancaster road, and thence southwostwardly, 
between vAmt is now Coulter avenue, and the trades of the 
Pensylvania Railroad Company, it continued through 
Athensville (now Ardmore), and so on, crossing the Phila- 
delphia and Lancaster pike, passing between Founders 
Hall, of Haverford College, and the old Haverford I\Ieeting 
House, to White Hall Inn to Paoli, and out of our district 
towards Lancaster. When the Pensylvania Railroad Com- 
pany took over the "Columbia Road" it vacated the route to 
Athensville.and established the one now used, but for years 
it used the balance of the old roadbed, passing White Hall 

A poster advertisement of the "Through Line from Phil- 
adelphia to St. Louis," the "Pioneer Fast Line," dated Phil- 
adelphia, Ai)ril, 1837, advertised, with pictures of an engine 
and one passenger car, and a canal boat, drawn by three 
horse . : "By Rail Road and Canal Packets, / from Philadel- 
phia to Pittsburgh, / thi-ough in S'^ days, / and by Steam 
Boats, carrying the United States Mail, / from Pittsburgh to 
Louisville, / starts every morning, from the corner of Board 
& Race St. / In large and splendid eight wheel cars, via Lan- 
caster and Harrisburg Rail Roads, arriving at the latter 
place, at 4 o'clock, in the afternoon, where / passengers will 
take the Packets, which have all been fitted up in a very 
superior manner, having been built expressly for the accom- 
modation / of Passengers, after the most approved models of 
Boats used on the Erie Canal, and are not surpassed by the / 
Boats used upon any other Line. / For speed and comfort, 



this Line is not < celled by any other in the United Slates. / 
Passengers for Cincinnati, Louisville, Natchez, Nashville, 
St. Louis, &c. / V/ill always be certain of beinj^ taken on 
without delay, as this Lino connects with the Boats at Pitts- 
burgh, carrying the Mail. / OfTice, N. E. corner of Fourth 
and Chestnut St. / For Seats apply as above, and at No. 200 
Market Street; at the White Swan Hotel Race Street; at 
the N. E. Corner of Third and Willow Street; / No. 31 South 
Third Street, and at the West Chester House, Broad Street. 
/ A. B. Cummings, Agent. / " 

The list of advertised stopping points in 1850, on the 
"Central Pensylvania," its successor, also give an idea of 
the direction of the "Columbia Railway" beyond the river. 
These were Merion, or Tilerionville, Libertyville, Athens- 
ville, Haverford, "\A'hitehall, West Haverford, Villa Nova, 
Morgan's Corner, Eagle, Reesville, Paoli, &c. The city 
depot was then at Broad and Cherry streets. Before the 
junction with the new road at Columbia, the old railway 
in the year 1849, carried 90,250 passengers, but after the 
connection with the "Pensylvania," the Columbia is credited 
with 146,320 passengers, in 1852, and 162,136 in the next 
year, and its freight increased proportionately, showing the 
value of the route extended. 

The following few items from the 1860 issue of "The 
Business Guide of the Pensylvania Railroad" give us some 
knowledge of <he "Main Line" and its stations at that time. 
It says that West Philadelphia is the first station on the 
road, and that here "locomotive engines" are attached to 
trains, the carriages having been drawn there by mules 
from the city. The next stops are at Hestonville, 3 miles, 
and City Line, 5 miles, but these were on^y flag stations. 
The next stops were at Merion and Libertyville. But they 
were also only "flag stations for the convenience of a thickly 
sett'ed country, principally the country residences of Phila- 
delphians." The post office for these points was at General 
Wayne. Of onr thriving town of Ardmore, then called 
Athensville, that it is ly^ miles from the city. "It has no 



railroad agent," and the post office is Cabinet, with Joseph 
Pearce as the postmaster. Of Haverford: "the post ofilcc for 
this station, and for Wliitehall, is West Haverford. Charles 
Anhurs has a fine larp;s boarding house here, well patron- 
ised by Philadelphians in summer." Whitehall, "this is the 
first regular station on the Road, ten miles from Philadel- 
phia." West Haverford was a flay station, and had no rail- 
road agent, but had a post ofrico, with John C. Henderson 
as postmastei*. Villa Nova, too, was only a flag station, and 
its post office was "Radnor," v/hich was also the post ofnce 
for Morgan's Corner, another fiag station, thirteen miles 
from Philadelphia. Eagle v/as the next regular stop after 
Whitehall, and Eliza Lewis was the railroad agent. The 
post office was "Spread Eagle," Paoli, "20 miles from Phila- 
delphia, and GOO feet above tide water," was the third regu- 
lar stop. 

When George B. Roberts became the president of the 
Pensylvania Railroad, being a lineal descendant of the earl- 
iest settlers of the Welsh Tract, and interested in its 
annals, he renamed a few of the stations of the railroad in 
the Welsh property for places in Wales from which came 
the first settlers, hence we have Bryii Mawr for the home 
in Wales and here, near where the station stands, of Row- 
land Ellis, Rosemont for the name of the seat near the 
station of Rees Thomas, Merion, Haverford, and Narbeth, 
or Narberth. But Ardmore, for some reason unknown, was 
substituted for Atliensville from a town in couaty Water- 
ford, Ireland. But as few of the Welshm.en came from the 
county of Anglesea, he was not obliged to name a station 
after its celebrated village, Llanfairnwllgwyngyligogerywy- 
rndrobwllilandyssiliogogogogocli, much to the comfort of 
the conductors. 

The first substantial improvement in Lower Merion, of 
the old Welsh lands, along the "Pensylvania Central," or 
our "Main Line," that was the beginning of the making 
"along the Main Line" celebrated for its villages and couii- 



try seats, was Humphrysville, the Bryn Mnwr settlement. 
It was plotted in 1868-9, to extend from the Philadelphia 
and Lancaster turnpilie northward to the Gulf Road, and 
from Roberts' Road eastward to old Lancaster road, on 
lands purchased from Messrs. Robert N. Lee, Benjamin 
Tilghman, Hugh Barrett's estate, Charles J. Arthur, .Joseph 
C. Turner, Thomas Humphreys. "Windon," Nicholas Hart, 
Benjamin Shank, and others, and deeded in 18GS to William 
H. Wilson. This was land originally patented by William 
Penn, 13. Imo. 1684, to Edward Prichard, in two tracts, 
1,200 acres (adjoining "Rces Radrah's" land), and 1,250 
acres (adjoining land of John Humphrey). The latter 
tract, on which much of the town stands, Prichard sold in 
fee to John Eckley, who sold, 1. 3mo. 1685, to Launcelot 
Lloyd 100 acres, (adjoining Rowland Ellis on the east 
northeast, and John Humphrey on the south southwest), 
being "one mile in length and fifty perches in bi'eadth." 
This land Lloyd sold, 20. 5mo. 1691, to Philip Price. Eckley 
devised, by his will 17 July, 1686, the balance to his wife 
Sarah, who by deed, 15. 6mo. 1692, conveyed" 300 acres 
(adjoining Ellis Hugh) to Rees Thomas. And Prichard 
conveyed, 25 Nov., 1701, to said Rees Thomas 325 acres. 
After this, these lands passed through many hands till con- 
veyed in 1868 to Mr. ilson. 

The value of these lands increased rapidly after the Civil 
War. For instance, Rees Thomas 3d., died intestate, and 
seized of 308 acres, and improvements, appraised in 1788 
at £1423. In 1864, Robert N. Lee paid $21,000 for about 
59 acres of this farm land, and in 1868, sold 40 acres of the 
same, lying on Buck Lane and Gulf Road, to Mr. Wilson 
for $28,573, and Wilson paid $10,469 for 14 other acres 
of Thomas's land, and for G acres which Hugh Barrett sold, 
in 1865, to Nicholas Hart for $2,212, Mr. Wilson had to 
pay $6,225, in 1868; but he paid only $31,184, for another 
tract of 146 acres which had belonged to the Morgans. In 



1850, these Bryn Mawr lands, outside of ITuinphreyville, 
were owned by Benjamin and Tliomas Ilumphroys, Louisa 
Evans and William Hcsson. 

The "old Lancaster road" also led, by the way of the 
older 13 verford road, which crossed it, to the Upper, or 
Scull's T'erry, opposite Fairmount. At this ferry lived Mr. 
Scull, the maker of a valuable map of the city of Philadel- 
phia and vicinity, published in 1750. At that time. Scull's 
neighbors were the families of I^.Ieredilh and Wamier, just 
above him, on the west side of the Schuylkill. This Warner 
family descended from Capt. William Warner (son of John, 
of Draycot), who was baptized at the Bkckloy church, in 
Worcestershire, 8 July, 1627. He was a settler beyond the 
Schuylkill before Penn received his royal grant, (having 
come here from Connecticut, it is supposed) , and was here 
to welcome the first Merion settlers. His will was proved 
in 18 Oct., 1706. His eldest son, by wife Ann, namely Isaac 
Warner, will proved in April, 1722, married on 30 Nov., 
1692, Ann Craven, and had William Warner, of "Eagles- 
field," on Schuylkill, who was the founder of the celebrated 
State in Schuylkill Fishing Company, the oldest social club 
in Pensylvania. His will was proved in Sep., 1766, 

Thi,' club was started in May, 1722, with a select few of 
Mr. Warner's neighbors. He leased the club an acre of land 
en the river, for the nominal rental of three sun-perch per 
annum, payable in the Spring, and the payment thereof 
to the "Lord of the manor" was always a ceremonious func- 
tion. On this lot, which was enclosed by a high fence, the 
"Company" erected its "castle," having organized itself into 
a "State" of independent colonists, with a governor, as- 
sembly, sheriff, etc., in 1732. (Was this intended as a par- 
ody on the Welsh Quakers' "Barony"?) After the Fair- 
mount dam was built, and ruined the sport here, the "fisher- 
men" removed the "castle" to Rambo Rock, below Gray's 



Ferry, in the Schuylkill, where it still stands, the scene of 
memorable annual fish-cHnners, and the concocting of the 
still more celebrated insiduous "Fish-house Punch." 

In 1750, according to Scull, coming from town on the 
then so-called Lancaster road, "only a dirt-road, corduroyed 
in low places," the first dwellings met were those of David 
and Edward George, in Blockley tp., on the upper side of 
the road. Further on, on the lower side, was the Humph- 
rey's house, and nearly opposite, in Blockley, was Jonathan 
Wynne's "Wynnestay," still there, with "Stradleman," or 
William Stadleman's and Bailert's (?) beyond, near the 
old road that led to the ferry, (at the "Wissahickon creek") , 
down which road was Hugh Evans's house. On the lower 
side of the Lancaster road w^as Richard George's home, 
near Anthony Tunis's. On the road, beginning opposite 
Tunis's, leading to Garrig's, and the falls ferry, was the 
John Roberts house, still there. Beyond Anthony Tunis's, 
across the road, was Joseph Tunis's house, but the alleged 
old inn was not placed on the map between Tunis's and the 
meeting house. Opposite the Merion meeting house 
was Griffith's house. Along the old Haverford road, 
about two miles out from where it crossed the Lan- 
caster road, was a Thomas home, on the lower side, then 
came Rhoads', back of whom was Williams' and Moore's. 
Further along this road, on the upper side, were the homes 
of Roberts, Hughes, and Llewellyn, and a Bevan. 
None of the houses on this map were located exactly right. 

Long before the Civil War, Philadelphians had handsome 
summer homes along the old Lancaster road, and the open- 
ing of the Columbia railway, some six miles through the 
township, further great impetus to Lov/er Jlerion as 
a summer residential district. But the Philadelphia and 
Reading Railroad, opened in Dec, 1839, going about 7V^ 
miles through the township, passing over the river ends of 
the 1 id taken up by some of the Thomas and Jones Com- 
pany, never was particularly beneficial to Merion in this 
respect, though its stopping places were Pencoyd, Mill 



Creek, and Spring Mills. But the Tensylvania Railroad, the 
worthy successor of the "old Columbia railway," has cer- 
tainly been the making of towns in the Welsh tract. I refer, 
of course, to those along its route, for the settlements dis- 
tant from it, yet using it, as Merion Square, or Gladwyn, 
General Wayne, Libertyvillc, Acadcmyvillc, Cooperstown, 
Garretsville, &c., are but little grown in fifty years, and in 
half that time nearly a dozen thriving villages have gro^vn 
up in the township along "the Pensylvania," several being 
three times as large as the combined towns of the township 
in 1860. 

Naming farms, as gentlemen named their seats in Eng- 
land, (and not as in Maryland, retaining the name given 
a tract by the surveyor, for his convenience, on making the 
original plot) , was a fashion early imported into the Welsh 
Tract. A map of sixty years ago shows the following 
named farms in Lower Merion, a few of which still bear 
their old names, and the mansion houses are still standing. 
Green Hill farm, 214 ac, Israel W. Morris; Red Leaf, 276 
ac, Thomas P. Reming; Fair Hill, 64 ac, Henry C. Bevan; 
Poplar Grove, 40 ac, Thomas Bealer; Maple Grove, 78 ac, 
Josiah Hunting; Twine Grove, 24 ac, Thomas Bealer; 
Clover Hill, 100 ac, James L. Paiste; Penn Grove, 72 ac, 
Stephen Paschall; Wynne Wood, 269 ac, Owen Jones; St. 
Mary's, 167 ac, John Wister; Walnut Grove, 130 ac, An- 
thony Zell; Rose Hill, 80 ac, Jacob Latch; Juniper Bank, 
25 ac, Mary Bowman ; Pencoyd, 50 ac, Isaac W. Roberts ; 
Marble Hill, 111 ac, Anthony L. Anderson; Aslland Hill, 
27 ac, Paul Jones; Narrows Hill, 88 ac, David Jones; 
Glanrason, 133 ac, Silas Jones; Green Dell, 100 ac, Abra- 
ham Levering ; Harriton, 594 ac, Levi Morris ; Eagle Farm, 
100 ac, John Supplee; Brookficld, 336 ac, Frederick W. 
Porter; Green Bush Farm, 87 ac, Benjamin B. Yocum; 
Prospect Hill, 120 ac, Joseph Crawford; Walnut Hill, 135 
ac, Eleanor Curwen ; Windon Farm, 147 ac, Thomas Hum- 
phreys; Fountain Green, 52 ac, Wm. J. Underwood; Rock 
Hill, Henry K. B. Ogle ; Mine Hill, 133 ac, Heydock Gar- 



rigues; Break Neck Hill, 58 ac, Joseph Kirkner; Federal 
Spi-ing, 15 ac, John Underwood; Elm Hall, 35 ac., John 
Wainwright; Green Bank, lid ac, Dr. James Jenkins; Lilac 
Grove, 40 ac, Edward Harvey; Homeworth, 25 ac, Mary 
Jones;* Penn Cottage, 73 ac, Mary Penn-Gaskell ; The 
Orchard, J. Geoi-ge Kiess. 

The Welsh Friends were the first settlers who "Built 
God a Church" in the township of Meiion, and their meet- 
ing house was the only place for public Christian worship 
in it for seventy-five years. 

"The sound of the church-g:oing bell, 
Thou, valleys and rocks, never heard," 

till about 1770, when the German Lutherans erected a little 
stone church, part of which is now standing in their ceme- 
tery at Ardmore. 

The earliest evidence of the existence of this religious 
society was in Oct., 17G5, when the trustees of the German 
Lutheran Congregation, Messrs. William Stadelman, Fred- 
erick Grow, Stephen Goodman, Christ. Getzelman, George 
Baas' ir, and Si.non Litzenberg, purchased G6 acres of land, 
at £4.3.0, per aci'e, from John Hughes, who had bought the 
same at .sheriff's sale, on 3 Sep., 1765. This was to .secure 
a location for a burying ground, and a church site (as, like 
the early Welsh Friends, the German settlers had held their 
religious meetings in private houses in Merion), for all 
German Protestants, — the German Reform and Lutheran 

*Mary Jones, wife of Jonathan Jones, whose old house "Home- 
worth" is still standing, (on the McFarland property), off of Church 
Road, Ardmore, near and north of the railroad, has left an interest- 
ing account (see Pa. Mag. XXIV, p. 231), of an entertainment of 
Granville John Penn, a descendant of the Founder, by Mary Penn- 
Gaskell, (born McClenanchan, wife of Thomas Penn-Gaskell, who 
was a cousin of the guest), of "Penn Cottage," on the old Gulf 
Road, at the nine-mile stone, given Imo. 31. 1852. She had at five 
o'clock dinner all of the relatives and descendants of William Penn, 
and there came in the evening descendants of many of the Welsh 
Tract pioneers, and first prominent families of Philadelphia. 



CongregatioiiR, — conjointly. The dwelljiig house on this 
property was used as a church by the Germans till in 17G0. 
In this year, the 66 acre lot was conveyed to Stephen Good- 
man, who thereupon conveyed lo3 perches of the same to 
the trustees of tlie Society of Lutherans of Merion. Forty 
years afterwards, the Society increased its holdings for 
interments, and, in 1810, put up the stone wall about the 

In 17G9, the Society built a log church on the 133 perches, 
which was used thirty years. In 1787, it erected a stone 
school house, still standing. In 1800, it built a stone addi- 
tion on the east end of the school house, and used the 
whole for church purposes until the present St. Paul's 
church was built on Lancaster Avenue, in 1833. The rec- 
ords of the Merion Gentian Lutherans begin with the bap- 
tism, on 17 Oct., 1765, of three infants, Jacob, son of Jacob 
and Margaret Schlonhouse, (sponsors, Tobias and Barbara 
Taumiller) , Jacob, son of John and Annie Leix, and John, 
son of John and Catherine Leix, (sponsors, John Gctzel- 
man, and Elizabeth Stadelman). In Sep., 1767, there were 
43 communicants in thi. congregation, which suggests that 
Merion was receiving a fair share of the German emi- 
grants at that time. Among the surnames of these Ger- 
mans in Merion, besides those mentioned above, were 
Sorg. Schlerman, Prinz, Fimbel, Hoffman, Horn, Negler, 
Heller, Gi'aner, Wagner, Keller, Hass, Heidle, Seibert, 
Mowrer, &c. Some of these names may still be heard in 
Merion but like the Welsh, the Germans lost their identity 
in the greater English population in this section. 

The chui'ch of the Merion Baptist congregation, at the 
intersection of the Gulf Road and Roberts's Road, on the 
Harrison-Morris- Vaux land, was not built till in 1800. De- 
scendants of early Welsh Friends, and of the Gaskills, 
descendants of William Penn, have been buried in the grave- 
yard of this church. But a much older Baptist congrega- 
tion, all Welsh, built a church in Montgomery tp., before 
1720, and of its members were John Evans, William, 



Thomas, and Josiah James, James Lewis, Edward Williams, 
and James Davis. And an older one than this was the 
Baptist congregation of Welsh in the English settlement of 
Plymouth, members of which, before 1703, were David 
Meredith, Thomas Owen, Isaac Price, Ellis Pugh, and Hugh 
Jones. A Welsh minister, Malachi Jones, gathered the first 
congregaticn of V/elsh Presbyterians, at Abington, among 
the Quakers, in 1714. In all of these churches the sermon 
and hymns were in the Welsh tongue till the time of the 
Revolutionary War, and, at only a short time before this, the 
population of what is now Montgomery Co., was nearly one- 
half Welsh and "half Welsh." Or, according to assessors' 
returns in eight townships of this district, made in 1734, 
there were 155 distinctively Welsh surnames to only 37 

Nothing of particular interest has come down to us about 
the early schools of the Welsh Tract. Ilr. Isaac Sharpless, 
in his little book, "The Quaker Boy," only refers to them 
in a general way. That there were Friends' schools in 
eai'ly dr.ys, there is no question, as the extant meeting min- 
utes are generally nicely written, and well expressed, and 
that they had sessions in their old meeting houses, for some 
of these have pre, erved some of the old school desks, and 
then there are entries in meeting records of the burials of 
teachers. At Merion Meeting, "Buried, James Marks, 
schoolmaster, 7mo. 15. 1742," and "Garret Ilodnut, school- 
master at Blockley, 8mo. 16. 1753." Elsewhere is noted 
the school house, built back of the Merion meeting house, 
about 1765, on a lot on the S. E. corner of Rees's land, and 
corner of Lancaster road and Meeting House Lane, (indi- 
cated on Levering's map of Merion, in 1851), which this 
meeting bougl't from Rees, in 1765. Down the Rock Hol- 
low road, and near the Meeting House Lane, Jacob Jones, 
a Welshman by descent, founded in 1812, the Lower Mer- 
ion Academy. It was a pay and free school, for boys an.l 



girls, boarJers and day scholars. Many prominent T'-rion 
men and women began their education at this academy, 
which gave name to the hamlet here, Academyville. 

The ji leral lines of the great tract of land bouglit by the 
Welsh Friends for themselves, have already been given. 
It included eleven and a half of the present contiguous 
Pensylvania townships, in the counties of Montgomery, 
Delaware and Chester, these being Lower and Upper Mer- 
ion, Haverfoi'd, Radnor, Tredyfl'rin, East and West White- 
land, Willistown, East and West Goshen, East Town, and 
a part of West Town. The norlli and west lines of White- 
land township, are the old Welsh Tract lines. The Welsh 
Tract's north line separated Tredyffrin tp. and Whitcland 
tp. from Schuylkill, Charle.-town, and Uwchlan townships, 
and the west lim^ of the Welsh Tract separates West White- 
land, West Goshen, and the borough of Westchester from 
East Cain and East Bradford townships. Its northwest cor- 
ner being the northwest corner of West Whiteland town- 

The first three original townships, Merion (Lower) , '^lav- 
erford,* and Radnor, have been treated of, and of the others 
there are the following items concerning their Welsh set- 
tlers. Of this celebrated tract of land, geologists who have 
been investigating its structure for years, but have not 
come to a verdict. One set of gentlemen holding that the 
Welsh Tract may once have been on the side of a moun- 
tain 25,000 feet high, and the other, it may have been the 
bottom of the ocean, a thousand feet below the waves, and 
in support of this guess, they show the "Bryn Mawr 
gravel," which is the regular sea gravel, bedded 400 feet 

*Haverford tp. taxabks in 1715 :— Richard Hayes, Henry Lewis, 
Samuel Lewis, John Havard, Daniel Humphrey, David Llewellyn, 
Rowland Powell, Henry Lawrence, Thomas Lawrence, Humphrey 
Ellis, Samuel Reese, Martha Hughs, Gaynor Musgrove, Hugh David, 
Robert Wharton, Lidia Ellis, Owen Thomas, John Parry, Daniel 
Lawrence, David Lewis, and Mireck Davies. Freemen, Jacob Jones, 
and Evan David. 



above present tide water. But they concur thai after the 
Welsli Tract was dry land, a yreat ghxcier coming fi-orn the 
northward scraped the Welsh Tract level, and left the hui,'e 
limestone blocks, brought miles and miles from their natal 
bed and left them Jiear the Cliester Valley and in Elockley 
tp., about Race and 66th streels, Philadelphia. 

When we go into Upper Morion, we are on ground made 
sacred by memories of the American Revolution, as many 
of the military events previous to the army's occupation of 
nearby Valley Forge farms, in 1777-78, happened within 
its bounds, though not all occurred in what had been a part 
of the great Welsh Tract. Swedes' Ford, Flat Land P^ord, 
Matson's Foi'd and other Schuylkill river crossings of that 
period, are still landmarks of those strenuous times, when 
Washington and Howe marched up and down, crossed and 
recrossed the river, trying to get the advantage of each 
other, as also are North Valley Hill, Red Hill, Gulf Hill, (or 
Conshohocking Hill as it was known to the earliest Welsh 
settlers). Gulf Creek, Gulf Road, and the "old Gulph Mill," 
built in 1747, near which, in an unidentified farm house, 
Washington had its headquarters, his army being encamped 
here a week, 13-19 Dec, before taking possession of Valley 

Upper Merion's population never approached that of 
Lower Merion, and in 1741, had only 52 taxables, but in 
1857, it had as many post offices, and they were located at 
Port Kennedy, King of Prussia, and Gulf Mills. At that 
time, the only public library, besides the Friends' inter- 
meeting one, in the two townships, was a little affair at the 
King of Prussia, conducted by Mr. C. J. Elliott, at the inter- 
section of the Gulf and State roads, and three other roads, 
and near the tavern where the township elections were 

In 1734, under the direction of Thomas Penn, when or- 
ganizing the Land Office, a list of the landowners in Upper 

"See "Camp by the old Gulph Mill," Pa. Mag. of His. XVII, p. 414. 


Merion was taken, and in it were named the following 
Welsh, some of whom were of the families of the earliest 
settlers of Lower Jlerion, who had bought land there, and 
removed : 

Hugh Hughes, Morris Edwards, Owen Thomas, GrifTilIi 
Philips, Owen Jones, Thomas Junlcin, John David, Hugh 
Williams, Benjamin Davis, Isaac Rees, Richard Bevan,* 
David Jones, William Rees, Edward Roberts, f Matthev/ 
Roberts, Thomas Rees, Harry Griffith, Hannah Jones, 
Griffith Rees, David Lewis, John Rees. The other land- 
owners were Swedes, possibly excepting William George, 
and John Moor. 

Although the Abraham family is not in this list of Upper 
Merion landowners, yet there is evidence that a Sarah 
Abraham, widow, came from Wales, with her three sons, 
James, Enoch, and Noah Abraham, and that she bought 
land from the Letitia Penn estate, in Upper Merion, about 
1730, and settled there. The sons married, but Enoch had 
no issue. James married Margaret Davis, and had a num- 
ber of children, one of whom., Isaac Abraham, born 2S. 
4mo. 1717, married Dinah Havard, and fron them there 
are many descendants living in what was the "Welsh 

Whiteland township (East and West Whiteland tps. after 
1704), was also originally a part of the Vv''elsh Tract, and 
in 1704 David Jones was its constable. The extant tax list 
of 1715, shows the following V/elsh were then among its 
landowners, James Thomas, Richard Thomas, Thomas 
James, Owen Thomas, Thomas Owen, Llewellyn Parry, 
David Howell, Rees Hughs, Rees Prichard, James Rowland, 
Griffith Philips, Evan Lewis, David Meredith, and John 

*He lived near Gulf Mills, and in 1751, advertised in the Pena. 
Gazette, July 24th, as having for sale, "a likely negro man, about 
30 years of age, fit for tovv'n, or country business," and also a negro 
girl, aged 15 years. In 1790, there were 114 negro slaves in Mont- 
gomery Co., but in 1S30, only one. 

tHe was the 'Squire, 172C-41. 



Martin. Early township olficers were J. nes Thomas, 
Lewis William, David Meredith, Sr., Evan Lewis, Rees 
Richard, Thomas Owen; James Rowland, James David, 
Thomas James and Griffith Howell. A petition from this 
township in 1731, addressed to Richard Hayes, president 
justice of the Chester Co. Court, shows that there were still 
many Welshmen in it. 

Willistown township landowners in 1715, according to 
the tax list, were all English people, although this "town" 
was a part of the Welsh Tract, which was to have been 
entirely for Welshmen. Thomas Garret was the constable 
in 1704. 

East Town township, another section of the Welsh Tract, 
had for iLs constable in 1704, William Thomas, and the 
1715 tax list shows names of Welsh landowners, Edward 
Hugh, Ellis Hughes, Hugh Jones, Morgan Hugh, Philip 
David, David Davis, John Harris, John David, Evan 
Thomas, Owen Hugh, Richard Evans, and Thomas Ed- 
wards, and non-residents, John Pugh, and Owen Humphrey, 
and William Sharlow. 

West Town township had earlier orga;- ization than the 
other distant "towns," but only a portion of it was within 
the Welsh Tract bounds. Its settlers were all English. 
Daniel Hcopes was its constable, in 1700, and possibly 

TredyfTrin township, in Chester county, was also a por- 
tion of the original Welsh Tract. The Welsh knew this 
"town" as Tre yr Dyffryn, (the town in the wide valley, 
that is the great nd beautiful Chester Valley) , according 
to the extant tax list of 1722. The English knew it as Vel- 
leyton, in 1708. This township was organized about 1707, 
when it appears that Thomas David, a Welshman, was the 
constable. Among the landowners in the Great Valley, 
in 1722, were James Abraham, Morris David, Hugh David, 
James David, Sr., John David, Henry David, Thomas David, 
James Davies, William Davies, Timothy Davies, Stephen 
Evans, Lewis Evans, Vv^illiam Evans, John Howell, Griffith 



Jones, Sr. and Jr., Thomas Jermon, Thomas James, Jenkin 
Lewis, James Parry, John Robert, Thomas Martin, Thomas 
Godfrey, Samuel Richard, Jolm Ricliard, all Welshmen, and 
Daniel and Lewis Walker, Thomas Hubbert, Mark Hub- 
bert, &c. It seems that in early days, the landowners, resi- 
dents of a "town," took turns in being the constable. In 
this town.'-i.ip there served this office, 1707-1753, Thomas 
David, Griffith John, Rowland Richard, John David, Ov/en 
Gethen, Stephen Evans, John Roberts. 

The earliest road supervisoi's were also Welshmen, among 
them, David John, Thomas James, John David, Thomas 
Martin, Stephen Evans, &c. The extant tax list for 171-5 
for this township shows that the following Welsh were land 
owners in it: Thomas Jarman, Sr. and Jr., Stephen Evans, 
Rowland Richard, Griffith John, John Roberts, James David, 
Margaret Walters, John David, John David Howell, Thomas 
Rees, Owen Gethen, John David Griffith, Llewellyn David, 
James Parry, Henry John, David Evan, Thomas David, 
Thomas Martin, Thomas Godfrey, and Thomas Hubbert,, 
and Lewis Walker. The non-resident holders were Capt. 
Nordant, Benjamin Davies, Mordecai Moore, and William 

Over the roads of this township portions of the contend- 
ing ai'mies of the Revolution maneuvered for positions, and 
it was while Gen. Howe's division was in this township, he 
sent Gen. Grey in the night to surprise and attack Gen. 
Wayne, near Paoli Inn, when Wayne was surprised and 1' 
of his soldiers were ki' ,d and wounded, and 80 taken pris- 
oners, and his cannon and baggage carried off by the 

Goshen township, (divided in 1817 into East and West 
Goshen township), though originally a portion of the great 
Welsh Tract, and where nearly all of the early Welsh 
Friends had to accept as the location of half of their pur- 
chase from Penn, was too far away to become settled till 
nearly twenty years after the first coming of the Welsh, 
and, for some reason, but few of them settled there. The 



town.hip is presumed to have been organized about 1704, 
as this is the time when it had its first constable, Cad- 
walader Ellis, a Welshman. The oldest extant tax list is of 
1715, and there are few Welshmen mentioned, namely Ellis 
David, Cadwalader Ellis, Ellis William, Thomas Evans, and 
the following non-resident landowners. Dr. Edward Jones, 
Dr. Griffith Owen, Thomas Jones and Robert Jones. Gov. 
Lloyd owned considerable land in the southwest part of the 
tovv^nship. His executors, in 1706, sold 797 and 850 acres 
here. In 1702, they had sold 9G5 acres to John Haines, a 
resident of West Jersey, and the city of Westchester stands, 
made a borougl: in 178S, on part of this tract, and on a part 
of a 1,100 tract owned by Richard Thomas, of Whitland. 
His land lay east of High street, and Lloyd's south of Gay 
street. East of Richard Thomas's land was 346 acres owned 
by Evan Jones, and 350 acres owned by Ellis David. Next 
was a tract of 635 acres owned by John ap Thomas's sons, 
Thomas Jones, &c. The first Welshman to settle in Goshen 
is supposed to have been Robert Williams. An extant peti- 
tion, dated 1731, shows only the following apparently 
Welshmen out of thirty-two signers, Thomas Evans, David 
Davies, Ellis Williams, Richard Jones, and Thomas Price. 
On the extant tax list of 1753, only the Welsh names of 
David Davis, Thomas Evans, and Amos Davis are among 
the taxables, and in the 1774 list, not so many. 









'M'-r, ■ 





The Welsh Friends being of course pious, and in full 
appreciation of the liberty their new home gave them to 
meet for worship without molestation, joined together for 
thanks and communion as soon as they became in a manner 
settled. These first meetings upon their land at the Falls 
of the Schuylkill, were beneath the great trees of the pri- 
meval forest about them, in pleasant weather, and, other- 
wise, at the primitive home of a family in their settle- 
ment, be it then a cave, tent, or a lean-to shelter, and sub- 
sequently in the dwelling houses they immediately erected. 

This was the experience in each Welsh township — 
Merion and Haverford, and subsequently in Radnor, Gos- 
hen, and the others — where the little settlements were far 
apart, for several years, till the inhabitants increased in 
such number, that central, convenient public houses for 
worshi;^ were reijuired. 

At this period, these two contiguous settlements of the 
Welsh Fi'iends, in Merion and Haverfoi'd, with a third 
one, mostly of English psople, in the Western city liber- 
ties, adjoining the great Welsh Tract, held their meetings 
independently, not yet being large enough to effect the or- 
gan' ation peculiar to the Society. 

In Philadelphia, where there was soon a large popula- 
tion of Friends, and there being several small peculiar, 
particular, or preparative meetings, then amenable and 
subordinate to the Burlington monthly meeting, the neces- 
sity for the proper local organization was sooner experi- 
enced and accomplished. Thi first conference of resident 
"city Friends" for this purpose was held on 9. 11 mo. (Jan.) 
1682-3, when it was ordered that those present, and other 
Friends in town, bring their certificates of membership 



and removal, vouching their good standing, issued to them 
by the meetings of whicli they had been members in the 
old country, and submit tliem for examination and record, 
at the business meeting to be held on 6. 12mo. following. 
This was accordingly done by a great number, and on 
6. Imo. (March) 1682-3, the distinctive Philadelphia 
monthly and quarterly meel'iigs were regularly instituted. 

As Lhe initial meetings in Merion and Haverford were 
composed of those \' ho had been friends and neighbors 
in the old country, and belonged to the same monthly meet- 
ing, there v/as no occasion, till long afterwards, for a call 
for certificates as to the standing of anjtjne, hence, there 
are few recorded early in the books of the Haverford (Rad- 
nor) monthly meeting, unlike that of Philadelphia, which 
was in a great measure a congregation of strangers. 

The following are some of the earliest Welsh Tract 
settlers who brought certificates fx'om meetings in Wales 
and England to the Haverford (Radnor) monthly meeting: 
Evan Jones; Mary Elis, widow; Rowland Ellis; Treharn 
David; Evan ap William Powell; David Powell and wife 
Gainor; Philip Evan; Elizabeth Owen; Rebecca Humph- 
rey; Alice V. James Lewis; Thomas Duckett and wife, and 
his sister Maiy; Hugh Roberts; Cadwallader Morgan; 
Hugh John Thomas; John Robert of Llun; Robert David; 
Katheriiie Robert; Gaynor Robert; John Jannan; David 
Meredith; Stephen Evans; David James, Rees Petter; 
John Humphrey; Richard Humphrey; Elizabeth Humpli- 
I'ey, widow; Joshua Owen; Margaret John, widow; John 
Rhydderch; Thomas Jones; Thomas Ellis; John Bevan; 
Ralph LeAvis; John Richard; Rees John; Griffith Owen; 
Sarah Heame; Howell James; Ov/en Morgan; Mary Tyd- 
dur; Matthew Holgate; Ellis Pugh; Robert Tuddur; Robert 
Ellis; Jane Griffith; Anne Jones; Griffith John, widower; 
Robert Owen and wife Rebecca; David Price's children; 
Maud Richard ; John Rice, &c. 

It is of interest that certificates of the following Welsh 
Friends were among the earliest filed in the Philadelphia 



monthly meetirt':: Henry Lewis, Lewis David, and William 
Ilowel, from tlie Redstone meeting, in Pembrokeshire, 
dated 6. 6mo. 1682. They became of the founders of the 
preparative meeting of Haverford. Samuel and James 
Miles, from Mo.tgomery-llainhangel meeting, in Radnor- 
shire, dated 27. 5mo. 1683, who settled in Haverford. 
Thomas Ellis fron^ the quarterly meeting, at Dolyserre, in 
Merionethshire, dited 27. 5mo. 1683, a large Welsh Tract 
landov/ner. Evan Morris, and his wife Gainor, from the 
quarterly meeting at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merionethshire, 
dated 8, 5rao. 1690. They set' led at Gwynedd. Evan Powel, 
a weaver, and his wife Gweii, from Nantmell, Radnorshire, 
dated 20. 3mo. 1698. Thomas Powell and Edward Moore, 
from Landwdaen parish, Radnorshire, dated 20. 3mo. 1698. 
Lumley Williams, from Radnor Town, dated 20. 3mo. 1698. 
These Welsh Friends, all from Radnorshire, came over with 
Penn, in the "Welcome" : Thomas Jones and Evan Oliver, 
and his wife Jean, and their children, David, Elizabeth, 
John, Hannah, Ivlary, Evan, and "Seaborn." 

As said, in the first year, the three small separate meet- 
ings for the Welsh Tract, and the Liberties, had no further 
organization tha^; as independent preparative meetings. In 
Merion Town, there were, in the year 1682, only five 
families, those of Dr. Edward Jones, Robert David, Wil- 
liam Edward, Edward Rees, and John Edward; in Haver- 
ford Town, only the families of Lewis David, Henry Lewis, 
William Howell, and George Painter, and in the adjoining 
"city liberties," only those of Ti:omas Duckett and Barnaby 
Wilcox, wh'le in far off T .dnor Town, there \vei~p. nr '"amilies 
at all, (although by his map, Surveyor-Gener;, Holme 
would aave it believed there were forty settlements in Rad- 
nor tp., and thirty-two in Haverford, in the following 
year). T^ ^efore, it can be said Friends' families across 
the Schuyl d, in 1682-3, ware "faw and far betwet i." 

In June, five months after the Philadelphia Friends' 
fa. allies wc^e numerous enough to s ,5arate themselves from 
the Bui'Iington monthty meeting, and organize the Philadel- 



phia monthly meeting, we learn from the minutes of the 
latter, under 5. -Imo. 1683, that the English Friends living 
over the Schuylkill river, nearest the city, had a small meet- 
ing which {gathered at the home of Thomas Duckett. This 
memorandum, made when the Philadelphia monthly meeting 
was considering the settling of the preparative meetings in 
Philadelphia County, says, it v/as "agreed that there be a 
first-day publick meeting at Philadelphia, and a first-day 
publick meeting at Skuylkill." And "agreed that every other 
first-day there be a publick meeting of friends for the wor- 
ship of the Lord at the house of Thomas Duckett, on th.^ 
other side of Skuylkill, and that the meetings in these two 
places [Philadelphia and Duckett's house], make one 
monthly meeting." 

From this, it might be presumed that the "English 
Friends living over the Schuylkill" were numerous, (but 
they were only two families), and that the Welsh Friends 
were not recognized by the Philadelphians. But other 
minutes clearly show that the Welsh met with the--e English 
at Mr. Duckett's, so it may have been only convenience to 
designate all the little meetings over the Schuylkill, as 
"Duckett's meeting," for, when the Philadelphia quarterly 
meeting was established, composed at first of the Philadel- 
phia, "Duckett's," Tackony, and Poquessin meetings, in 
Philadelphia County, it appears that Welshmen and Eng- 
lishmen represented "Duckett's meeting," or "Skuylkill 
meeting," as it was variously called. But it was not until 
the Philadelphia quarterly meeting of December, 1684, that 
th(= Welsh meetings were distinctively recognized, although 
they "belonged to the quarterly meeting" f ro n the first. 

It has been presumed that after Hugh Roberts arrived 
here with his family, in Nov. 1683, accompanied by four 
families for the "Thomas & Jones tract," namely those of 
the widow Thomas, William Jones, Cadwalader Morgan, and 
Hugh Jones, and John Bevan's, and some other families, 
that settled nearby, or in Haverford, hz set out to organize 
the two Welsh preparative meetings into a monthly meet- 



ing; but this arrangement was not consented to by the 
Philadelphia quarterly meeting till the following spring, 
wh. \, in the minutes of the Philadelphia monthly meet- 
ing, under 4. Imo. 1633-4, is the statement: — "It being 
proposed (o this meeting that the friends of Wales, beyond 
Skuylkill, belonging to the Quarterly meeting, may be 
allowed to keep a weekly and a monthly meeting amongst 
themselves. The meeting agreed, thereunto." 

This was the birth of the Welsh monthly meeting, known 
for several years only as the "Skuylkill monthly meeting," 
but which was called both the Merion, and the Haverford 
monthly meeting later, and subsequently, when the prep:ira- 
tive meeting of Radnor was added, the union became known 
as the Radnor monthly meeting, and ever since has been 
tributary to the Philadelphia quarterly meeting, an arrange- 
ment positively decided upon in 1698, after the Welshmen's 
"boundary line troubles," when these Welsh meetings 
refused to be within the jurisdiction of thf Chester monthly, 
or the quarterly meeting, although locatud in Chester Co., 
and in this stand they had the consent and suppoii; of the 
yearly meeting, as elsewhei'e stated. 

The cause of there being several names for the Welsh 
Friends' montlily meeting may be found in the early custom 
of these Friends to hold their monthly meetings alternately 
with each preparative meeting, those of Merion, Haverford, 
and Schuylkill, as the litt: ^ meeting in the Liberties was 
called, the gatherings being at the dwellings of members of 
the Society, and, from the minutes of these meetings, the 
men's and the women's, it is learned that wherever a monthly 
meeting was held, it was called by the name of the "town" 
in which the dwelling used was situated. This was, of 
course, before the permanent name "Radnor" was adopted. 
As late as 26. 6mo. 1706, the Chester monthly meeting 
minutes record that the Newtown meeting had received 
"ii-m the Merion Monthly Meeting," a general certificate, 



recommending William Lewis, Sr. and Jr., Evan Lewis, 
Lewis Lewis, Rees Howell, William Bevan, and William 

It would be natural to suppose that this new monthly 
meeting had borne pennanently the name of "Merion," 
when the designation "Schuylkill" was dropped, in honor 
of the eldest of the or!:i:inal meetings in the Tract; but in 
deciding upon the name, it was the unanimous wish that it 
should bear the name of "Haverford," (and for the same 
reason it subsequently was called "Radnor"), because of the 
brave opposition that meeting put up against the plot of 
the Chester people to divide the Welsh Tract, and refusing 
courteously but flatly to be in the jurisdiction of the Chester 
monthly meeting. 

The extant minutes of the monthly meetings held at the 
dwellings of Friends in the Western Liberties, Merion and 
Haverfor i, till in 1698, open with the minutes of the first 
four "men' meetings," and seem to be complete for these 
eai'ly years, but then comes a gap nf seven years in them, 
without any known reason, and when the record is resumed, 
the monthly meeting is no longer called "Haverford" but 
"Radnor," without any suggestion why the change of name 
took place. This hiatus is provoking, as it occurs at an 
important time in the life of the Welsh colony, Ihe period 
of its contention for autonomy. And then, too, we might 
have found reliable information concerning the date of 
building the stone meeting house J- r Merion, and what 
accommodations were had for meetings in Meri n and 
Haverford before their houses were erected, aside from 
meeting once a month at dwellings. 

Or, more particularly, the minutes of the men's monthly 
meeting are from 10. 2mo. 1684, to 12. 6mo. 1686 ; 15. omo, 
1693, to 12. 8mo. 1699; 1709 to 9. 9mo. 1704, and from 10. 
lOmo. 1712. (Originals at No. 140 N. 15th St., Philadel- 
phia.) And the minutes of the women's monthly meeting 
are 12. Imo. 16' t-5, to 1740, and from 1746. (Original at 
No. 142 N. 16th St., Philadelphia) . Minutes of the men's 



meeting Merion, 1701-2, 12mo. G to G. 5mo. 1705, and of 
women's meetinj,', Merion, 1702-1705, botli at No. 140 N. 
15th St. Philadelphia. Records of Radnor monthly meet- 
ing from 23. 8mo. 1682 (births, marriages, deaths, certifi- 
cates, &c), originals af No. 142 N. 16th st. Philadelphia. 

The first entry in the records of the "IiJiverford monthly 
meeting," of the Welsh Frien,':-;, in its "old limp-leather 
book," is mider "2d month, 10th., 1683-4," telling that at the 
men's meeting, held at Thomas Duckett's house, "two 
couples passed." These were Thoma Stampford and 
Joane Hooding, and Humphrey Ellis and Gwen Rees, who 
"declared their intentions of marri ?e with each other." 
Each monthly meeting of these Friends appointed a place 
for the holding of the next meeting, of course, always at 
some neighbor's dwelling. "Weekday meeti igs" were also 
held at Mr. Duckett's on each "third day," and "at Haver- 
ford" on 4th days, and "at Merion" on 6th days. 

It is not till long after minutes began to be kept that it 
may be known from them who acted as clerk, overseers, and 
trustees of the "Welsh monthly meeting." On 13. 4mo. 
1695, the clerks of meetings were, John Jai*man, (Rad- 
nor), William Howell, (Haverford), and Robert Owen, 
(Merion). In 5mo. 1693, the monthly laeeting overseers 
were John Roberts and Edward Rees, and in 7mo. 1694, 
Robert Owen and Edward Jones. John Bevan, Rowland 
Ellis, William Howell, David Lawrence, Humphrey Ellis, 
Richard Oi*ms, and Edward Jones, were the "peace mak- 
ers" of the early years. 

The first delegates appointed to attend the quarterly 
meeting, held in Philadelphia, between 13. 9rao. and 11. 
lOmo., 1684, were Griffith Owen and Mary Jones, for Mer- 
ion; John Bevan and Margaret Lewis, for Haverford, and 
"widow ffinger," for Schuylkill. On 11. lOmo. 1684, the 
Welsh Friends ordered Evan Harr to make a copy of all 
the papers brought from this quarterly meeting, for the 
use of the Haverford Monthly meeting. 



The "little unpleasantness" between the Welsh Friends 
and the Chester monthly and quai-terly meetings, which has 
been several times mentioned herein, and about which much 
has elsewhere been printed, may be secii in detail in the 
minutes of the Radnor monthly meeting, in 6mo. 1608. 
That the Chester Friends were exceedingly jealous of the 
supposed rights of their monthly meeting within Chester 
county, may also be seen in many instances in its records. 
As, for instance, when the little pi-eparative meeting of 
Newtown was started, or, when (in llmo. 1(596), "William 
Lewis and some others, proposed to settle a meeting at 
Newtown meeting," the Haverford monthly miceting, on 
11. 14. 1696, consider. 'd and consented to there being such 
a meeting for Newtown, and, as is customary, so formally 
notified the Chester quarterly meeting, which became very 
indignant upon the receipt of this communication, and took 
the matter of the so called presumption of the Haverford 
body before the yearly meeting at Philadelphia. The 
Friends in yearly meeting, aft.r sober debate and subse- 
quent investigation, compromised and settled this dispute, 
by ordering, in 12mo. 1701, the Newtown preparative meet- 
ing, in Chester county, "to remain as it is," and that "for 
the future, ye said Welsh friends may set up no meetings 
further within the sd county of Chester, wit?iout ye appro- 
bation of the Chester quarterly meeting." This certainly 
was a victory for the Welshmen. The Newtown meeting 
contin'-ed a part of the Haverford, or Radnor monthly 
meeting for several years, but in 1705, consented to trans- 
fer its allegiance to the Chester monthly meeting. In 1700, 
1 e Chester quarterly meeting was still concerned about the 
i: 3parative meeting;--; of the Welsh . riends living in Chester 
Co., "which appear not at this meeting, but go to Phil- 
adelphia quarterly meeting." But it does not appear that 
the Chester Friends interfered with the jurisdiction of the 
Welsh Frie; Is over those in the Chester "^/alley, as in llmo. 
1698, "Friends in upper end of Merion, complain they live 
too far from the settled weekly meeting. Ask to have 



weekly meeting among themselves. Approved," by Hav- 
erford monthly meeting. This was the beginning, it may 
be presumed, of the Valley Meetiny, but it was not till many 
years after when these Friends had a meeting house, as a 
minute in 12ino. 1730, says, "arranged to erect a meeting 
house for Valley friends" and in 1 mo. 1730-1, "decided 
to build a meetiiig house at the graveyard of Lewis Walker, 
deceased, which was left by him for this purpose." The fol- 
lowing entry in Haverford, Mo. Mtg. records, as to summer 
arrangements, which is not without interest, 1701, 2mo. 
(April), "the dais now grov/ing long, ffriends made known 
their intention to keep afternoon meetings." The Newtown 
Friends to meet at Lewis Lewis's; the Haverford Friends 
at their meeting house; the Radnor Friends at their meet- 
ing house, and at Rees Thomas's and Ellis Pugh's; th^ Mer- 
ion Friends at their meeting house, and at John Sevan's 
and Cadwalader J organ's, and the Gwynedd Friends at 
Hugh Griffith's. 

The ship "Vine," arriving on 17. 7mo. 1684, bringing 
many V/elsh families to settle in Merion, Haverford, and 
Radnor, increased the population of the Welsh Tract so that 
it was almost immediately necessary to erect appropriate 
houses foi public worship, therefore, probably, two log 
houses were put up at first, one in Merion, and the other in 
Haverford, (though there is evidence that the Friends in 
this township continued to meet for some time r the home 
of John Bevan), in localities most convenient to the major- 
ity of the settlers' families, and most accc. -.ible by the 
bridle paths, or trails, through the woods, for as yet there 
were no roads, nor need of them; but the Schuylkill meet- 
ing continued to be held at the house of Thomas Duckett 
in the "liberty lands," near the river, (on Market Street) . 
But there seems to have been no occasion for a meeting 
house in Radnor before 1717. 

The increase of inhabitants in the Welsh Trac+ also 
called for proper, and central places for burials, and to this 
end the Haverford monthly meeting i/iinutes record: — 



"Alt our montlily meeting held at John Bevan's house 
at Haverford, the 9th of the 8(h month, (1684), it was 
ordered as followeth : This meetnig haveing taken to their 
consideivi.tion the necessity of a burying place, it was ordered 
that Thomas Ducket and Barnaby WiLcox,* for Schoolkill; 
Hugh Roberts and I^obert David, for Morion; George 
Painter and William Howell, for Ilavcrfoi-d, should vi( w 
and set out convenient places for that purpose respectively, 
for the meetings they belong to, as aforesaid." 

This was done, following up the permission given by 
the qua'lerly meeting,, according to its minute, 2. 7mo. 1684, 
to wit: "Agreed that the monthly meeting at Skuylkill 
shall take care for a burying place, and its Enclosure." 
At this meeting, "Skuylkill friends being called, there 
appeared Thomas Duckett and Barnaby Wilcocks" only, 
and the Welsh were not represented. At the next montlily 

*Both of these men served on the grand jury, 27 12mo. 1683-4. 
T>Ir. Willcox, who was a justice in 1CS7-9, and asseinblyman, 1685, 
had been a member of the Bristol monthly meeting, in England, 
where the births of some of his children are recorded, namely, 
"George, 16C7, 6. 22, son of Barncbe and Sarah Wilkox"; Joseph, 
1669, 4. 19; "Hester, 1673, 6 30, daughter of Barnabus and Savah 
Wilkcox"; "Abigael, 1679, 7. 28, daughter of Barnabas and Sai„h 
"Willcox." The will of Sarah Willcox, ^•idow and administrator of 
Barnabas, dated 4th mo. 20, 1692, was proved at Philadelphia, 9mo. 
30. It is not known when and where they married. It was the above 
Joseph W''lcox (mayor of Philadelphia, in 170.5), when an alderman 
of the cit.\, who in the "historical fray," or "drunken brawl," a~ the 
occasion is described (see minutes of the Provincial Council), betv.'een 
the Founder's son, William Penn, Jr., and companions, and the "city 
■watch," in Sept. 1704, at a tavern in Philadelphia, came to the rescue 
of the watchmen, and "fell upon young Penn, and gave him a severe 

Mr. Duckett was a maltster, and brought his certificate, dated 4. 
4mo. 1683, from the "Monthly Jleeting for the East Part of the 
County of Wilts," where the first men's meeting, or monthly meeting 
of record, was held 10. 2mo. 1084. His will, signed 20. 3mo. 1099, 
was proved by his widow, Ruth, 24 June, 1700. 



meeting of Welsh and English Friends, held in 9mo. 1681, 
reports were made that the burying: places had been selected 
and laid out respectively for Merlon and Haverford. 

These minutes do not mention a graveyard for the use 
of Duckett's meeting, or "tho Skuylkill meeting." But in 
the minutes of the Philadelphia quarterly meeting, 2. Imo. 
1684-5, inform that "the meeting appoints Barnaby Wil- 
cocks and Thomas Duckett to apply to the Governor's com- 
missioners for a grant of two acres of Land for a burying 
place on the other side of Skuylkill." This land was 
granted, and became the graveyard, near Duckett's house, 
and along the south side of the "sett, "^d road," about where 
Market and 32d street.s now intersect, and is part of the 
Pensylvania Railroad property. It was used as a general 
burying place for Friends, after the Duckett meeting was 
abandoned, or about 1G88-9, and was known as the "Lower 
Burying Ground," and "Haverford Friends' Ground." In 
1809 there was a committee of the Peniylvania Legislature 
appointed to pass on the validity of Friends' title to this 
land, and it was reported that the graveyard h 1 been used 
up to that time for 120 years, and their title But fm 
Pensylvania Railroad effected some arrangement, and 
took the gi'ound in 1850 for tracks, and the bodies were 

It might seem more natural that the ground selected for 
the burials should be at the meeting houses, than that these 
buildings should be subsequently erected near the grave- 
yards, hence it could be presumed there was at first at 
least a log meeting house in Merion, if not in Haverford. 
But as to. 'he latter, there is the contemporary statement, 
"we have our burying place where we intend our meeting 
house." The Philadelphia monthlj'' meeting, vv'hich first 
took into consideration the erection of a permanent house 
for its meetings on 9. llmo. 1682, did not take up the mat- 
ter of a graveyard for itself till 4. 7mo. 1083. It is notable 
that the Welsh Friends, Thomas Wynne and Lydia Grif- 



fith Jones wero appointed to the buikiing committee, and 
that i)r, Wynne and Plenry Lewis served on the Pliiladel- 
phia graveyard committee. 

In later years, when there was much uncertainty about 
the quality of Penn's deeds for land, and in fact ul;3ut the 
tenure of land generally in the Province, the leading 
Friends, of all nationalities, influenced the Pensylvania 
assembly, in Jan. 170G-7, to request of the provincial 
councillors that the titles to land of meeting htuses and 
graveyards be confirmed, but for some reason the council 
did not grant this request for several years. 

From the records of the Haverford (Radnor) monthly 
meeting, it appears that the English families of Warner, 
Kiete, Willcox, Saunders, Griffith, Diickett, Gardner, Clay- 
ton, and Hearne, were members, in 1684-5, of the Schuylkill 
preparative meeting, and that their children's biii;hs were 
j'icorded as of this meeting up to Gmo. 19, 1685. While 
the general records did not begin so early, the entiy of the 
first birth is 8mo. 29, 1680, In these years, the "Burials 
att Skoolkill Buring Place West Side," were only five, 

16S3. 7mo. 8. Janne Duckett, widdow. 

1684. 7mo. 10. Maiy Duckett, Daughter of Thomas 

ar "^ Mary. 

1 -.5. 6mo. 11. Mary Duckett, Wife of Thomas. 

1085. 9mo. 27. John Rhydderch. 

1685-6. Imo. 3. Mary Keite Wife of Thojnas. 

After 2. 7mo. 1684, the Welsh Friends' meetings, their 
monthly meeting, were regularly represented at the Phila- 
delphia quarterly meetings, sometimes under the designation 
"Friends for the Welsh friends, and Skuylkill," or as "the 
Skuylkill Meeting," "Friends for the other side of Skuyl- 
kill," "Friends appearing for Skuylkill monthly meeting," 
"Friends from the monthly meeting on the other side S'cuyl- 
kill," and "Skuylkill Meetings," and it was not until after 
1688-9, that the designation Haverford monthly meeting 
was used in Philadelphia quarterly meetings. 



The (.lelegali s from '' ^ver the Skuylkill Meeting" to the 
quarterly meetings were the prominent men of the meetings. 
For mstance, in lOmo. 1G84, Thoinas EHis, Griflilh Owen, 
Thomas Duckett, Henry Lewis, Barnabas Wilcocks, and 
John Ecvan; in 4mo. 1685, Barnabas Wilcocks, George 
Paintei', and William Howell. At this session, Duckett and 
Wilcocks wore placed on the committee to oversee the build- 
ing of the new meeting house, in Center Square, Philad-l- 
phia, to be "50 by 35 feet, and 14 feet to roof." In 7mo. 
1G85, Thomas Duckett, John Bevan, John Humphreys, Va\- 
ward Jones, and Georg' Painter, "for the other side of 
Skuylkill, appeared for the service of the yearly meeting." 
In Imo. 1685-G, Griffith Owen, George Painter, John Bevan, 
Edward Jones, Thomas Duckett, and Paul Saunders. In 
4mo. 1686, Jol n Bevan, George Painter, Hugh Roberts, 
Edward Jones, Thomas Duckett, and John Warner. In 
lOmo. 1686, Paul Saunders, George Painter, John Jermin, 
John Warner, Richard Orme. The latter was appointed 
official grave digger in Philadelphia at two shillings a 
grave, "if not a big one," by the Philadelphia monthly meet- 
ing, 12. 7mo. 1685. After his marriage in this meeting, in 
12mo. 1085, to "Mary Tedder, of Harford," Mr. Orme 
resigned, and Thomas Howell was appointed, 17. 4mo. 1686. 

At the quarterly meeting, 7. Imo. 1686-7, "appeared for 
the other side of Skuylkill," John Bevan, William Howell, 
John Roberts, John Evans, and David Meredith. At the 
next quarterly meeting, Griffith Owen, Hugh Roberts, John 
Warner, Henry Lewis, David Lawrence, Richard Ormo 
and John Jermin were the representatives. At the next 
quarterly meeting, held, 3. 7mo. 1687, as before, at "the 
meeting house on the front of the Delaware," William 
Howell, Edward Jones, John Roberts, John Bevan, and 
David Meredith, represented "the Welsh meetings," when 
the "Harford meeting" contributed £5 toward a fund to 
give assistance to a Friend whose home was destroyed by 
fire, and "Merioneth Meeting," gave £6.7.0 for same object, 
but Radnor could only promise 32s. 6d. Griffith Owen, 



Hugh l.'obf'rts, John Evans, David Meredith, William Jenk- 
ins, and William Howe'), attended tlie next Quartcrlj'. Mr. 
Duckett as usual representing his meeting. The minutes of 
the next quarterly meeting, 5. Imo. 1687-8, "Friends 
appeared, to attend the meetin;; : — from Harford, Jolm 
Bevan, and David Lawrence; from Radnor, Ricliard Orme, 
and Reese Peters; frcm Merrioneth, Edward Jones, and 
John Robei'ts; from Skuylkill meeting; Paul Saunders." At 
the next Quarterly, "William Jenkins, and William Howell, 
from Harford ; David Meredith and John Evans from Rad- 
nor;" but "Merryoneth" was not represented. At the quar- 
terly meeting, 2. 6mo. 1688, the German Friends, of the 
Germantown Friends' meeting, had their first delega- 
tion ; but none of the Welsh Friends attended this meeting. 

The second men's meeting, or monthly meeting, of the 
Merion and Haverford Welsh Friends, was held at the home 
of William Shaner, in Radnor, "on the second fifth day of 
the third month," 1684, when the Radnor preparative meet- 
ing was authorized. 

The third men's, or monthly meeting of record was held 
at the house of Hugh Roberts, in Merion, "on the second 
fifth day of the fourth month," 1684, and the next one, in 
5th mo. at the home of John Bevan, in Haverfoi'd. 

In the earliest years, in fact for twenty-five years, the 
Welsh "men's meeting," or the monthly meeting for busi- 
ness, ^ IS transitional. A minute says, "At our monthlj'' 
meeting held at Haverford, 22d of 2d month (1698), it is 
considered that the monthly m.eeting for business be kept 
in course here, at Merion, and Radnor." This changing 
of the place of assembly was the cause of tlie Welsh 
monthly meeting being variously named, as before sug- 
gested, since the name of he place it was held at was given 
to that particular men's meeting, hence we find ti "Mer- 
ion Monthly Meeting," tlie "Haverford Monthly Meeting." 

The Welsh Friend; of course had mo'^ Lhly meetings for 
worship, and what they called "First Day Monthly Meet- 
ings," and "General Monthly Meetings." It may be that 



some of these Welsh people could not understand English, 
and there is a suggestion that RoAvland Ellis acted as inter- 
preter sometimes in meetings; but as a whole they were 
probably an English speaking people, for all their surviving 
documents are written in English, and well done, both as 
to writing and expression. Yet, in one of their petitions 
they said it was their desire "Not to entangle ourselves 
with laws in an unknown tongue." — Penn's laws in English. 

There is evidence that the monthly meeting; of the Vv^elsh 
tr. ct exercised the same authority over its members, as did 
the Englishmen's monthly meetings elsewhere, and not only 
had it care of the piety of the Welsh Friends within its jur- 
isdiction, and of eccleF,'. mistical matters, liaving particular 
care to find if there were "any loose livers," or "disorderly 
walkers" among them, but also, as was Frier 's' custom of 
old, endeavored to adjust or settle disputes 1 veen neigh- 
bors, who were members of a Welsh preparative meeting, 
to prevent them going into the county court with their 
trouble, for Friends have always had a "testimony against" 
law courts. The men's meeting of the Welsh Friends main- 
tained committees, or tribunals, to consider personal dif- 
ferences, after the matter between them had been attempted 
to be adjusted by reference to disinterested parties, mem- 
bers of the meeting ; this method failing, the uitference was 
laid before the men's meeting, which endeavored to reason 
with the disputants, and settle tl ■ misunderstanding. What- 
ever the decision of the meeting was, the two Friends must 
abide by; but should one of them refuse the arbitrament, 
the only thing left for the "unruly one" to do was to with- 
draw from the Society, or for the monthly meeting to "dis- 
own" him. Of course, if one of the disputants was a non- 
Quaker, and spurned the decision, the meeting could go no 
further in the case, and it generally found its way into 
court. But the "Qur ker method" was more often accept- 
able, since lawyer's and court fees were i oided. 

The Welsh monthly meeting also had cognizance of mem- 
bei's "going backward in their outward concerns." It 



insisted that business engajycmc'ts must be kopt, and debts 
paid, and the way of the defaulter was hard indecfl, if he 
was a Welsh Friend. The Welsh "men's meeting" also 
made it its business to watch the reckless, and if anyone 
was discovered "venturing too m.uch in the judgment of the 
elders," be it buying too much land, or what not, he was 
warned in a friendly spirit, and steered out of the danger 
of bankruptcy. Everything was done to avoid calamity to 
the Welsh Friends, especially if it was possible that it might 
bring a scandal to the meeting. These were the lessons 
thej'' had learned in the old country, and they transferred 
these rules into the new. And this was what the Welsh 
Friends meant when they wrote the President: — "we can 
declare with an open face to God and man, that wo desire 
to be by ourselves for no other end or pur;)0se, but at we 
might live together as a civil society ; to endeavor t(^ decide 
all controversaries and debates amongst ourselves in 
a gospel order, and not to entangle ourselves with laws in 
an unknoAvn tongue." 

And this was the reason these Welsh Friends also sat in 
their meetings as the legislative assembly of their "bar- 
ony," and looked after its civic affairs, while nursing the 
claim they made as a State distinct from every county. 
But it cannot be proven that the Haverford men's meeting, 
as a body, ever meddled with the provincial politics, or 
made up county "tickets," or selected candidates for elec- 
tion, outside of their territory, unless i may have been in 
the case of Eckley's candidacy, mentioned elsewhere. 

The following is an example of the Acts and Orders of 
this Legislative Meeting, when taking care of the "onstitu- 
ancy." "It is Ordered by the Meeting and consent of the 
Inhabitants of the Townships of Haverford & Radnor in 
pursuance of a Law in that Case made yt ye Inhabitants 
of ye sd two Townships should pay 1 shilling per hundred 
[? acres] towards ye takeing of woolves." 

Other "Acts" concerned line and division fenr ;s, stray 
cattle, and the utilities of the "State." But, when it would 



seem necessary to have to use force in making an arrest, or 
in protecting j^roperty, the Meeting-Assembly went to the 
Provincial Co acil, and lianded over to it such matters, as, 
for instance, to stop Indi;ais from killing tlie Friends' hogs, 
mentioned elsewhere. 

The Welsh Tract "Assembly" also did police duty for 
itself, and tried to keep out undesirable inhabitants, as, for 
instance: — "Our friend John Bevan, haveing laid before 
this Meeting That divers Persons cams over here, and left 
debts unpaid in those parts and places yt they came from, 
and the Creditors complaining against ye sd Persons that 
they did not receive any satisfaction from them for ye srl 
debts, the ffriends yt are appointed by this Meeting to see 
to such affairs, are desired to deal with them, if there be 
any such belonging to this Meeting." How they were to 
"deal" with these fugitives from obligations is not of record'' 
but the interesting part of this item is that the Assembly- 
Meeting v/as the first to govern through "standing commit- 
tees," "which is a recognized and most important portion of 
the machinery of all of our present-day legislative bodies, 
and some others. This monthly meeting furtlier assumed 
to itself the authority of the "General Court," with legis- 
lative and taxing power in the "Welsh Towns," and as an 
Orphans' Court, it appointed guardians for minor children, 
and if not administrators looked after testamentary pro- 
ceeding's; assisted in settling estates, or apportioning of 
property, especially land, to heirs, as in the case of the 
adjustment of the estate of Thomas Ellis, 16SS-1698, men- 
tioned elsewhere. 

The folloAving matter, one as much secular as canonical, 
also had the earnest attention of this monthly meeting. We 
all know, and Butler ("Hudibras," II, 2) confiniis it, 
"Quakers (that, like lanterns, bear 
Their light within them) , will not svrear," 

And that it is now a long established and proper cus- 
tom rn our courts that anyone having conscientious scruples 
may select to "affii'm," instead of taking a prescribed oath. 



But it may not be generally known that the Friends of 
the Haverford monthly meeting had a conKsidernble part in 
bringing about th'a concession, and that they were obliged 
to help bii.y it. 

In 1704, the statute of 1694-5, by which Quakers were 
not permitted to testify in any case in court, particularly 
in criminal cases, where evidence was given under oath, or 
to serve on juries, or even to hold any office of profit in the 
government, was confirmed by an act of parliament. 

It was understood that the provisions of tins act extended 
to Pensylvania, and disqualified Quakei's here, as well as 
elsewhere. At triat time, the important olP.ces in Pensyl- 
/ania were held by Quakers, and they were in the majority 
in the assembly; but as they did not hold their positions 
from the genera' government of the kingdom, the act did 
not effect them, yet it did the business of the courts, as the 
supreme coui't of Pensylvania held the act extended to Pen- 
sylvania, therefore, criminal cases could not be tried. 
Many important ones* were held-over, and even alleged 
murderers were released on bail. 

This state of affairs obtained for years, until in 1721-5, 
when the provincial council and the assembly passed what 
was known as the "Aflirmation Act," enablinj^ Quakers to 

•■•One of these was that of Hugh Puph, a millwright, and Tho-nas, 
a laborer, charged in Oct. term, 1715, Chester Co. Court, wit;, the 
murder of Jonathan Hayes, of 5' ■ -pie tp., a justice of the peace, 
and member of the as.'^en-'lily. (Tiie Welsh Friends, John Parry, 
Caleb Evans, and David Fai'ry, were fined b\' th.' Chester court for 
refusing to aid the constable in .■.rrcstinp,- Hu,c;h Puph, they having 
conscientious scruples in such matter?..) This case, the first for 
homicide, was tried 17 April, 171S, before David Lloyd, chief justice, 
and associates, at Chester, and the men found guilty, and sentenced 
to be hung on 9 May following. On May 8th, they petitiov jd the 
Governor for a reprieve, till the King should be heard from as to 
the les'lity flf their convii'tion and sentence, claiming that seventeen 
of the grand jury, and eight of the jury which tried their case were 
Quakers, and only affirmed contrary to the statute. There is no 
proof that they were hung. 



testify. But as this Pensylvania act had to receive the 
King's approbation before it was legal and should be in 
force, the Pensylvania Quakers si irted out to It rn if His 
Majesty, George the First, would give it freely, if not, what 
they should do to persuade him. They were not long in 
learning that the King's approvement would have to be pur- 
chased frort"' him personally. Thereupon, the Pensylvania 
Ytarly Meeting gave notice to every monthly meeting that 
collections should be taken up within their jurisdictions, 
to make up a purse for the mercenary monarch. 

The part that the Haverford monthly meeting toolc in 
this matter is of i;ecord in its minutes, as follows : 

1725. 13. timo. "This meeting refers to the consideration 
of ffrds: — getting of money to pay for negotiating ye late 
affirmation act in Great Britain." 

12. 6mo. "Lewis David, Thomas Thomas, and Edward 
William are desired to take frd's contributions in Cash to 
defray the Charge of having the Royal assent to ye affirma- 
tion act & make report thereof at next meetin^j." 

9. 7mo. "The friends appointed to receive fird's contribu- 
tions towards having ye Royal assent to ye Affirmation Act 
is continued, and advised to press friends to bring it in as 
soon as may be, in order to be paid to Richard Hill before 
ye yearly meeting." 

9. lOmo. "Edward Will 'am produced a Receipt signed by 
Richard Hill for £8. 18, received of him and Thomas 
Thomas, towards negotiating the affirmation act, for account 
of this meeting." 

That these first settlers, pioneers in Pen.sylvania, Welsh 
Friends all, were sensible of the part they were taking' in 
building a new world, and wished to appear to posterity at 
their best, both as to their acts and themselves and families, 
jnay be presumed from two of their contemporary records. 

First, in the minutes of the Haverford (Radnor) monthly 
meeting, under date of 12. llmo. 1698, a committee, consist- 
ing of John Bevan, Hugh Roberts, Rowland Ellis, and John 



Humphreys, who were among the leading men of the Welsh 
Tract, were appointed "to inspect and view over the [boolc 
of] minutes of this monthly meeting, since our arrival here, 
that it may be placed in order to enter upon Record for the 
service of generations to come." Ey entry in 9mo. 1697 
it may be learned that this monthly meeting "decidea r' 
buy a book in which t" enter testimonies concerning ffriends 
of this monthly meeting." This v/e take to mean ihat cur 
Welsh Friends vi-Ci'e proud of their acts and proceedings, 
and wished future generations to pi-oht by not only their 
teachings, but thc'r experiences. 

Secondly, in the minutes of the tierion prepax'ative meet- 
ing, under date of 3. 9mo. 1704, "Ordered to file accounts 
cf themselves, Children, servants, and families, and their 
removal to [his country, their place of abode in their native 
country," &c "to be kept in Remembrance to Generations 
to come." i... mbers of the meeting were commanded to 
bring such accounts to the next meeting. At this sitting, it 
was also ordered t, procure a book in which to enter the 
births, marriages, deaths and burials of members of the 
Merlon meeting. 

That: m.any accounts of members and their families vv-ere 
presented and copied into a book, appears on the minutes 
of this meeting, but the book into which they were entered 
as "Remenibrr.ncx; to Generations to come," is. said to have 
been "lost" vs'hen the clerk of the Merion meeting carried oH' 
its recoi'd books at the "separation." But several families 
kept copies of the accounts liled, and they have been pre- 
served to the present d;iy. These accounts, written by them- 
selves, of the antecedents of the first settlers, supplementecl 
by the certificates of removal from Friends' meetings in the 
old country, and' in several cases by "long drawn out" 
genealogies in the Welsh tongue, are what makes the pedi- 
grees of these early settlers so substantial. 

It appears from the minutes of the Merion meeting that 
the following members filed sketches of themselves. 1704, 
8. lOmo., Dr. Edward Jones, Rowland Ellis, and his uncle. 


John Hump! i"ey, "per R. Ellis"; on 5. llmo., John Roberts, 
Dr. Thomas Wynne, "per E. Jones" ; on 2. 12mo., Edwai'd 
Rees, Rees John, "per son Richard Jones, of Llwyn-Gwrill, 
Clynin parish, Merioneth," and on 2. Imo. 1704-5, William 
Howard, John Edward, "per brother William Howard," 
Evan Edward, "per brother Wi'liam Howai'd," and Rich- 
ard Walter. 

The below data as to the bii'tli dates of some of the 
earliest settlers in the first "Towns" of the Welsh Tract, in 
this connection is of interest. It is from a paper which 
passed through the hands of Jesse George, and who indenti- 
fied it, on 1. 22. 1775, as having been memoranda made by 
Edward Roberts (a son of the minister, Hugh Roberts), 
when on a visit to Merionethshire, from the original records. 
Mr. George says that David George was appointed in 1750, 
by the Radnor Mo. Mtg., to record the births of children of 
members of the meeting, and that Hugh Roberts, a son of 
the aforesaid Edward Robei'ts, gave him this paper. In 
1 ^58, Jesse George v/as appointed to record the births, and 
he copied Edward Roberts's data into the pi'oper book, 
"which was all in the Briti.-;h language." It may be noticed 
that Edward did not give to some of the children the sur- 
names they afterwards i jed. 






■ page). 

Elizabeth Edward, 






Sarah Edward, 






Elizabeth Edward, 






Catherine Thomas, 






Robert Roberts, 






Evan Thomas, 






Ellin Roberts, 






Catherine Edward, 






Evan Edward, 






Mary Thomas, 






John Evan, 





Owen Roberts, 






Jane David, 






Marl .. Jones, 











Parent, po'jr). 

Hannah Jones, 






Cadwalhider Thnnias, 






Morgan Morgan, 






Recs Rees, 






Catherine D;ivid, 






Edward Roberts, 






Jonathan Jones, 






Catherine Rees, 






Edward Edward, 






William Roberts, 






Edward Morg n. 






Sydney Thomas, 






Rachel Ellis, 









Moses " 









2. " 

Aaron " 




Evan " 




88. " 

Jane " 





The scope of the "business" of th •. leaders of the Welsh 
monthly meeting seems to us to have been very wide, even 
limitless as far as the concerns and conduct of its members 
were concerned, for tlie ministers and elders were the guard- 
ians and monitors of the people. But, whatever m^y be 
said, or supposed of any other Friends' meeting, in no min- - 
utes of theirs does it appear that the ruling Welsh Friends 
used their authority to the limit. It is the diversity only of 
their official employment that would be mo-t remarkable, 
if it was not known they were controlling and regulating- 
immigrants in a new country. And this was the first experi- 
ence of Quakers in living entirely under the control of the 
Meeting, for at home surroundings were different, and one 
might evade "the riles," many of which for this reason 
were "dead letter" there, but here were enforced, where 

*"Arrived with thei:- family in Pensyl\^Tnia about the beginning of 
the lOmo. 1690. The said Robert [Ellis] died in lOmo. 1697, and his 
■wife [Ellin] within two weeks after." 



there was nothing but "Quaker Rules." It was obey, or 
suffer, — not corporal punishment, — but just the inward 
suffering that hurts more than any bodily pain. Here, com- 
parison between the Friends and the Puritans, in like con- 
ditions, would suggest partisanship. But in time, changed 
conditions has curtailed the grc: ■ responsibility of the 
Fx'iends' ministers and elders. 

Ill addition to the variety of the work put on the monthly 
meeting, or the leading men and women of it, already men- 
tioned, it may be learned from the records of the Haverford 
Mo. Mtg. that sometimes matters which should have been 
settled at home, in the family circle, were laid before the 
meetiiig, and incorporated in the minutes, as, on 4. llmo. 
1702, the trouble her father had with Hannah Jones, be- 
cause she persisted in "keeping company with Rees Wil- 
liam," after her father had warned her not to have any- 
thing to do with him. He asked aid of the meeting 
(Wo nen's Radnor Mo. Mtg.), to influence Hannah to obey 
him. A minute, in 1693, shows the concern of the monthly 
meeting on account of the tendency of certain Friends, and 
neighbors, "to foUov/ the vain customs of the world," there- 
fore, a committee from the three meetings, Merion, liaver- 
ford and Radnor, was appointed to have "inspection" over 
these '.ack-sliders, and' bring them the sense of the right 
way they should behave. 

In 1G95, "disorder at Friends funerals" claimed the at- 
tention of the Haverford monthly meeting, for it was re- 
ported that some mourners were "remarked for immoderal ■, 
speaking," and others "for want of seriousness and 
gravity" And in 2mo. 1703, "it is friends desire that 
friends be not Restless in m.eetings, and stand up in Meet- 
ings, and turn their heads to Pub!' -k friends when they 
are bearing Testimony; that such be spoken to." In 1606, 
there was much concern in the monthly meeting because 
David Powell posted on the meeting house door certain ac- 
cusations against other Friends (unnamed), "before they 
were dealt with according to Gospel order." This seems to 



indicate that it was the custoir. at that day to phice "testi- 
monies of denial" in prominent positions at a house. 
In 1726, the representatives to the Philadelplua quarterly 
meeting from the Welsli meetings are instructed to report 
"that things amonsst us is not as v/ell as we could desire; 
but a ' nnant hopes to obtain the victory." This refers to 
some ■ A' unknov/n diragrcemcnt between the majority and 
the minority in the Havei'ford Mc. Mtg., and the smaller 
party was the ministers and elders. On 8. 8mo. 1713, we 
have an example of arbitration by the monthly meeting, 
when "Friends appointed to end the differences between 
David William and John Robeii; Ellis, reported they have 
agreed to an award, or detei-mination between them." On 
the same date, v/e have a diiferent example of the "work" 
of the monthly meeting, when "the Merion overseers bring 
a complaint of Edward Rees against Josh; a Owen that he 
does not take care to pay him some money that has been due 
to him several years. Edward Jones and John Roberts 
appointed to speak to him to take care to pay his just debts." 
In 9mo. 1717, the matter of "regulation of weddings at 
private houses considered, on advice of the 'early meeting, 
which desired marriages to be only in the meeting house, 
excepting by permission of a monthly meeting," — this rule 
was an echo of their ancestors, members of the Church of 
Rome, and one still enforced by "the greatest hierarcl;7 en 

The matter and manner of courtships and marriages 
among these Welsh Friends was one of the first considera- 
tion, and their rules were firmly maintained, and impressed 
on the young and their elders. The rite -vas clean. Be- 
trothals carelessly entered into, resulting often in "broken 
engagements," were not possible, and "membership" be re- 
tained, for even there were rules of courtship to be observe J, 
and they were enforced, therefore, though the countiy was 
tliinly settled, and homes of the betrothed far apart, bund- 



ling was not loleraled, as it wap at that time in other Ameri- 
can colonies, and long subsequently in this, "up the State.'"" 
In this matter, the Haverfcird Mo. Mtg. has the following 
minute, "That all young men among Friends malce known 
their intentions to their parents, or guardians, before they 
acquaint the woman's relations, and mal^e it known to the 
woman's parents, or guardian, before they speak to them 
[that is, before the young couple ask consent together], 
and if any do otherwise, they shall condemn the same." 

*From the Men's and Women's minutes of the Concord monthly 
meeting, 4. 2. 1740, "Women Friends complained of "Wary Wright, now 
House," as follows "for gc .ig to be married by a Priest, and mai'ry- 
ing in a very uncommon way, by jDuttins' ofT her Close and puttin'j 
on a shift, in order to serene her husband from her former husband's 
debts." Mary for this, and "marrying out," was disowned, 3. 4. 1741. 

This seems to have beeTi a way of eva-ling the Provincial law as to 
certain old debts, and the celebrated statesman, Benjamin Franklin, 
say in his Autobiograiihy that he just "took to wife" the young 
woman (a presumed widow wb.o passed as his wife, and was the 
alleged mother of Franklin's bastai'd son. Gov. William Franklin, of 
Nev/ Jersey. — See Pa. Maga?ine, Sept. 1911), and who was the 
mother of Mrs. Sarah Bache after this "wedding,'' and no marriage 
ceremony was performed, although he was then, and afterwards, 

inected with Christ P. E. Church, Philadelphia, else he could have 

n compelled to pay his wife's former "hu.sband's" debts, which 
were considerable when he disappeared, althou^', ' this "husband" had 
a wife living when he "married" Franklin's subs"-.;uent "wife." He 
must have known of the trick of shifting such debts, but preferred to 
have only a "common law wife," which turned out to be a very dis- 
agreeable reminiscence for some descendants of his daughter,— his 
son hi d no issue. 

Mr. Watson, in "Annals of Philadelphia," also mentions that in 
1734: — "A widow of Thiladelphia was married in her shift, without 
any other apparel upon her from a supposition pi'eviJent then that 
such a procedure would sc ure her husband in the law from bein* 
sued for any debts of his predecessor," and that "Kalm, in 1748, 
confirms this fact as a common occurrence when her husband dies in 
debt. She thus affects to leave all to his creditors." The same 
traveller tells of a woman going from her home to the house of her 
intendc. husband in her shift only, and he meets her on the way and 
clothes her before witnesses, saying, "I lend these clothes." 



But, this order obeyed, did not release a Meeting from 
appointing a committee to find out tiie moral standing of 
the candidates for matrimony, and also, if possible, to learn 
if both were "clear" to marry. "Having declared their in- 
tentions of marriage before this Meeting," a committee of 
several elderly members was "ordered to inspect as to their 
Clearness, and to bring an account thei'eof to the next Meet- 
ing." There never was any question but that the candi- 
dates were thoroughly "inspected," for if there were ever 
any cases of bigamy among Friends, they never made a 
minute f it. A month after this "declaration," the couple, 
"having laid their Intention of Marriage the second time 
before this Meeting, and nothing but Clearness found on 
each side," the candidates are "left to their freedom to 
proceed therein," and stand up and make their vows one to 
another and that they took each other in marriage, when 
the "Spirit moved them" to do so before any Public Meeting 
of Friends. 

This orderly proceeding in the matter of the second im- 
portant event of life, had everything to do with the orderly, 
clean life in the Welsh Tract, in the years it was virtually 
under the care of Welsh Fi-iends. 

Whether all young Friends approached marriage in the 
solemn manner that the following young Quaker did, I do 
not know, since there are not enough similar confessions 
presented to decide, but this one certainly went about it 
deliberately. Richard Davies, of Cloddean cochion, and 
Welsh Pool, (or Walsch Pole, as Leland wrote the name), 
in Montgomeryshire, who wa.. one of the subscribing wit- 
nesses, on 11 July, 1681, to Penn's "Conditions and Conces- 
sions to Adventurers for Land," and who had a patent from 
Penn, dated in June and July, 1682, for 5,000 acres of the 
Welsh Tract land, as set forth elsewhere as "Company No. 
7," tells in his autobiography how "the Good Lord alone pro- 
vided an help-meet" for him, after, as he says, "I prayed 



unto Him that she might be of His own providing, for it 
was not yet manifest to nie whore she was, or who she was." 

His is an unconventional love-story: — 

"But, one time, as I was at Horslydown Meeting, in South- 
wark, I heard a woman Friend open her mouth, by way of 
testimony arM.inst an evil, ranting spirit that did oppose 
Friends much in tl ose days. 

"It came to me from the Lord that that woman was to 
be my wife, and to go with me to the countiy, and to be an 
help-meet for me. 

"After Meeting, I druw somewhat near to her, bat spoke 
nothing, nor took any acquaintance with her. Nor did I 
know when, or where I should see her again. I was very 
willing to let the Lord order it, as it seemed best to Himself, 
and therein I was easy. 

"In time, the Lord brought us acquainted with one an- 
other. She confessed she had some sight of the same thing 
that I had seen concerning her. 

"So, after some time, we parted, and I was freely resigned 
to the will of God. 

"When we came together again, I told her, if the Lord did 
order her to be my wife, she must come with me to a strange 
country, whei'e there were no Friends but what God, in time, 
might call and gather to Himself. 

"Upon a little consideration, she said, if the Lord should 
order it so, she must go with her husband, though it wei'e 
to the wilderness. 

"Being somewhat sensible of the workings of God upon 
ler spirit in this matter, she was willing to consider in her 
mind as to what He wrought in her. But by hai-kening 
to one who had not well weighed the matter, she became 
disobedient to what God had revealed to her, which brought 
great sorrow and trouble upon her. 

"I went to see her in this poor condition, and rested satis- 
fied with the will of God in this concern, being freely re- 
signed if the Loi'd had v\'rought the same thing in her, as 
•was in me, to receive her as His gift to me. 



"Aftc;- some time, we waited upon the Lord together. 

"She arose, and declare d before me, and the other Friends 
who had begot doubts, and reasonings in her mind, that, 
in the name and power of God, she consented to be my wife, 
and to go along with me, wither the Lord should order us. 

"I said, in the fear of the Lord, 'I receive thee as the Gift 
of God to nie.' " 

"So I rested," concludes Mr. Davies, "satisfied with the 
will of God, for a farther accomplishment of it," that she 
would not back out again, but would marry him. "They 
were married, and lived happily ever afterwards," and had 
a son, David Davies, who was living at the time Mr. Davies 
signed the "Concessions." 

The solemn, stilted style of "the greatest Quaker of them 
all," in his love-making letters, when he was past 51 years, 
to the homely woman, over 30 years old, who became his 
second wife on 11 Nov. 1695, are reproduced to show the 
acme of Friends' love-letters of the period. However, we 
should make some allowance for Friend William, as he had 
been schooled in "the gayest Court of Christendom." As 
these two letters were sent to Hannah's father to read first, 
before handing them over to her, it is evident that Mr. Penn 
himself now bowed to the custom prevalent among the 
Friends, which the Haverford monthly meeting insisted 
upon being obseiTed, as above. 

"1st. 12mo. 1694-5. 

"I cannot forbeare to Write -where I cannot forebeare to Love as 
I love my dearest Hanri;'.;i, a;. ' if yt be a fault, till she ceases to be 
.so lovely, I need no Apoi .■■ y for it. Receive, then, my Dearest Heart, 
the Embraces of the best love I have, that lives & flows to thee every 
day, with Continual desires for thy felicity every way: more especially 
in the best things wch setts all to rights, & g:ives a peace above the 
little & lovj interruptions of this world. Suffer not anything of it to 
disturbe c abate thy satisfaction, but feel thy peace bottom'^ upon 
that whicii is unchangeable, o meet me there, myn own Dearest, in 
thy retired walks & recesses from the world; & lett our fellowship 
be enlarged in nobler Relation, wch time cannot dissolve; which 
gives us Courage, Sweetness, affection, truth & Constancy in the 
discharge of our Lower relation. The Lord in his wisdom & goodness, 



bless comfort, fortefy & sotile thy niinde & spirit move and more, 
above every careful thought, and anxious and doubtful reflection, with 
wch the most worthy, tender, & humble spirits are too often assaulted 
and but too incident to disquiet themselves with. In all which, my 
heart still loves & embraces thee above every other worldly comfort, 
of which thou hadst a pi'oof in tliy last I'eceipt, wch, tho I held the 
lower part too neer, & made it in part illegible I read enough to be 
sensible & Concerned with most endeared afTeetion for my poure doare 
H. and rejoyced yt last time it seemed over. * * * Nov/, my 
Dearest, I will say no more, only remember the receipt for the eyes, 
& apply it, and at all times, & in all conditions remember thou art 
sure of the love and friendship of Him that is more than he could 
ever tell thee. Thyn V/hilst., 

"Wm. Penn."